变迁中的政治机会结构与政治参与
|
摘要
本文在定量和定性多重研究方法融合的基础上，通过分析互联网新媒体、政治机会结构变迁等因素对政治参与的影响，借中国案例，探索相应的公众政治参与行为变化（如参与规模、参与选择、参与策略、参与形式等），并基于国家治理的视角，解析政府政策对公众参与变化的回应现状及未来展望。以期为剧烈变革时期政治社会转型提供理论支持，学理化呈现当前中国政治参与、政治机会结构变迁与国家治理回应之间的相互关系，并将中国实践和经验的理论化成果纳入政治科学体系之中，建构国家治理研究的新进路。
全文首先从宏观和微观两个角度回顾性评价已有研究成果的学科分布、概念发展、理论演化、实证验证等不同进展，并指出已有文献在研究视角单一、研究内容单薄、验证结果冲突、研究方法使用不平衡、研究主题缺乏交叉验证等方面不足，这些问题导致此主题研究无法从根本上实现社会科学研究知识的增量进步。
其次，概要梳理政治信息传播载体的演化历史及不同传播载体对政治参与的影响，同时着重分析互联网新媒体对政治参与影响及其在中国的现实表现，特别指出互联网在提升政治信息传播速度、延展政治信息传播时效、拓展政治信息传播空间等方面的正面效能。当然，也指出新媒体信息传播对政治参与带来的负面影响及对其矫正。
同时，通过比较地解读政治参与的传统分析视角，引出“政治机会结构”理论，在回顾政治机会结构理论变迁的历史条件及相关实证检验基础上，扩展了政治机会结构理论研究范畴，并表明其对中国政治参与解释的适应性和影响力，如在探索政治参与发生的因果机制，解读政治参与过程，链接宏观研究与微观分析等方面的理论价值。指出政治机会结构理论为理解中国政治参与发生、发展及其成败提供了动态新视角。
再次，在完成以上一般性理论框架建构后，将研究视野转入中国，阐述中国语境下互联网新媒体和政治机会结构变迁对政治参与影响的现实表现。
为进一步验证相关理论对中国实践的适用性，从案例实证研究和数理实证研究出发，进行对比验证。案例研究部分针对中国民众常见的“信访”这一政治参与现象进行分析表明：中国政府和公众在信访案例中对互联网技术的吸纳使用过程，以及中国信访制度变迁中所展现的政治机会窗口的开启线索；一方面展示中国政府在面向新信息技术对政治结构冲击中所具有的适应性和调整能力，另一方面也展现中国公众面对信息技术变迁，把握政治参与机会、调整自身参与策略的能力。
数理实证部分以中国家庭调查数据（CFPS，2010），采用多元线性回归方程，建立相关模型来检验互联网新媒体使用和政治机会结构变迁等相关变量对我国村/居选举投票的影响关系，结果表明，村/居公众平均使用互联网并运用新媒体的比例越高，其整体投票率越高，此外，政治机会结构同样与政治参与正相关。但比较政治机会结构与新媒体使用两因素对政治参与行为影响程度时，发现起到信息获取作用的新媒体具有更高的影响力。即信息透明度和信息公开相比较政治参与渠道而言，对中国政治参与影响程度更大。
最后，基于上述分析，探索将中国政治参与纳入国家治理范畴进行回应的可能性和必要性，通过对当前中国国家治理回应策略和政策归纳性评估，尝试探讨其进一步改进的空间。指出当前国家治理回应的主要类型多体现在政治输入阶段（Political Input Phase），对于政治输出阶段（Political Output Phase）的国家治理回应较少；追求短期效果改良的回应政策较多，而对于追求长期全局化制度化的回应政策较少。面对政治参与扩大化的未来，国家治理回应完善需基于以下逻辑进路考量：即未来回应策略需更加全面、更加连贯、更加稳健及合理运用非正式回应和特定回应政策。最终实现缔造与社会发展现实相适应的国家治理体系，促进高品质政治参与和国家治理现代化在中国的实现。
This study analyzes influences of China’s Internet access, new media and politicalopportunity structure on political participation and then compares them. Based on theintegration of quantitative and qualitative methods, I explore related public politicalparticipation behavior change (such as the scales, choices, strategies and forms ofparticipation) in China, analyze and evaluate the current situation of governance response.This study aims to provide theoretical support for China’s political and socialtransformation in this drastic reform period, to present matching conditions betweenpolitical participation, political opportunity structure and state governance response, andto incorporate China’s related practices and theoretical achievements into the theoreticalsystem of political science, thus finding a new avenue for the research on stategovernance.
To begin with, this study retrospectively evaluates the developments of subjectdistribution, concept development, theoretical evolution and empirical studies in existingresearch achievements from both the macro and micro aspects, and then points out theshortcomings of current literatures—single research perspective, stuffless researchcontent, controversial testing results, unbalanced research methods, deficient crossvalidation, which makes it impossible to increase the knowledge of current social scienceresearch. This section lays the theoretical foundation for establishing a systematicresearch framework.
Secondly, I simply review the evolution of political information communicativemedium and influences of different communicative mediums on political participation, andanalyze the effect of Internet access and new social media on political participation inChina, especially the roles of Internet in increasing the speed of political informationcommunication, improving its effectiveness and expanding its space. The negative impactof new social media on political participation and corresponding correction methods arealso taken into account.
Meanwhile, by comparing traditional analytical perspectives on political participation,this article provides a new angle as political opportunity structure. Based on reviews ofhistorical conditions of political opportunity structural change and related empirical tests, Iexpand the research scope of political opportunity structure theory and illustrate itsadaptability to the explanation of political participation, reveal the evolution process andcausal mechanism of political participation, as well as build a bridge betweenmacro-research and micro-analysis, thus helping people to better understand theemergence, development and result of political participation.
In addition, based on the above general theoretical framework, taking China as anexample, this study analyzes the actual influences of Internet access, new social mediaand political opportunity structural change on political participation.
To test the applicability of related theories in China’s practice, the dissertation startswith a case study and a quantitative study to conduct a comparative analysis. The casestudy analyzes the common phenomenon of public political participation inChina—petitions (appealing by letter or in person). It discusses the process of Internettechnology being applied in petitions by the public and governments, and the opening ofpolitical opportunity window in the institutional change of China’s petitions, whichdemonstrates the flexibility of China’s governments confronting the impact of newinformation technology on political structure as well as the adaptability of the public facingthe rapid development of information technology and political opportunity.
The quantitative study employs the data of China Family Panel Studies (2010) by theInstitute of Social Science Survey in Peking University to run multivariate regressionmodels, and then test the influences of Internet access, new social media use and politicalopportunity structure variables on votes in community selection. The results are showedas followings: Internet access and new social media use together will significantlyincrease the public’s political participation; political opportunity structure is in directproportion with political participation; compared with political opportunity structure, newsocial media use has much stronger impact on political participation, which means that thetransparency and openness of information are more influential than political participationchannels.
Last but not least, based on the above exploration, the piece tests the possibility andnecessity of incorporating China’s political participation into the research field of stategovernance, evaluate China’s current state governance response strategies and policies,and then discuss the room for further improvements. This paper clearly states that themain categories of current state governance response exist in Political Input Phaseinstead of Political Output Phase; and response strategies aiming at the short-termimprovement are much more than those aiming at long-run institutionalization. With therapid enlargement of political participation, the improvement of state governanceresponse strategies should be more comprehensive, coherent and robust, with the properuse of informal responses, so as to establish a new state governance system adapting tothe practical needs of our social development, and to advance the realization ofhigh-quality political participation and the modernization of state governance in China.
全文首先从宏观和微观两个角度回顾性评价已有研究成果的学科分布、概念发展、理论演化、实证验证等不同进展，并指出已有文献在研究视角单一、研究内容单薄、验证结果冲突、研究方法使用不平衡、研究主题缺乏交叉验证等方面不足，这些问题导致此主题研究无法从根本上实现社会科学研究知识的增量进步。
其次，概要梳理政治信息传播载体的演化历史及不同传播载体对政治参与的影响，同时着重分析互联网新媒体对政治参与影响及其在中国的现实表现，特别指出互联网在提升政治信息传播速度、延展政治信息传播时效、拓展政治信息传播空间等方面的正面效能。当然，也指出新媒体信息传播对政治参与带来的负面影响及对其矫正。
同时，通过比较地解读政治参与的传统分析视角，引出“政治机会结构”理论，在回顾政治机会结构理论变迁的历史条件及相关实证检验基础上，扩展了政治机会结构理论研究范畴，并表明其对中国政治参与解释的适应性和影响力，如在探索政治参与发生的因果机制，解读政治参与过程，链接宏观研究与微观分析等方面的理论价值。指出政治机会结构理论为理解中国政治参与发生、发展及其成败提供了动态新视角。
再次，在完成以上一般性理论框架建构后，将研究视野转入中国，阐述中国语境下互联网新媒体和政治机会结构变迁对政治参与影响的现实表现。
为进一步验证相关理论对中国实践的适用性，从案例实证研究和数理实证研究出发，进行对比验证。案例研究部分针对中国民众常见的“信访”这一政治参与现象进行分析表明：中国政府和公众在信访案例中对互联网技术的吸纳使用过程，以及中国信访制度变迁中所展现的政治机会窗口的开启线索；一方面展示中国政府在面向新信息技术对政治结构冲击中所具有的适应性和调整能力，另一方面也展现中国公众面对信息技术变迁，把握政治参与机会、调整自身参与策略的能力。
数理实证部分以中国家庭调查数据（CFPS，2010），采用多元线性回归方程，建立相关模型来检验互联网新媒体使用和政治机会结构变迁等相关变量对我国村/居选举投票的影响关系，结果表明，村/居公众平均使用互联网并运用新媒体的比例越高，其整体投票率越高，此外，政治机会结构同样与政治参与正相关。但比较政治机会结构与新媒体使用两因素对政治参与行为影响程度时，发现起到信息获取作用的新媒体具有更高的影响力。即信息透明度和信息公开相比较政治参与渠道而言，对中国政治参与影响程度更大。
最后，基于上述分析，探索将中国政治参与纳入国家治理范畴进行回应的可能性和必要性，通过对当前中国国家治理回应策略和政策归纳性评估，尝试探讨其进一步改进的空间。指出当前国家治理回应的主要类型多体现在政治输入阶段（Political Input Phase），对于政治输出阶段（Political Output Phase）的国家治理回应较少；追求短期效果改良的回应政策较多，而对于追求长期全局化制度化的回应政策较少。面对政治参与扩大化的未来，国家治理回应完善需基于以下逻辑进路考量：即未来回应策略需更加全面、更加连贯、更加稳健及合理运用非正式回应和特定回应政策。最终实现缔造与社会发展现实相适应的国家治理体系，促进高品质政治参与和国家治理现代化在中国的实现。
This study analyzes influences of China’s Internet access, new media and politicalopportunity structure on political participation and then compares them. Based on theintegration of quantitative and qualitative methods, I explore related public politicalparticipation behavior change (such as the scales, choices, strategies and forms ofparticipation) in China, analyze and evaluate the current situation of governance response.This study aims to provide theoretical support for China’s political and socialtransformation in this drastic reform period, to present matching conditions betweenpolitical participation, political opportunity structure and state governance response, andto incorporate China’s related practices and theoretical achievements into the theoreticalsystem of political science, thus finding a new avenue for the research on stategovernance.
To begin with, this study retrospectively evaluates the developments of subjectdistribution, concept development, theoretical evolution and empirical studies in existingresearch achievements from both the macro and micro aspects, and then points out theshortcomings of current literatures—single research perspective, stuffless researchcontent, controversial testing results, unbalanced research methods, deficient crossvalidation, which makes it impossible to increase the knowledge of current social scienceresearch. This section lays the theoretical foundation for establishing a systematicresearch framework.
Secondly, I simply review the evolution of political information communicativemedium and influences of different communicative mediums on political participation, andanalyze the effect of Internet access and new social media on political participation inChina, especially the roles of Internet in increasing the speed of political informationcommunication, improving its effectiveness and expanding its space. The negative impactof new social media on political participation and corresponding correction methods arealso taken into account.
Meanwhile, by comparing traditional analytical perspectives on political participation,this article provides a new angle as political opportunity structure. Based on reviews ofhistorical conditions of political opportunity structural change and related empirical tests, Iexpand the research scope of political opportunity structure theory and illustrate itsadaptability to the explanation of political participation, reveal the evolution process andcausal mechanism of political participation, as well as build a bridge betweenmacro-research and micro-analysis, thus helping people to better understand theemergence, development and result of political participation.
In addition, based on the above general theoretical framework, taking China as anexample, this study analyzes the actual influences of Internet access, new social mediaand political opportunity structural change on political participation.
To test the applicability of related theories in China’s practice, the dissertation startswith a case study and a quantitative study to conduct a comparative analysis. The casestudy analyzes the common phenomenon of public political participation inChina—petitions (appealing by letter or in person). It discusses the process of Internettechnology being applied in petitions by the public and governments, and the opening ofpolitical opportunity window in the institutional change of China’s petitions, whichdemonstrates the flexibility of China’s governments confronting the impact of newinformation technology on political structure as well as the adaptability of the public facingthe rapid development of information technology and political opportunity.
The quantitative study employs the data of China Family Panel Studies (2010) by theInstitute of Social Science Survey in Peking University to run multivariate regressionmodels, and then test the influences of Internet access, new social media use and politicalopportunity structure variables on votes in community selection. The results are showedas followings: Internet access and new social media use together will significantlyincrease the public’s political participation; political opportunity structure is in directproportion with political participation; compared with political opportunity structure, newsocial media use has much stronger impact on political participation, which means that thetransparency and openness of information are more influential than political participationchannels.
Last but not least, based on the above exploration, the piece tests the possibility andnecessity of incorporating China’s political participation into the research field of stategovernance, evaluate China’s current state governance response strategies and policies,and then discuss the room for further improvements. This paper clearly states that themain categories of current state governance response exist in Political Input Phaseinstead of Political Output Phase; and response strategies aiming at the short-termimprovement are much more than those aiming at long-run institutionalization. With therapid enlargement of political participation, the improvement of state governanceresponse strategies should be more comprehensive, coherent and robust, with the properuse of informal responses, so as to establish a new state governance system adapting tothe practical needs of our social development, and to advance the realization ofhigh-quality political participation and the modernization of state governance in China.
引文
1Joseph S. Nye Jr., Scholars on the Sidelines, The Washington Post, April13,2009.
2Petrocik, J. R.,&Steeper, F. T.(2010). The Politics Missed by Political Science.Political Science,8(3).
3Hood, C.(2007). Public Service Management by Numbers. Public Money andManagement,27(2).
1政治学在美国分为进一步细分为美国政治、国际关系、比较政治等。Pierson, Paul.(2007). The costs of marginalization: Qualitative methods in the study of American politics.Comparative Political Studies,40,145-169.
2Pierson, P.(2007). The Costs of Marginalization Qualitative Methods in the Studyof American Politics. Comparative Political Studies,40(2).
3King, G.(2013). Restructuring the Social Sciences: Reflections from Harvard’sInstitute for Quantitative Social Science. Copy at http://j. mp/Wj5iBC Export BibTexTagged XML.
4Singh, J.(1995). Measurement issues in cross-national research. Journal ofInternational Business Studies,26(3),597-619.
5Ricci, D. M.(1984). The tragedy of political science: Politics, scholarship, anddemocracy. Yale University Press.
1Bennett, Andrew,&Elman, Colin.(2006). Qualitative research: Recentdevelopments in case study methods. Annual Review of Political Science,9,455-476.
2Levy, J. S.(2007). Qualitative methods and cross-method dialogue in politicalscience. Comparative Political Studies,40(2),196-214.
3Mahoney, J.,&Goertz, G.(2006). A tale of two cultures: Contrasting quantitativeand qualitative research. Political Analysis,14(3),227-249.
4King, G., Schlozman, K. L.,&Nie, N.(Eds.).(2009). The Future of Political Science.Taylor&Francis US.
1King, G., Keohane, R. O.,&Verba, S.(1994). Designing social inquiry: Scientificinference in qualitative research. Princeton University Press.
2Mahoney, J.,&Goertz, G.(2006). A Tale of Two Cultures. Political Analysis,14(3).
3Hall, Peter.(2003). Aligning Ontology and Methodology in Comparative Politics. InMahoney, J.,&Rueschemeyer, D.(Eds.).(2003). Comparative Historical Analysis in theSocial Sciences. Cambridge University Press.
4Denzin, Norman.1978[1970].The Research Act In Sociology: A TheoreticalIntroduction To Sociological Methods. New York: McGraw-Hill.
5徐湘林.(2004).从政治发展理论到政策过程理论：中国政治改革研究的中层理论建构探讨,中国社会科学,3.
1Mahoney, J.,&Villegas, C. M.(2008). Historical inquiry and comparative politics.inBoix, C.,&Stokes, S. C.(Eds.).(2007). The Oxford handbook of comparative politics.Oxford Handbooks Online.pp.73-89.
1参见数据库简介http://ip-science.thomsonreuters.com/cgi-bin/jrnlst/jloptions.cgi?PC=SS.
1Chen, C. et al.(2010) The structure and dynamics of co-citation clusters: Amultiple-perspective co-citation analysis. Journal of the American Society for InformationScience and Technology.(10.1002/asi.21309)
Chen, C.(2006) CiteSpace II: Detecting and visualizing emerging trends andtransient patterns in scientific literature.
1Proquest硕博引文数据库主要收录了来自欧美国家2000余所知名大学的优秀博硕士论文，涉及商业经济、人文社会、计算机科学等广泛领域，通过对该数据库进行分析和检索有利于研究人员迅速发现有用信息。参见数据库简介http://search.proquest.com/databases/index?accountid=14426&currSubVert=OS.
1参见数据库简介http://cssci.nju.edu.cn/news_show.asp?Articleid=119.
1中国知网以实现全社会知识资源传播共享与增值利用为目标的，是中国重要信息化建设项目，目前中国知网建立了采用自主开发并具有国际领先水平的数字图书馆技术，建成了世界上全文信息量规模最大的“CNKI数字图书馆”，为全社会知识资源高效共享提供丰富的知识信息资源和有效的知识传播与数字化学习平台。参见数据库简介http://cnki.net/gycnki/gycnki.htm.
1Conhaim W. W.(2000)，E-democracy Gains Ground，Information Today，（5）,5-6.
2Hagen M.， A Typology of Electronic Democracy，1997，http://www.martin-hagen.net/pub/typology.html
1皮埃尔·卡蓝默,(2005).破碎的民主：试论治理的革命,生活·读书·新知三联书店,p4.
2萨托利,(1998).民主新论,东方出版社,7.
3柏拉图（Plato），理想国（The Republic）第八卷，转引自迈耶等,(2001).比较政治学，北京：华夏出版社.
4哈耶克,(1997).通往奴役之路,中国社会科学出版社.71.
1Arnstein, S. R.(1969). A ladder of citizen participation. Journal of the AmericanInstitute of planners,35(4),216-224.
2Verba, S. Schlozman, K. L., and Brady, H.(1995) Voice and Equality: CivicVoluntarism in American Politics (Cambridge, Mass.: Cambridge University Press).p.38.
3Uhlaner, C. J.(2001), Political Participation, in N. J. Smelser and P. B. Baltes(eds.), International encyclopedia of the social&behavioral sciences (Amsterdam:Elsevier).
4Nie, N. H.(1987). Participation in America: Political democracy and social equality.University of Chicago Press.
1Conway, M. M.(1991). Political participation in the United States. CQ Press(Washington, D.C.) pp.12-13.
2Teorell, J., Torcal, M.,&Montero, J. R.(2007). Political participation: Mapping theterrain. Citizenship and involvement in European democracies: A comparativeperspective,17,334-357.
3Verba, S., Schlozman, K. L.,&Brady, H. E.(1995). Voice and equality: Civicvoluntarism in American politics. Harvard University Press.p.39.
4Carpini, M. X. D., Cook, F. L.,&Jacobs, L. R.(2004). Public deliberation,discursive participation, and citizen engagement: A review of the empirical literature. Annu.Rev. Polit. Sci.,7,315-344.
5Endersby, J. W.,&Towle, M. J.(1996). Tailgate partisanship: Political and socialexpression through bumper stickers. The Social Science Journal,33(3),307-319.
6Hamlin, A. P.,&Jennings, C.(2009). Expressive political behaviour: Foundations,scope and implications. Cambridge Univ Press.
1Silverman, R.M.(2005). Caught in the middle: Community developmentcorporations (CDCs) and the conflict between grassroots and instrumental forms of citizenparticipation. Community Development,36(2):35-51.
2Fung, A.(2006). Varieties of participation in complex governance. Publicadministration review,66(s1),66-75.
1Frizzell, A.,&Pammett, J. H.(Eds.).(1997). The Canadian General Election of1997.Dundurn.
2Blais, A., Brady, H. E.,&Crête, J.(1992). Letting the people decide: Dynamics of aCanadian election. Montreal: McGill-Queen's University Press.
3Stanbury, W. T.(1993). Money in Politics: Financing Federal Parties andCandidates in Canada. Toronto: Dundurn Press.
1Block, E.(2013). A Culturalist Approach to the Concept of the Mediatization ofPolitics: The Age of “Media Hegemony”. Communication Theory,23:259-278.
2Morozov, Evgeny.(2011).The Net delusion: The dark side of Internet freedom.New York: PublicAffairs.2011a p. xiii
3James Katz, Philip Aspden,(1997)"Motivations for and barriers to Internet usage:results of a national public opinion survey", Internet Research, Vol.7Iss:3, pp.170-188
4Kraut, R., Patterson, M., Lundmark, V., Kiesler, S., Mukophadhyay, T.,&Scherlis,W.(1998). Internet paradox: A social technology that reduces social involvement andpsychological well-being?. American psychologist,53(9),1017.
1詹姆斯E.凯茨，罗纳德E.莱斯.互联网使用的社会影响.商务印书馆,2007，3-4.
2Cyberbalkanization，网络上志趣相投者形成的不同团体，且互相排挤和敌对分裂。
1Westerwick, A., Kleinman, S. B.,&Knobloch-Westerwick, S.(2013). Turn a BlindEye If You Care. Journal of Communication.63(3):432-453.
2Ahn, T. K., et al (2012). Expertise and Bias in Political CommunicationNetworks. American Journal of Political Science.57(2):357-373.
3Baum, M. A.,&Potter, P. B.(2008). The relationships between mass media, publicopinion, and foreign policy: Toward a theoretical synthesis. Annual Review of PoliticalScience,11,39-65.
1Mossberger K.，Tolbert C. J.，McNeal R.S.(2008)，Digital Citizenship，MA: MITPress, p.85.
2Howard P N, Hussain M M. The role of digital media. Journal of Democracy2011;22(3):35-48.
3Mihailidis, P.,&Thevenin, B.(2013). Media Literacy as a Core Competency forEngaged Citizenship in Participatory Democracy. American Behavioral Scientist,57(11),1611-1622.
4Pearce, K. E.,&Rice, R. E.(2013). Digital divides from access to activities. Journalof Communication,63(4),721-744.
5Araque, J. C., et al.(2013). Computer usage and access in low-income urbancommunities. Computers in Human Behavior,29(4),1393-1401.
6Maeve Duggan, Cell Phone Activities2013,http://pewinternet.org/Reports/2013/Cell-Activities.aspx
7Aaron Smith, Smartphone Ownership2013,http://pewinternet.org/Reports/2013/Smartphone-Ownership-2013.aspx
8Kathryn Zickuhr, Tablet Ownership2013,http://pewinternet.org/Reports/2013/Tablet-Ownership-2013.aspx
9Kathryn Zickuhr, Who’s Not Online and Why,http://pewinternet.org/Reports/2013/Non-internet-users.aspx
1Kim, Y., Hsu, S. H.,&de Zú iga, H. G.(2013).Influence of Social Media Use onDiscussion Network Heterogeneity and Civic Engagement.Journal of Communication.63(3):498-516.
2Fraile, M.(2013). Do information-rich contexts reduce knowledgeinequalities&quest. Acta Politica.48(2)119-143
3Wodajo, T.,&Kimmel, J.(2013). Explaining changes in the racial digital divide inthe United States from1997to2007. Economics of Innovation and NewTechnology,22(5),483-518.
4Lawrence, E., Sides, J.,&Farrell, H.(2010).Self-segregation ordeliberation? Perspectives on Politics,8(1),141-157.
5Sander, T. H.,&Putnam, R. D.(2010). Still Bowling Alone? Journal ofDemocracy,21(1),9-16.
1Humphreys, L., et al (2013), Historicizing New Media.Journal of Communication,63:413-431.
2Schlozman, K. L., Verba, S.,&Brady, H. E.(2012).Unequal Advocacy. NJ:Princeton University Press, pp.500-511.
3Saglie, J.,&Vabo, S. I.(2009).Size and e-Democracy.Scandinavian PoliticalStudies,32(4),382-401.
4Hirzalla, F.,&van Zoonen, L.(2011). Beyond the Online/Offline Divide HowYouth’s Online and Offline Civic Activities Converge. Social Science ComputerReview,29(4),481-498.
1Semetko, H. A., et al.(2013). The formation of campaign agendas.Routledge.
2Bertot, J. C., Jaeger, P. T.,&Hansen, D.(2012). The impact of polices ongovernment social media usage: Issues, challenges, and recommendations. GovernmentInformation Quarterly,29(1),30-40.
3Hartleb, F.(2013). Anti‐elitist cyber parties?. Journal of Public Affairs,13(4),355-369.
4Karlsen, R.(2011). A platform for individualized campaigning? Policy&Internet,3(4),1-25.
5Dimitrova, D. V.,&Bystrom, D.(2013). The effects of social media on politicalparticipation and candidate image evaluations in the2012Iowa Caucuses. AmericanBehavioral Scientist,57(11),1568-1583.
6Scheufele, D. A.,&Tewksbury, D.(2007). Framing, agenda setting, andpriming. Journal of communication,57(1),9-20.
7Zingale, N. C.(2013). The phenomenology of sharing.Journal of Public Affairs.13(3):288-297.
8Conway, B. A., Kenski, K.,&Wang, D.(2013). Twitter Use by Presidential PrimaryCandidates During the2012Campaign. American Behavioral Scientist.57(11).1596-1610.
1Dilliplane, S.(2014), Activation, Conversion, or Reinforcement? The Impact ofPartisan News Exposure on Vote Choice. American Journal of Political Science,58:79-94
2Carlson, T. and Standberg, K.(2008) Riding the web2.0wave. Journal ofInformation Technology and Politics,5:159-174.
3Towner, T. L.,&Dulio, D. A.(2012).New media and political marketing in the UnitedStates. Journal of Political Marketing,11(1-2),95-119.
4Vaccari, C.(2013). From echo chamber to persuasive device? New Media&Society,15(1),109-127.
5Schoonvelde, M.(2013). Media Freedom and the Institutional Underpinnings ofPolitical Knowledge. Political Science Research and Methods,1-16.
6Lilleker, D. G., Pack, M. and Jackson, N.(2010), Political Parties and Web2.0.Politics,30:105-112.
1臧雷振,劳昕,孟天广.(2013).互联网使用与政治行为：研究观点,分析路径及中国实证.政治学研究,(2),60-75.
2Kaplan, D. M.(Ed.).(2009). Readings in the Philosophy of Technology. Rowman&Littlefield Publishers. pp.209-225.
3West, D. M.(2004). E‐Government and the Transformation of Service Deliveryand Citizen Attitudes. Public administration review,64(1),15-27.
1Quan-Haase, A., Wellman, B., Witte, J. C.,&Hampton, K. N.(2002). Capitalizing onthe net: Social contact, civic engagement, and sense of community，in: Wellman，B.，Haythornthwaite，C.(Eds.)，The Internet in Everyday Life，Oxford，UK: Blackwell，2002，p.312.
2Boulianne, S.(2011). Stimulating or reinforcing political interest: Using panel data toexamine reciprocal effects between news media and political interest. PoliticalCommunication,28(2),147-162.
3Grimmelikhuijsen, S., et al.(2013).The Effect of Transparency on Trust inGovernment. Public Administration Review.73(4):575-586.
4Gibson, R.,&Cantijoch, M.(2013).Conceptualizing and Measuring Participation inthe Age of the Internet. The Journal of Politics,75(3)701-716.
1Schuck, A. R., Boomgaarden, H. G.,&Vreese, C. H.(2013).Cynics allaround?Journal of Communication.63(2):287-311
2Jackson, D.(2011). Strategic news frames and public policy debates: Press andtelevision news coverage of the euro in the UK. Communications,36(2),169-193.
3Iyengar, S.(1994). Is anyone responsible?: How television frames political issues.University of Chicago Press.
4Rhee, J. W.(1997). Strategy and issue frames in election campaign coverage: Asocial cognitive account of framing effects. Journal of Communication,47(3),26-48.
5Slothuus, R.,&de Vreese, C. H.(2010). Political parties, motivated reasoning, andissue framing effects. Journal of Politics,72(3),630-645.
6Nelson, T. E., Clawson, R. A.,&Oxley, Z. M.(1997). Media framing of a civilliberties conflict and its effect on tolerance. American Political Science Review,567-583.
7Patterson, T. E.(2009). The vanishing voter: Public involvement in an age ofuncertainty. Vintage.
8Elenbaas, M.,&De Vreese, C. H.(2008). The effects of strategic news on politicalcynicism and vote choice among young voters. Journal of Communication,58(3),550-567.
9De Vreese, C. H.,&Semetko, H. A.(2002). Cynical and engaged strategiccampaign coverage, public opinion, and mobilization in a referendum.CommunicationResearch,29(6),615-641.
10Valkenburg, P. M.,&Peter, J.(2013). The differential susceptibility to mediaeffects model.Journal of Communication.63(2):221-243.
1Potter, W. J.,&Riddle, K.(2007). A content analysis of the media effectsliterature. Journalism&Mass Communication Quarterly,84(1),90-104.
2Ferguson, C. J.,&Kilburn, J.(2009). The public health risks of media violence. TheJournal of pediatrics,154(5),759-763.
3Anderson, C. A., et al (2010). Violent video game effects on aggression, empathy,and prosocial behavior in Eastern and Western countries. Psychological bulletin,136(2),151-173.
4Valkenburg, P. M.,&Peter, J.(2009).The Effects of Instant Messaging on theQuality of Adolescents’ Existing Friendships. Journal of Communication,59(1),79-97.
5Sch fer, M. T.(2011). Bastard culture (Vol.6).Amsterdam University Press.
6Jenkins, H.(2006).Convergence culture.New York: New York University Press
7众包是在2006年所提出的描述互联网时代分布式问题解决和生产组织形式的概念。政治学领域的“众包参与”指互联网链接下民众对感兴趣议题的选择性志愿参与。
8Howe, J.(2008). Crowdsourcing: How the Power of the Crowd is Driving the Futureof Business. Random House.
9Nixon, P.(2012).@is for Activism. Information, Communication&Society,15(8),1278-1279.
1Lanier, J.(2010).You are not a gadget. New York, NY: Random House.
2Keen, A.(2008). The Cult of the Amateur. Random House Digital, Inc..
3Pingree, R. J., et al(2013). Effects of Media Criticism on Gatekeeping Trust andImplications for Agenda Setting. Journal of Communication.63(2):351-372
1Eisinger, P. K.(1973). The conditions of protest behavior in American cities.TheAmerican Political Science Review,67(1),11-28.
2Piven, F. F.,&Cloward, R.(Eds.).(1993). Regulating the poor: The functions ofpublic welfare (Vol.3). Random House Digital, Inc..
3Jenkins, J. C.,&Perrow, C.(1977). Insurgency of the powerless: Farm workermovements (1946-1972). American Sociological Review,249-268.
4McAdam, D.(1983). Tactical innovation and the pace of insurgency.AmericanSociological Review,735-754.
5Kitschelt, H.(1986). Political opportunity structures and political protest:Anti-nuclear movements in four democracies. British journal of political science,16(1),57-85.
6Tarrow, S. G.(1989). Struggle, politics, and reform: Collective action, socialmovements and cycles of protest (No.21). Center for International Studies, CornellUniversity.
7Brockett, C. D.(1991). The structure of political opportunities and peasantmobilization in Central America. Comparative politics,23(3),253-274.
1Adams, O. R.(1970). SCHOOL BOARD ELECTIONS AND POLITICALOPPORTUNITY STRUCTURES.(Order No.7110680, University of Oregon). ProQuestDissertations and Theses,,138-138p. Retrieved fromhttp://search.proquest.com/docview/302454654?accountid=13151.(302454654).
2DAY, H. T., JR.(1974). A study of political opportunity structure [microform]:political opportunity in Hawaii,1926-1966.(Order No.7505035, University of Hawai'i).ProQuest Dissertations and Theses, Retrieved fromhttp://search.proquest.com/docview/302704966?accountid=13151.(302704966).
3Tarrow, S.(1991)." Aiming at a Moving Target": Social Science and the RecentRebellions in Eastern Europe. PS: Political Science and Politics,24(1),12-20.
4Tarrow, S. G.(1989). Struggle, politics, and reform: Collective action, socialmovements and cycles of protest (No.21). Center for International Studies, CornellUniversity.34-35
1McAdam, D.(2010). Political process and the development of black insurgency,1930-1970. University of Chicago Press.40
2Kitschelt, H.(1986). Political opportunity structures and political protest:Anti-nuclear movements in four democracies. British journal of political science,16(1),57-85.
1Brockett, C. D.(1991). The structure of political opportunities and peasantmobilization in Central America. Comparative politics,23(3),253-274.
2Rezai, H.(2012). State, dissidents, and contention: Iran,1979--2010.(Order No.3494562, Columbia University). ProQuest Dissertations and Theses,255. Retrieved fromhttp://search.proquest.com/docview/921920820?accountid=13151.(921920820).
3Jeydel, A. S.(1997). Political elites, social movements, and changing politicalopportunity structures: The case of the three waves of the women's movement.(Order No.9809510, The American University). ProQuest Dissertations and Theses, Retrieved fromhttp://search.proquest.com/docview/304332983?accountid=13151.(304332983).
4Yun, S.(1997). Politics of democratization in south korea: Social movements andtheir political opportunity structures.(Order No.9731753, The Ohio State University).ProQuest Dissertations and Theses. Retrieved fromhttp://search.proquest.com/docview/304366328?accountid=13151.(304366328).
5Baker, K. F.(2009). Changing context, changing opportunities: The effect ofpolitical opportunity structures on the political evolution of the roman catholic church inpoland and slovenia,1992-2005.(Order No. MR55150, Memorial University ofNewfoundland (Canada)). ProQuest Dissertations and Theses. Retrieved fromhttp://search.proquest.com/docview/305059679?accountid=13151.(305059679).
1近年来两本在此领域比较重要的著作分别是Bevir, M.(Ed.).(2010). The SAGEhandbook of governance. Sage.以及D Levi-Faur.(Ed.).(2012), The Oxford handbook ofGovernance. Oxford University Press.
2臧雷振.(2012).治理定量研究:理论演进及反思——以世界治理指数(WGI)为例.国外社会科学,(4),11-16.
3辛西娅·阿尔坎塔拉.“治理”概念的运用和滥用.国际社会科学(中文版),1999(2):105-112.
4Bevir, M., Rhodes, R. A. W. and Weller, P.(2003), Traditions of governance:interpreting the changing role of the public sector. Public Administration,81:1–17.以及Bevir, M., Rhodes, R. A. W. and Weller, P.(2003), Comparative governance: prospectsand lessons. Public Administration,81:191–210.
1Jessop, B.(1998). The rise of governance and the risks of failure: the case ofeconomic development. International social science journal,50(155),29-45.
2Weiss, T. G.(2000). Governance, good governance and global governance:conceptual and actual challenges. Third world quarterly,21(5),795-814.
3Weller, P.(2000). In search of governance. The Future of Governance: PolicyChoices, Allen and Unwin, St Leonards.
1World Bank.A Decade of Measuring the Quality ofGovernance[EB/OL].(2007)[2011-03-22].http://siteresources.worldbank.org/NEWS/Resources/wbi2007-report.pdf.
2Bell S, Economic Governance and Institutional Dynamics. Melbourne:OxfordUniversity Press,2002.类似学者的观点还可见罗西瑙（James N.Rosenau）、罗茨（R.Rhodes）、斯托克(Gerry Stoker)等。
3臧雷振.(2011).治理类型的多样性演化与比较：求索国家治理逻辑.公共管理学报,8(4),40-49.
1福柯.词与物:人文科学考古学.上海:三联书店,2001:11.
2Skocpol, T.(1985). Bringing the State Back In: Strategies of Analysis in CurrentResearch. In Peter Evans, Dietrich Rueschemeyer, and Theda Skocpol, eds., Bringing theState Back In, NY: Cambridge University Press.
3戴维伊斯顿(1999).政治生活的系统分析，华夏出版社.3-8.
1Baker, K.,&Stoker, G.(2012). Governance and Nuclear Power. Political Studies.61(3).
2臧雷振，徐湘林（2013）.政府质量：国家治理结构性指标研究的兴起.公共行政评论，5.
3徐湘林.(2010).转型危机与国家治理:中国的经验.经济社会体制比较,(5),1-14.
4杨光斌,&郑伟铭.(2007).国家形态与国家治理.中国社会科学,4.
5臧雷振(2011).治理类型的多样性演化与比较：求索国家治理逻辑.公共管理学报,4.
6林尚立(2011).重构府际关系与国家治理.探索与争鸣,1.
7刘家义(2012).论国家治理与国家审计,中国社会科学,6.
8任剑涛.(2012).在正式制度激励与非正式制度激励之间.浙江大学学报(人文社会科学版),2.
9杨敏.(2007).作为国家治理单元的社区.社会学研究,4.
1马骏.(2008).经济,社会变迁与国家治理转型:美国进步时代改革.公共管理研究,6.
2渠敬东.(2012).项目制:一种新的国家治理体制.中国社会科学,5.
3周雪光.(2013).国家治理规模及其负荷成本的思考.吉林大学社会科学学报,1.
4宋为，畲廉（2011）.新时期我国腐败现象与网络反腐探讨，政治学研究,2.
5娄成武,&刘力锐.(2010).论网络政治动员:一种非对称态势.政治学研究,2,75.
6刘学民.(2010).网络公民社会的崛起——中国公民社会发展的新生力量.政治学研究,4,84-85.
7杨嵘均.(2011).论虚拟公共领域对公民政治意识与政治心理的影响及其对政治生活的形塑.政治学研究,(4),101-113.
8毛寿龙.(2007).网络政治带来了什么.人民论坛,7,18-19.
9杨风春.(2007).互联网是现代政治的福音.人民论坛,14.
10杜骏飞.(2009).网络群体事件的类型辨析.国际新闻界,(7),76-80.
11谢金林.(2011).网络空间草根政治运动及其公共治理.公共管理学报,1,35-43.
1Yang, G.(2013). The power of the Internet in China: Citizen activism online.Columbia University Press.
2Tai, Z.(2013). The Internet in China: Cyberspace and civil society. Routledge.
3鄢显俊.(2003).互联网时代的全球化:缘起及经济特征.世界经济与政治,(4),43-48.
4陈剩勇,&杜洁.(2005).互联网公共论坛:政治参与和协商民主的兴起.浙江大学学报(人文社会科学版),35(3),5212.
5汪明峰.(1995).互联网使用与中国城市化.社会学研究,6:112-135.
6史达.(2010).互联网政治生态系统构成及其互动机制研究.政治学研究,(3),76-84.
7张锋,沈模卫,徐梅,朱海燕,&周宁.(2006).互联网使用动机,行为与其社会-心理健康的模型构建.心理学报,38(3),407-413.
8黄荣贵,&桂勇.(2009).互联网与业主集体抗争:一项基于定性比较分析方法的研究.社会学研究,5(24),29-56.
9高恩新.(2009).互联网公共事件的议题建构与共意动员.公共管理学报,4(1),96-104
10龚维斌.(2008).互联网发展对我国政府决策的影响.中国行政管理,(10),44-47.
11周光辉,&周笑梅.(2009).互联网对国家的冲击与国家的回应.政治学研究,(2).37-46.
12杨金卫.(2009).国外政党对互联网的运用及对我国政治发展阳政党建设的启示.山东大学学报:哲学社会科学版,(1),146-153.
1曾润喜,&徐晓林.(2010).社会变迁中的互联网治理研究.政治学研究,4,75-82.
2王子文,马静.(2011).网络舆情中的“网络推手”问题研究.政治学研究,2:52-56.
3赵春丽.(2012).新媒体时代政府社会管理思维的新转变.社会主义研究,1:56-60.
4Matthew S. Erie，Property Rights，(2009).Legal Consciousness and the New Mediain China，China Information，(1),35-59.
5Tong, Y.,&Lei, S.(2013). War of position and microblogging in China.Journal ofContemporary China,22(80),292-311.
6Yapeng, Z.,&Cheng, J.(2011). The Emergence of Cyber Society and theTransformation of the Public Policy Agenda-Building Process in China. China Review: AnInterdisciplinary Journal on Greater China,11(2).
7Leibold, J.(2011). Blogging alone: China, the internet, and the democraticillusion?. Journal of Asian Studies,70(4),1023-1041.
8Hassid, J.(2012). Safety valve or pressure cooker? Blogs in Chinese politicallife. Journal of Communication,62(2),212-230.
1郭良，2007年中国7城市互联网使用状况及影响调查报告，中国社会科学院社会发展研究中心.
1朱海忠.(2011).西方“政治机会结构”理论述评.国外社会科学,(6),9-17.
2朱海忠.(2013).政治机会结构与农民环境抗争——苏北N村铅中毒事件的个案研究.中国农业大学学报(社会科学版,30(1).
3童志锋.(2013).政治机会结构变迁与农村集体行动的生成——基于环境抗争的研究.理论月刊,(3),161-165.
4郇庆治.(2012).“政治机会结构”视角下的中国环境运动及其战略选择.南京工业大学学报:社会科学版,11(4),28-35.
5张晓杰.中国公众参与政府环境决策的政治机会结构研究东北大学,2010.
6黄冬娅.(2011).国家如何塑造抗争政治——关于社会抗争中国家角色的研究评述.社会学研究,(2),217-242.
7苏国豪：政治机会结构域社会运动：香港解殖后的转机，国立清华大学硕士论文.
8宋维强.(2009).社会转型期中国农民群体性事件研究.华中师范大学出版社.
9如渡边勉山本英弘.(2001).社会运动的态势与政治机会的结构-对宫城县社会运动的计量分析(1986-1997).社会学评论,(1),152-152；陈映芳.(2006).行动力与制度限制:都市运动中的中产阶层.社会学研究,4,1-20；周明,&曾向红.(2011).埃及社会运动中的机会结构,水平网络与架构共鸣.社会学研究,6,1-33.
10如何明修.(2004).政治机会结构与社会运动研究.台湾“国立”政治大学社会学报,(37).
1Branstetter, J.(2011). The challenge of new media in French and American politics:concepts, methods and opportunities. French Politics,9(1),69-86.
2Pierskalla, J. H.,&Hollenbach, F. M.(2013). Technology and Collective Action.American Political Science Review,1-18.
3Bessant, J.(2014). The Political in the Age of the Digital: Propositions for EmpiricalInvestigation. Politics,34(1),33-44.
4Bowman, W.,&Camp, L. J. Protecting the Internet from Dictators. Cell,505,690-4033.
5如King, G., Pan, J.,&Roberts, M. E.(2013). How Censorship in China AllowsGovernment Criticism but Silences Collective Expression. American Political ScienceReview,107,326-343.
1张晓峰,&荆学民.(2009).现代西方政治传播研究述评.教学与研究,(7),77.
2胡正荣(1997).传播学总论,北京广播学院出版社,3-6.
3李元书.(2001).政治传播学的产生和发展.政治学研究,(3),68-77.
1连彦乐,(2013).政治传播杂志：全球政治传播研究的轨迹与前沿，中国传媒报告（2）.
2De Tocqueville, A,(1988). Democracy in America, vol.2, New York: PerennialLibrary,120.
3Truman, D.(1951). The Governmental Process (New York: Alfred A. Knopf).p.55
4Dahl, R. A.(1989). Democracy and its Critics. Yale University Press.332-338.
1杨海军.(2006).论中国古代的广告传播媒介.史学月刊,(12),32-37.
1陈昌凤(2007)，中国新闻传播史.北京大学出版社.
2张秀民,&韩琦.(2006).中国印刷史(Vol.1).浙江古籍出版社.208.
3程曼丽.(2004).外国新闻传播史导论.复旦大学出版社.
4徐正林.(2005).欧洲传播思想史.上海三联书店.
5Eisenstein, E. L.(1986). On revolution and the printed word. Revolution in history,186-205.
1Plambeck, Joseph. Newspaper Circulation Falls Nearly9%. The New York Times.26April2010.
2阿特休尔,(1989).权力的媒介,华夏出版社,191.
3詹姆斯.布赖斯(2001).现代民治政体（上册）,吉林人民出版社,111.
4丹尼斯·麦奎尔(2006).麦奎尔大众传播理论，北京:清华大学出版社.72.
5Brants, K.(1998). Who's afraid of infotainment?. European Journal ofCommunication,13(3),315-335.
1张昆,(2003).大众媒介的政治社会化功能，武汉大学出版社.66-67.
2Shiers, George and May (1997), Early Television: A Bibliographic Guide to1940.Taylor&Francis, pp.13-22.
3Gerbner, G.(1967). Mass media and human communication theory. Humancommunication theory,40-57.
1Castells, M.(2001).网络社会的崛起.社会科学文献出版社.434.
1张海鹰等著,(2001)网络传播概论，复旦大学出版社，39.
2程世来.(2007).网络新闻的特点与整合.新闻战线,(9),64-65.
1数据来源：2012Annual World Press Trends survey，the World Association ofNewspapers and News Publishers.
2Jim Chisholm, Larry Kilman, Mira Milosevic, Teemu Henriksson, World PressTrends Report2013, WPT/WEF Trends Report.
3詹姆斯E.凯茨，罗纳德E.莱斯.(2007).互联网使用的社会影响.商务印书馆,12.
1The internet’s fifth man， The Economist，2013，http://www.economist.com/news/technology-quarte.
2丹尼斯,&麦奎尔.(2006).受众分析.北京:中国人民大学出版社.，156.
3田智辉.(2008).新媒体传播:基于用户制作内容的研究.中国传媒大学出版社，7.
1彭兰(2001).网络传播概论,中国人民大学出版社,398.
1Larsson, A. O.(2011).“Extended infomercials” or “Politics2.0”? FirstMonday,16(4).
2布鲁斯·宾伯(BimberB.)(2011).信息与美国民主:技术在政治权力演化中的作用，科学出版社出版，pp.32-33.
1Kraus, S.,&Nixon, R. M.(1977). The great debates: Kennedy vs. Nixon,1960.Indiana Univ Press.
2奈杰尔汉密尔顿著(1999),肯尼迪传,昆仑出版社.
1Bailey Socha and Barbara Eber-Schmid,WHAT IS NEW MEDIA：Defining NewMedia Isn’t Easy, New Media Institution[online],http://www.newmedia.org/what-is-new-media.html.
1Crosbie, V.(2002). What is new media. Online: http://www. sociology. org.uk/as4mm3a. doc.
1Josh Nelson, New Media&Social Change: How Nonprofits are Using Web-basedTechnologies to Reach Their Goals,http://www.thehatchergroup.com/doc/Social_Media_091009.pdf.
1Chadwick, A.(2011). Britain's first live televised party leaders’ debate: From thenews cycle to the political information cycle. Parliamentary Affairs,64(1),24-44.
1物联网（Internet of Things，缩写IOT）是一个基于互联网、传统电信网等信息承载体，让所有能够被独立寻址的普通物理对象实现互联互通的网络。物联网一般为无线网，由于每个人周围的设备可以达到一千至五千个，所以物联网可能要包含500万亿至一千万亿个物体，在物联网上，每个人都可以应用电子标签将真实的物体上网联结，在物联网上都可以查找出它们的具体位置。通过物联网可以用中心计算机对机器、设备、人员进行集中管理、控制，也可以对家庭设备、汽车进行遥控，以及搜寻位置、防止物品被盗等各种应用。参见刘云浩编，物联网导论，北京：科学出版社.2010-12:4.
2Global Information Technology Report2010–2011，http://zh.scribd.com/doc/52329419/Global-Information-Technology-Report-2010%E2%80%932011?secret_password=2bqbqw6144d7qra3h0o.
1新浪微博是一介于于Twitter和Facebook的混合体，用户通过网页、WAP页面、外部程序和手机短信、彩信等发布140汉字（280字符）以内信息，并可上传图片和链接视频，实现即时分享。Kenneth Rapoza. China's Weibos vs US's Twitter: And the Winner Is?.forbes.com.2011-05-17.
2新浪微博注册用户数破5亿75%用户活跃于移动,http://it.sohu.com/20130221/n366598808.shtml.
12011-2012年媒体微博运行白皮书，中国人大学舆论研究所，2013年.
12010中国网络舆情指数年度报告，中国传媒大学网络舆情（口碑）研究所.
1马歇尔麦克卢汉.(2000).理解媒介：论人的延伸，商务印书馆，33.
2丹尼斯·麦奎尔(2006).麦奎尔大众传播理论，北京:清华大学出版社，117.
1Jones, B.(1995[1981]), Sleepers, Wake! Technology and the Futureof Work,4th ed, Melbourne: Oxford University Press, p.186.
2丹尼斯·麦奎尔(2006).麦奎尔大众传播理论，北京:清华大学出版社.，111.
3Poletti, F., et al.(2013). Towards high-capacity fibre-optic communications at thespeed of light in vacuum. Nature Photonics.
1哈拉尔德·韦尔策，(2007).社会记忆，北京大学出版社.
2景军.(1995).社会记忆理论与中国问题研究.中国社会学季刊(香港).
3邵鹏.(2013).新媒体对个体记忆的冲击与影响.当代传播,(2).
4Herb Sorensen，Inside the Mind of the Shopper，Wharton School Publishing,2009，p14．
5周葆华,&陈振华.(2013).“新媒体事件”的集体记忆——以上海市大学生群体为例的经验研究.新闻界,(14),55-61.
1Chua, Emily.(2012). Rethinking the Chinese Popular: Commercial andTechnological Change in the News Media after Mao. Berkeley Journal of Sociology:48-72.
2Mutz, D. C.,&Martin, P. S.(2001). Facilitating communication across lines ofpolitical difference: The role of mass media. American Political Science Review,95(1),97-114.
3Jamieson, K. H.,&Cappella, J. N.(2008). Echo chamber: Rush Limbaugh and theconservative media establishment. Oxford University Press.
4Stroud, N. J.(2010). Polarization and partisan selective exposure. Journal ofCommunication,60(3),556-576.
1Morris, J. S.,&Francia, P. L.(2010). Cable news, public opinion, and the2004party conventions. Political Research Quarterly,63(4),834-849.
2Smith, G.,&Searles, K.(2012). Fair and Balanced News or a Difference ofOpinion? Why Opinion Shows Matter for Media Effects. Political Research Quarterly.
3Hartley, T.,&Russett, B.(1992). Public opinion and the common defense: whogoverns military spending in the United States?. American Political Science Review,905-915.
1阿夫纳,&格雷夫.(2008).大裂变:中世纪贸易制度比较和西方的兴起.北京:中信出版社.22.
2李国强,&徐湘林.(2008).新制度主义与中国政治学研究.四川大学学报(哲学社会科学版),2.
3青木昌彦、奥野正宽：经济体制的比较制度分析，中国发展出版社，2005,2.
1Mann, M.(1984). The Autonomous Power of the State. European Journal ofSociology,25(2).
2Migdal, J. S., Kohli, A.,&Shue, V.(Eds.).(1994). State Power and Social Forces.Cambridge University Press.293-362.
3Evans, P. B.(1995). Embedded autonomy: states and industrial transformation.Princeton: Princeton University Press.12.
1转引自邓正来、J.C.亚历山大编（1999）：国家与市民社会，中央编译出版，p.34.
2Argyriades, D.(2006). Good governance, professionalism, ethics andresponsibility. International Review of Administrative Sciences,72(2),155-170.
3臧雷振,&黄建军.(2013).大政府还是小政府:灵巧型政府建构进路.中国行政管理,(7),18-21.
4Nozick, R.(1974). Anarchy, state, and utopia (Vol.5038). Basic books.pp.333-334.
1Gaynor, N.(2014). Bringing the Citizen Back In: Supporting Decentralisation inFragile States‐A View from Burundi. Development Policy Review,32(2),203-218.
2任建涛.(2012).政治秩序与社会规则：基于国家-社会关系的视角.人民论坛学术前沿(上),6.
3韩庆祥.(2002).当代中国的社会转型.现代哲学,3,27-30.
4林尚立.(2001).领导与执政:党,国家与社会关系转型的政治学分析.毛泽东邓小平理论研究,6,37-44.
5景跃进.(2005).党,国家与社会:三者维度的关系：从基层实践看中国政治的特点.华中师范大学学报:人文社会科学版,3,9-13.
6沈原.(2006).社会转型与工人阶级的再形成.社会学研究,2,13-36.
1Geddes, B.(1990). How the cases you choose affect the answers you get:Selection bias in comparative politics. Political analysis,2(1),131-150.
2Worchel, P., Hester, P. G.,&Kopala, P. S.(1974). Collective Protest and Legitimacyof Authority Theory and Research. Journal of Conflict Resolution,18(1),37-54.
1Finkel, S. E.,&Muller, E. N.(1998). Rational choice and the dynamics of collectivepolitical action: Evaluating alternative models with panel data. American Political ScienceReview,37-49.
2Verba, S., Schlozman, K. L., Brady, H.,&Nie, N. H.(1993). Race, ethnicity andpolitical resources: Participation in the United States. British Journal of PoliticalScience,23(4),453-497.
3Paulsen, R.(1991). Education, social class, and participation in collectiveaction. Sociology of Education,64:96-110.
4Inglehart, R.(1997). Modernization and postmodernization: Cultural, economic,and political change in43societies (Vol.19). Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.
5Meyer, D. S.,&Minkoff, D. C.(2004). Conceptualizing political opportunity.Socialforces,82(4),1457-1492.
6转引自Bernburg, J. G.(2002). Anomie, Social Change and Crime. A TheoreticalExamination of Institutional‐Anomie Theory. British Journal of Criminology,42(4),729-742.
1Gurr, T. R.(1970). Why men rebel Princeton. NI: Princeton University Press,1970,13.
2格雷什科维奇，(2009).抗议与忍耐的政治经济分析.广西师范大学出版社.
3Smelser, N. J.(1962). Theory of collective behavior. New York: Free Press.8.
4William, K.(1959). The politics of mass society, the Free Press.
5Turner, R. H.,&Killian, L. M.(1957). Collective Behavior.Prentice-Hall.
6Davies, J. C.(1969). The J-curve of Rising and Declining Satisfactions as a Causeof Some Great Revolutions and a Contained Rebellion. Violence in America. New York:Signet Books.
1Edelman, M.(2001). Social movements: changing paradigms and forms ofpolitics. Annual Review of Anthropology,285-317.
1Keniston, K.(1968). Young radicals: Notes on committed youth (pp.234-36). NewYork: Harcourt, Brace&World.
2Parkin, F.(1968). Middle class radicalism: The social bases of the British campaignfor nuclear disarmament. Manchester University Press.
3Nepstad, S. E.,&Smith, C.(1999). Rethinking recruitment to high-risk/cost activism:The case of Nicaragua Exchange. Mobilization: An International Quarterly,4(1),25-40.
4Barnes, S.H. Kaase, M.(eds)(1979), Political Action: Mass Participation in FiveWestern Democracies, Beverly Hills: Sage.
1Inglehart, R. Welzel, C.(2005), Modernization, Cultural Change and Democracy,New York: Cambridge University Press.
2Dalton, R.J., Van Sickle, A. Weldon, S.(2010),‘The individual-institutional nexusof protest behaviour’,British Journal of Political Science40(1):51-73.
3Welzel, C.,&Deutsch, F.(2006). Emancipative values and non-violent protest: theimportance of ‘ecological’effects. Comparative Sociology,5,137-82.
4Gillham, P. F.(2008). Participation in the Environmental Movement Analysis of theEuropean Union. International Sociology,23(1),67-93.
5Kitschelt, H.(1986). Political opportunity structures and political protest:Anti-nuclear movements in four democracies. British journal of political science,16(1),57-85.
6Tarrow, S.(1988). National politics and collective action: Recent theory andresearch in Western Europe and the United States. Annual Review of Sociology,14(1),421-440.
1Lipset SM.1963. Political Man. New York: Anchor.
2Eisinger, P. K.(1973). The conditions of protest behavior in American cities.TheAmerican Political Science Review,67(1),11-28.
3McAdam, D.(1982). Political process and the development of Black insurgency,1930-1970.
4Tarrow, S.,&Tollefson.(1994). Power in movement: Social movements, collectiveaction and politics (pp.3-4). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
5McAdam, D.(1996). Conceptual origins, current problems, future directions.Comparative perspectives on social movements: Political opportunities, mobilizingstructures, and cultural framings,23-40.
6Tarrow, S.,&Tollefson.(1994). Power in movement: Social movements, collectiveaction and politics (pp.3-4). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
1McAdam, D., Tarrow, S.,&Tilly, C.(2003). Dynamics of contention. SocialMovement Studies,2(1),99-102.
2Jenkins, J. C., Jacobs, D.,&Agnone, J.(2003). Political Opportunities andAfrican‐American Protest,1948-19971. American Journal of Sociology,109(2),277-303.
1Wahlstr m, M.,&Peterson, A.(2006). Between the State and the MarketExpanding the Concept of ‘Political Opportunity Structure’. Acta Sociologica,49(4),363-377.
2Meyer, D. S.,&Minkoff, D. C.(2004). Conceptualizing political opportunity.Socialforces,82(4),1457-1492.
1Moghadam, Valentine M.(2009) Globalization and Social Movements: Islamist,Feminism, and Global Justice Movement. Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield Publisher.
2Tilly, C.(1978). From mobilization to revolution (p.143). New York: McGraw-Hill.
3Tilly, C.(1995). Popular Contention in Great Britain,1758-1834. Cambridge, MA:Harvard University Press.
4McAdam, D.(2010). Political process and the development of black insurgency,1930-1970. University of Chicago Press.
5Costain, A. N.(1992). Inviting women's rebellion: A political process interpretationof the women's movement. Johns Hopkins Univ Press.
1Kriesi, H., Koopmans, R., Duyvendak, J. W.,&Giugni, M. G.(1992). New socialmovements and political opportunities in Western Europe. European journal of politicalresearch,22(2),219-244.
2Taylor, M.(2007). Community participation in the real world: opportunities andpitfalls in new governance spaces. Urban studies,44(2),297-317.
3Caniglia, B. S.,&Carmin, J.(2005). Scholarship on Social MovementOrganziations: Classic Views and Emerging Trends. Mobilization: An InternationalQuarterly,10(2),201-212.
4Poloni‐Staudinger, L.,&Ortbals, C.(2013). The Domestic Determinants ofTransnational Activity: An Examination of Women's Groups in the United Kingdom,France, and Germany. International Studies Quarterly.
1Ferree, Myra Marx, and Aili Mari Tripp Eds.(2006) Global Feminism: TransnationalWomen’s Activism, Organizing, and Human Rights. New York: New York UniversityPress.
2Kitschelt, H.(1986). Political opportunity structures and political protest:Anti-nuclear movements in four democracies. British journal of political science,16(1),57-85.
3Hilson, C.(2002). New social movements: the role of legal opportunity.Journal ofEuropean Public Policy,9(2),238-255.
1转引自Maryjane Osa, Kurt Schock (2007), A Long, Hard Slog: PoliticalOpportunities, Social Networks and the Mobilization of Dissent in Non-Democracies, inPatrick G. Coy (ed.) Research in Social Movements, Conflicts and Change (Research inSocial Movements, Conflicts and Change, Volume27), Emerald Group Publishing Limited,123-153
1Gamson, W. A.,&Meyer, D. S.(1996). Framing political opportunity.In McAdam,D., McCarthy, J. D.,&Zald, M. N.(Eds.).(1996). Comparative perspectives on socialmovements: Political opportunities, mobilizing structures, and cultural framings.Cambridge University Press.
2Goodwin J, Jasper JM, eds.(2003). Rethinking social movements: Structure,meaning, and emotion. Rowman&Littlefield Publishers.
3Meyer, David, and Debra Minkoff.(2004) Conceptualizing Political Opportunity.Social Force8:1457-1492.
4Ramos, H.(2008). Opportunity for whom?: political opportunity and critical eventsin Canadian aboriginal mobilization,1951-2000. Social Forces,87(2),795-823.
1Ayoub, P. M.(2013). Cooperative transnationalism in contemporary Europe:Europeanization and political opportunities for LGBT mobilization in the EuropeanUnion. European Political Science Review,5(2),279-310.
1Stinchcombe, A. L.(2005).The logic of social research. Chicago: University ofChicago Press.
2Mahoney, J.(2001). Beyond correlational analysis: Recent innovations in theoryand method. In Sociological Forum(Vol.16, No.3, pp.575-593). Springer Netherlands.
3Goodwin, J.,&Jasper, J. M.(Eds.).(2004). Rethinking social movements:Structure, meaning, and emotion. Rowman&Littlefield.
4McAdam, D., Tarrow, S.,&Tilly, C.(2008). Methods for measuring mechanisms ofcontention. Qualitative Sociology,31(4),307-331.
5Stinchcombe, A. L.(2005).The logic of social research. Chicago: University ofChicago Press.
1McAdam, D.,&Sewell, W.(2001). It’s about time: Temporality in the study of socialmovements and revolutions. In R. Aminzade, et al.(Eds.), Silence and voice in the studyof contentious politics. Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press.
2Mayntz, R.(2004). Mechanisms in the analysis of social macro-phenomena.Philosophy of the social sciences,34(2),237-259.
3Goldstone, J. A.(2004). More social movements or fewer? Beyond politicalopportunity structures to relational fields. Theory and Society,33(3-4),333-365.
4Poloni-Staudinger, Lori.(2009) We All Need Friends: Elite Alliances and theActivity Choices of Environmental Groups in the United Kingdom, France and Germany.In Interest Groups and Lobbying: Volume Two—Europe Edited by Conor McGrath. NewYork: Edwin Mellen Press.
5Basu, A.(2010). Women's Movements in the Global Era: The Power of LocalFeminisms. Westview Press.24
1Piven, F. F.,&Cloward, R. A.(1979). Poor people's movements: Why theysucceed, how they fail (Vol.697). Random House Digital, Inc.
2Poloni-Staudinger, L. M.,&Ortbals, C. D.(2011). Gendered Political Opportunities?Elite Alliances, Electoral Cleavages, and Activity Choice Among Women's Groups in theUK, France, and Germany. Social Movement Studies,10(1),55-79.
3严强,张凤阳,&温晋锋.(2008).宏观政治学.南京大学出版社.
1丹尼斯·麦奎尔(2006).麦奎尔大众传播理论，北京:清华大学出版社.42-43.
1Plattner, M. F.(2012). Media and Democracy: The Long View. Journal ofDemocracy,23(4),62-73.
1张利军（2012）.改革开放以来海外视域下的中国政治参与研究,国外理论动态,6.
3上海交通大学舆情研究实验室、危机管理研究中心主编（2013）.社中国社会舆情与危机管理报告,社会科学文献出,238.
4上海交通大学舆情研究实验室、危机管理研究中心主编（2013）.社中国社会舆情与危机管理报告,社会科学文献出版.
1宋欢，大学生网络政治参与的现状分析与对策研究，人民论坛，2013（5）.
2李亚妤.(2011).互联网使用,网络社会交往与网络政治参与——以沿海发达城市网民为例.新闻大学,(1),69-81.
1O'Brien, K. J.,&Li, L.(2006). Rightful resistance in rural China. CambridgeUniversity Press.
2于建嵘,&吴毅.(2004).当代中国农民的以法抗争.社会学研究,2.
3詹姆斯,斯特普.(2007).弱者的武器.当代外国文学,(1),162-162.
4吴长青.(2010).从“策略”到“伦理”对“依法抗争”的批评性讨论.社会,(2),198-214.
1Lewis, O. A.(2013). Net Inclusion: New Media’s Impact on Deliberative Politics inChina. Journal of Contemporary Asia,43(4),678-708.
2Liebman, B. L.(2011). The Media and the Courts: Towards CompetitiveSupervision?. The China Quarterly,208,833-850.
1Blair, A.(2013), Democratising the Learning Process: The Use of Twitter in theTeaching of Politics and International Relations. Politics,33:135–145.
1McCombs, M. E.,&Shaw, D. L.(1972). The agenda-setting function of massmedia. Public opinion quarterly,36(2),176-187.
2McCombs, M.(2005). A look at agenda-setting: Past, present andfuture.Journalism studies,6(4),543-557.
1Vliegenthart, R., Walgrave, S.,&Zicha, B.(2012). How preferences, informationand institutions interactively drive agenda‐setting: Questions in the Belgianparliament,1993–2000. European Journal of Political Research.
2Sunstein, C.(2001). The daily we. Is the internet really a blessing for democracy?Boston Review.
3Stein, L.(2013). Policy and Participation on Social Media: The Cases of YouTube,Facebook, and Wikipedia. Communication, Culture&Critique,6(3),353-371.
1麦克法夸尔、费正清.剑桥中华人民共和国史（1949-1965）.中国社会科学文献出版社,1990.3.
2臧雷振.(2008).“大部制”改革:理论审视及路径新释.甘肃行政学院学报,6.
1毛泽东文集，第三卷,人民出版社，1996,257.
2邓小平文选，第一卷,人民出版社，1994,348.
3邓小平文选，第一卷,人民出版社，1994,243.
4邓小平文选，第二卷,人民出版社，1994,100.
5邓小平文选，第二卷,人民出版社，1994,84.
6胡锦涛(2008).在抗震救灾先进基层党组织和优秀共产党员代表座谈会上的讲话，人民出版社,13.
7胡锦涛(2004).在首都各界纪念全国人民代表大会成立50周年大会上的讲话,人民出版社,13.
8中国共产党第十七次全国代表大会文件汇编，(2007).人民出版社，48.
9十六大以来重要文献选编(中).(2006).中央文献出版社，306.
1邓小平文选，第一卷，人民出版社，1994,217.
2胡锦涛：在全党深入学习实践科学发展观活动动员大会暨省部级主要领导干部专题研讨班上的讲话,人民出版社，2009,20.
3江泽民文选，第一卷,人民出版社，2006,641.
4Grimmelikhuijsen, S., Porumbescu, G., Hong, B.,&Im, T.(2013). The Effect ofTransparency on Trust in Government: A Cross‐National Comparative Experiment.Public Administration Review.
1王可园,&吴常柏.(2013).群众路线的品质特征与人民群众政治信任的提升.甘肃理论学刊,(4),46-50.
2裘斌,&郑德荣.(2013).论乡村政治信任重建中的村民公共参与.社会科学战线,(6),157-162.
12012年6月21日，2011年社会服务发展统计公报.
1Almeida, P.,&Stearns, L. B.(1998). Political opportunities and local grassrootsenvironmental movements: The case of Minamata. Social Problems,37-60.
2Cooper, A. H.(1996). Paradoxes of Peace: German Peace Movements since1945.University of Michigan Press.
3Clemens, E. S.(1997). The people's lobby: Organizational innovation and the riseof interest group politics in the United States,1890-1925. University of Chicago Press.
4Amenta, E.,&Zylan, Y.(1991). It happened here: Political opportunity, the newinstitutionalism, and the Townsend movement. American Sociological Review,250-265.
5Fleishman, J. A.(1986). Types of political attitude structure: Results of a clusteranalysis. Public Opinion Quarterly,50(3),371-386.
1Stadelmann-Steffen, I.,&Vatter, A.(2012). Does Satisfaction with DemocracyReally Increase Happiness? Direct Democracy and Individual Satisfaction inSwitzerland. Political behavior,34(3),535-559.
2Frey, B. S.,&Stutzer, A.(2001). Happiness, economy and institutions. TheEconomic Journal,110(466),918-938.
3Brusis, M.,&Thiery, P.(2006). Comparing Political Governance: SoutheasternEurope in a Global Perspective. Southeast European and Black Sea Studies,6(1),125-146.
4Easton, D.(1975). A re-assessment of the concept of political support.Britishjournal of political science,5(4),435-457.
5Norris, P.(1999a) Introduction. In: P. Norris (ed.)Critical Citizens. Global Supportfor Democratic Governance. Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press.
6Freitag, M.,&Bauer, P. C.(2013). Testing for Measurement Equivalence inSurveys Dimensions of Social Trust across Cultural Contexts. Public OpinionQuarterly,77(S1),24-44.
1Meyer, D. S.(2004). Protest and political opportunities. Annual review of sociology,125-145.
2Tarrow, and Charles Tilly, eds., Silence and Voice in the Study of ContentiousPolitics (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,2001),179-94.
3David Meyer and Debra C. Minkoff (2004), Conceptualizing Political Opportunity,Social Forces,82,1457-92.
1Meyer, D. S.,&Staggenborg, S.(1996). Movements, countermovements, and thestructure of political opportunity. American Journal of Sociology,1628-1660.
1Chan, K. M.,&Zhou, Y.(2014). Political Opportunity and the Anti-dam Movementin China: A Case Study of Nu River. In Zhidong Hao, Sheying Chen (ed): Social Issues inChina: Gender, Ethnicity, Labor, and the Environment (pp.311-330). Springer New York.
2Fu, T.(2009). Dams and transnational advocacy: Political opportunities intransnational collective action. Dissertations And Theses; Thesis (Ph.D.)--The CatholicUniversity of America,2009.
3Poloni-Staudinger, L. M.(2008). The Domestic Opportunity Structure andSupranational Activity An Explanation of Environmental Group Activity at the EuropeanUnion Level. European Union Politics,9(4),531-558.
1Minxin, P.,&Pei, M.(2008). China's trapped transition: The limits of developmentalautocracy. Harvard University Press.
2Ma, Q.(2002). The governance of NGOs in China since1978: How muchautonomy?. Nonprofit and Voluntary Sector Quarterly,31(3),305-328.
3Johnson, I.(2003). The death and life of China's civil society. Perspectives onPolitics,1,551-554.
4Heurlin, C.(2010). Governing civil society: The political logic of NGO–Staterelations under dictatorship. VOLUNTAS: International Journal of Voluntary and NonprofitOrganizations,21(2),220-239.
5Diamond, L.(1999). Developing democracy: Toward consolidation. JHU Press.221.
1安德鲁·查德威克,(2010).互联网政治学:国家,公民与新传播技术,华夏出版社，430.
2Kurzman, C.,&Kurzman, C.(2009). Democracy denied,1905-1915: Intellectualsand the fate of democracy. Harvard University Press.
3布鲁斯·宾伯，(2011).信息与美国民主:技术在政治权力演化中的作用，科学出版社出版,6-7.
1Dalton, R. J.,&Klingemann, H. D.(Eds.),(2007). The Oxford Handbook of PoliticalBehavior，USA:Oxford University Press,9-15.
2应星.(2007).“气”与中国乡村集体行动的再生产.开放时代,(6),106-120.
3今年1至10月信访总量604万件次同比下降2.1%，http://news.xinhuanet.com/yzyd/local/20131128/c_118332987.htm.
1中央和省级政府网站普及率100%地方提政务云概念，http://news.xinhuanet.com/politics/2013-01/16/c_124236821.htm.
1上海市市长信箱研究课题总结报告，http://blog.sina.com.cn/s/blog_55a8f88601019dgc.html
2澄迈县政府网将取消“书记信访”“县长信访”，http://chengmai.hinews.cn/system/2008/09/03/010532004.shtml
1广东省网上信访量占信访量半壁江山，http://www.gdshjs.org/s/2012-02/28/content_39032615.htm.
2国家信访局将建全国网上信访受理平台，http://news.china.com.cn/2013-11/28/content_30730843.htm.
3中纪委5年收网络举报30.1万件次怎样处理举报?http://news.xinhuanet.com/2013-05/07/c_115673017_2.htm.
1参见：中国家庭追踪调查（2010）用户手册，http://www.isss.edu.cn/cfps/wd/jsbg/2010jsbg/2013-03-11/167.html.
2按照AAPOR标准进行计算，参见技术报告：CFPS-5：中国家庭追踪调查2010年基线调查样本联系情况(2012.12.20)，http://www.isss.edu.cn/cfps/wd/jsbg/2010jsbg/2013-03-11/167.html.
1参加， CFPS-1：中国家庭追踪调查抽样设计，http://www.isss.edu.cn/cfps/wd/jsbg/2010jsbg/2013-03-11/167.html.
2CFPS-4：中国家庭追踪调查2010年基线调查质量督导报告，http://www.isss.edu.cn/cfps/wd/jsbg/2010jsbg/2013-03-11/167.html.
1“人均受教育年限”计算方法探讨，统计制度改革研究，2003（5），http://218.247.187.79/tjzx/rjsjynx.htm.
1Verba, S., Schlozman, K. L.,&Brady, H. E.(1995). Voice and equality: Civicvoluntarism in American politics. Harvard University Press.
2臧雷振,劳昕,&孟天广.(2013).互联网使用与政治行为——研究观点,分析路径及中国实证.政治学研究,(2),60-75.
3Swigger, N.(2012). The Online Citizen: Is Social Media Changing Citizens’ BeliefsAbout Democratic Values?. Political Behavior,1-15.
4Boulianne, S.(2009). Does Internet use affect engagement? A meta-analysis ofresearch. political communication,26(2),193-211.
1Gordon, E.(2013). Beyond participation: Designing for the civic web. Journal ofDigital and Media Literacy,1(1).
2Castells, M.(2012). Networks of outrage and hope: Social movements in theInternet age. Cambridge, UK: Polity.
3Patrick Meier， Do “Liberation Technologies” Change the Balance of PowerBetween Repressive Regimes and Civil Society，Dissertation，Stanford University，2010.
1Stoker, G.(1998). Governance as Theory. International Social Science Journal,50(155).
2Dean, M.(2007). Governing Societies. Maidenhead, England: Open UniversityPress.
3Werner Jann, Modern Governance, in Fraser-Moleketi, G.(ed.)(2005). The WorldWe Could Win: Administering Global Governance, Report of the International Institute ofAdministrative Sciences, Amsterdam: IOS Press.146.
1臧雷振,&徐湘林.(2013).政府质量:国家治理结构性指标研究的兴起.公共行政评论,6(5).
2臧雷振.(2012).治理定量研究:理论演进及反思——以世界治理指数(WGI)为例.国外社会科学,(4),11-16.
1Max Weber, The Methodology of the Social Sciences (New York:Free Press,1949),105-106.
2戴维·伊斯顿.(1993).政治体系——政治学状况研究.北京:商务印书馆,298.
3Giovanni Sartori,"Guidelines for Concept Analysis," Social Science Concepts: ASystematic Analysis, ed. Giovanni Sartori (Beverly Hills: Sage,1984),60.
4Gerring, J.(1999). What makes a concept good? A criterial framework forunderstanding concept formation in the social sciences. Polity,357-393.
5Bell S, Hindmoor A, Mols F. PERSUASION AS GOVERNANCE: A STATE‐CENTRIC RELATIONAL PERSPECTIVE. Public Administration,2010,88(3):851-870.
1奇尔科特.(1998).比较政治学理论:新范式的探索.社会科学文献出版社.165.
2张静，国家与社会.浙江人民出版社,1998.4.
1Bandelj, N.,&Solinger, D. J.(Eds.).(2012). Socialism Vanquished, SocialismChallenged: Eastern Europe and China,1989-2009. Oxford University Press.
1高家骥.碱土及其改良法,河南大学学报,1934(3).
2刘恩兰.我国之雨量变率,地理学报,1936(3).
3丁馨伯,工商管理之组织,复旦学报,1935.
4张光斗,黄河流域开发规划纲要草案,新黄河,1951(5).
5王国斌.(2008).转变的中国:历史变迁与欧洲经验的局限.江苏人民出版社.1-3.
1Lieberthal, Kenneth.1986.“China and Political Science.” PS: Political Science andPolitics19,1:70–78.
2Pierson, Paul, and Theda Skocpol.2002.“Historical Institutionalism inContemporary Political Science.” In Political Science: The State of the Discipline, ed. IraKatznelson and Helen V. Milner. New York: W. W. Norton.
3Marie-Eve Reny, Review Essay: What Happened to the Study of China inComparative Politics? Journal of East Asian Studies11(2011),105–135.
4Pollitt C. Structural change and public service performance: international lessons?Public Money&Management,2009,29(5):285-291.
5戴维·伊斯顿.(1993).政治体系——政治学状况研究.北京:商务印书馆,290.
1埃文斯等.(2009).找回国家.北京:生活·读书·新知三联书店.7.
2Ragin, C.(1987). The comparative method: Moving beyond qualitative andquantitative methods. Berkeley: University of California.6.
3Freeman, E. A.(1873) Comparative Politics. London: Macmillan.
4马克利希巴赫，阿兰S朱克曼编，比较政治：理性.文化和结构，中国人民大学出版，2008，116.
5米格代尔，国家研究，马克利希巴赫，阿兰S朱克曼编，比较政治：理性.文化和结构，中国人民大学出版，2008，276-277.
1马太·杜甘.(2010).国家的比较——为什么比较,如何比较,拿什么比较.社会科学文献出版社.11-14.
2罗伯特,古丁,汉斯,&迪特尔.(2006).克林格曼政治科学新手册.生活·读书·新知三联书店。740-748.
3Slater, D.,&Ziblatt, D.(2013). The Enduring Indispensability of the ControlledComparison. Comparative Political Studies.
1亨廷顿(1988).变革社会中的政治秩序，华夏出版社.
1群体性事件是一种激烈抗争性政治参与，在中国泛指通过没有合法依据的规模性聚集、对社会造成负面影响的群体活动、发生多数人语言行为或肢体行为上的冲突等群体行为的方式，或表达诉求和主张，或直接争取和维护自身利益，或发泄不满、制造影响，因而对社会秩序和社会稳定造成重大负面影响的各种事件。参见奚洁人：科学发展观百科辞典，上海辞书出版社，2007年版。
2陆学艺，李培林，陈光金(2013)：社会蓝皮书：2013年中国社会形势分析与预测，社会科学文献出版社，12-14.
1http://news.xinhuanet.com/newmedia/2013-11/29/c_125781182.htm.
1Argyriades, D.(2006). Good governance, professionalism, ethics andresponsibility. International Review of Administrative Sciences,72(2),155-170.
阿尔蒙德,韦巴,(2008).公民文化:五个国家的政治态度和民主制.东方出版社.
阿列克谢·舍甫琴柯.如何看待中国共产党在改革时期的作用,国外理论动态,2005,(1).
阿伦·德雷泽(2003).宏观经济学中的政治经济学，经济科学出版社.
阿图尔科利.(2007).国家引导的发展:全球边缘地区的政治权力与工业化.吉林出版集团.
阿维纳什·K·迪克西特.(2004).经济政策的制定，中国人民大学出版社.
埃里克. A诺德林格.(2010).民主国家的自主性.江苏人民出版社.
爱德华·S.赫尔曼(Herman.E.S.),诺姆·乔姆斯基(Chomsky.N.)(2011),制造共识：大众传媒的政治经济学,北京大学出版社.
安德鲁.查德威克.(2010).互联网政治学:国家,公民与新传播技术,华夏出版社.
安德鲁·F.库珀,阿加塔·安特科维茨主编.(2009).全球治理中的新兴国家:来自海利根达姆进程的经验.上海人民出版社.
安东尼．季登斯(Anthony Giddens)，（2001）,社会的构成，台北：左岸文化出版社.
安东尼·奥罗姆、约翰·戴尔,(2012).政治社会学：当代世界的权力和参与,巨流出版社.
奥利弗·威廉姆森(2001).治理机制，中国社会科学出版社.
奥斯特罗姆.(2000).公共事务的治理之道，上海三联书店.
包心鉴,李锦,刘玉张新德,(2012).大众政治参与和社会管理创新,人民出版社.
彼得·D·希夫(Peter D. Schiff)(2013)，国家为什么会崩溃，中信出版社.
边燕杰,卢汉龙,&孙立平.(2002).市场转型与社会分层:美国社会学者分析中国.生活读书新知三联书店.
波吉.(1997).近代国家的发展:社会学导论.商务印书馆.
波兰尼·卡尔.(2007).大转型:我们时代的政治与经济起源.杭州:浙江人民出版社.
布坎南,(2008).宪法秩序的经济学与伦理学.商务印书馆.
布赖恩麦克奈尔.(2005).政治传播学引论.新华出版社.
布鲁斯·宾伯(BimberB.).(2011).信息与美国民主:技术在政治权力演化中的作用，科学出版社出版.
蔡定剑.(2002).中国选举状况的报告.法律出版社.
蔡定剑.(2009).公众参与:风险社会的制度建设.法律出版社.
蔡立辉(2007).政府绩效评估:现状与发展前景.中山大学学报(社会科学版),5.
蔡英文.(2010).政治的代表性与自由民主体制:施密特,鄂兰与勒弗论国家与人民的关系.政治与社会哲学评论,(32),1-63.
曾庆香、李蔚(2010)，群体性事件：信息传播与政府应对，中国书籍出版社.
查尔斯·蒂利,西德尼·塔罗.(2010).抗争政治.南京:译林出版社.
查尔斯.埃德温.贝克（C.Edwin.Baker），（2008），媒介、市场与民主，上海世纪出版集团.
常健,许尧.(2010)论公共冲突管理的五大机制建设.中国行政管理,9.
巢乃鹏,&黄娴.(2005).网络传播中的“谣言”现象研究.情报理论与实践,27(6),586-589.
陈柏峰.(2012).农民上访的分类治理研究.政治学研究,(1),28-42.
陈丰.(2010).信访制度变迁:从路径依赖到路径创新.江海学刊,2,22.
陈继清.(2006).我国信访制度存在的问题及其完善措施.中国行政管理,(6),17-20.
陈建仁.(2010).地方治理中的政治参与途径初探.中国地方自治,63(10),31-43.
陈晋胜.(2004).群体性事件研究报告.群众出版社.
陈陆辉，(2003)，政治信任、施政表现对台湾民主的展望，台湾政治学刊，7(2):149-188.
陈明明主编(2012).转型危机与国家治理，上海人民出版社.
陈强,&徐晓林.(2010).网络群体性事件演化要素研究.情报杂志,29(0),5-8.
陈庆云.(2006).信访改革取向与制度创新问题研究.法学杂志,26(6),135-137.
陈瑞莲,孔凯.(2009)中国区域公共管理研究的发展与前瞻.学术研究,5.
陈剩勇,&杜洁.(2005).互联网公共论坛:政治参与和协商民主的兴起.浙江大学学报(人文社会科学版),35(3).
陈士玉,(2010).当代中国公民政治参与的模式及其发展趋势研究,吉林大学出版社.
陈潭,罗晓俊.(2011).中国网络政治研究:进程与争鸣政治学研究,(4).
陈炜.(2008).公共危机传播的媒介景象：从政治问责性到公众问责性.复旦大学.
陈忆宁.(2011).探索政治议题感知的世代差异-一个媒介效果的观点.台湾民主季刊,8(2),39-8.
陈映芳.(2006).行动力与制度限制:都市运动中的中产阶层.社会学研究,4,-20.
陈喆,&陈丽园.(2011).公共政策如何通过新闻报道构建合法性.暨南学报(哲学社会科学版),33(3),196-202.
陈振明,马骁,朱梅,&赵根根.(2010).群体性事件的成因与对策研究.东南学术,5.
程曼丽.(2008).论“议程设置”在国家形象塑造中的舆论导向作用.北京大学学报:哲学社会科学版,45(2),62-68.
褚松燕.(2007).权利发展与公民参与:我国公民资格权利发展与有序参与研究.中国法制出版社.
戴维·莫利、凯文·罗宾斯（2001），认同的空间，南京：南京大学.
戴维伊斯顿.(1993).政治体系——政治学状况研究.北京:商务印书馆.
道尔.(2004).理解传媒经济学.清华大学出版社有限公司.
道格拉斯·凯尔纳,(2013).媒体文化,商务印书馆.
邓利维奥利里.(2007).国家理论:自由民主的政治学.浙江人民出版社.
邓正来.(2002).市民社会理论的研究.中国政法大学出版社.
刁杰成.(1996).人民信访史略:1949-1995.北京经济学院出版社.
丁煌.(1999).从区县人大换届选举看提高公民的民主意识.中国软科学,3.
渡边勉山本英弘.(2001).社会运动的态势与政治机会的结构-对宫城县社会运动的计量分析(1986~1997)社会学评论,52-52.
范士明.(2000)政治的新闻——美国媒体上的西藏和“西藏问题”.太平洋学报,4.
房宁.(2011).自由,威权,多元:东亚政治发展研究报告.社会科学文献出版社.
房宁等.中国政治参与报告(2011，2012，2013).北京:社会科学文献出版社.
冯仕政（2013），西方社会运动理论研究，中国人民大学出版社
弗莱明等（Flemming Christiansen&Shirin M. Rai），（1999）,中国政治与社会，台北：韦伯文化.
福山(2007).国家构建:21世纪的国家治理与世界秩序.中国社会科学出版社.
傅恒德.(2003).政治文化与政治参与.韦伯文化国际出版有限公司.
傅思明(2009).中国信访立法探究.中共中央党校学报.(1).
高波.(2008).政府传播论:社会核心信息体系与改革开放新路径.中国传媒大学出版社.
高承实,荣星,&陈越.(2011).微博舆情监测指标体系研究.情报杂志,30(9),66-70.
戈德斯通(2009),国家、政党与社会运动,上海人民出版社.
葛荃.(2011)论传统中国“道”的宰制——兼及“循道”政治思维定式.政治学研究,1.
耿曙、陈奕伶、陈陆辉(2008)，有限改革的政治意义：中国大陆动员式选举参与对其城市居民参与意识的影响，人文及社会科学集刊，20（4）.
顾丽梅.(2003).信息社会的政府治理:政府治理理念与治理范式硏究(Vol.2).天津人民出版社.
郭道久.(2006)对抗性竞争与协商合作——多元主义与合作主义的利益集团观比较.教学与研究,8.
郭定平.(1997).论当代政治转型理论的背景与逻辑.学术季刊,3.
郭浩;陆余良;王宇;张亮.(2012).基于信息传播的微博用户影响力度量.山东大学学报(理学版),(5).
郭秋永.(1999).强势民主:新时代的政治参与.问题与研究,38(6),63-94.
郭小安.(2001).网络民主的可能及限度.中国社会科学出版社.
郭正林.(2003).当代中国农民政治参与的程度,动机及社会效应.社会学研究,3,18-23.
郭忠华.(2003)新制度主义关于制度变迁研究的三大范式.天津社会科学,4.
哈伯马斯.(1999).公共领域的结构转型.学林出版社.
哈林、曼奇尼，（2010）.比较媒介体制：媒介与政治的三种模式，中国人民大学出版社.
哈罗德,伊尼斯.(2003).传播的偏向.中国人民大学出版社.
何怀宏.(1998).选举社会及其终结:秦汉至晚清历史的一种社会学阐释.生活·读书·新知三联书店.
何明修（2005），社会运动概论，台北：三民书局.
何艳玲.“回归社会”:中国社会建设与国家治理结构调适.开放时代,2013,3:29-44.
何增科.(2004).中国政治体制改革硏究.中央编译出版社.
何增科等,（2007）.城乡公民参与和政治合法性.中央编译出版社.
何正玲(2012).当代中国公民网络政治参与问题研究.东北师范大学.
胡鞍钢,王绍光,&周建明.(2003).第二次转型:国家制度建设.清华大学出版社.
胡佛.(1998).政治参与与选举行为.三民书局.
胡荣(2008).社会资本与城市居民的政治参与.社会学研究,(5).
胡筱秀.(2005)行政发展与国家治理结构现代化——我国“行政三分制”改革试点的生态分析.江苏社会科学,3.
胡钰.(2000).大众传播效果:问题与对策.新华出版社.
胡元梓.(2022).中国民众何以偏好信访.华中师范大学学报(人文社会科学版),(2).
黄冬娅.(2011).国家如何塑造抗争政治.社会学研究,(2),27-242.
黄健荣.论现代政府合法性递减:成因、影响与对策.浙江大学学报(人文社会科学版),2010,9:26-40.
黄少华.(2008).网络空间的社会行为:青少年网络行为研究.人民出版社.
黄卫平,&陈文.(2006).民间政治参与和体制吸纳的互动.马克思主义与现实,3.
加布里埃尔塔尔德,&特里N克拉克.(2005).传播与社会影响.中国人民大学出版社.
加汉姆，(2005).解放传媒现代性：关于传媒和社会理论的讨论,新华出版社.
贾兵(2011).先秦诸子政治传播观念研究.上海大学.
江振昌.(2006).机制与变迁:中国信访制度的存废争议.远景基金会季刊,7(4),43-77.
姜明安(2005).改革信访制度创新我国解纷和救济机制.中国党政干部论坛,(5).
姜苏莉(2006).我国信访听证制度研究.政治学研究,(4).
奖原伦.(2004).媒体文化与消费时代.中央编译出版社.
杰克·奈特.(2009).制度与社会冲突.上海:上海人民出版社.
金观涛、刘青峰(1993)，开放中的变迁:再论中国社会超稳定结构，香港：中文大学出版社.
金毅.(2012).当代中国公民网络政治参与研究.吉林大学.
荆学民，苏颖(2014).中国政治传播研究的学术路径与现实维度,中国社会科学.(2).
敬乂嘉,刘春荣.(2007)居委会直选与城市基层治理——对2006年上海市居委会直接选举的分析.复旦学报(社会科学版),1.
卡诺伊,(1995).国家与政治理论,桂冠出版社.
凯尔纳.(2003).媒体奇观.清华大学出版社有限公司.
康晓光,卢宪英,韩恒,&王名.(2008).改革时代的国家与社会关系,北京:中国社会科学出版社.
科尔奈雅诺什.(2007).社会主义体制:共产主义政治经济学.中央编译局出版社.
科塞.(1989).社会冲突的功能,华夏出版社.
匡文波.(2009).“新媒体”概念辨析.国际新闻界,(6),66-69.
拉尔夫.(2000).达仁道夫.现代社会冲突,中国社会科学出版社.
兰华.我国公民社会发展与服务型政府建设——治理理论视角.山东大学学报(哲学社会科学版),2005,05:103-108.
兰斯·本奈特(Bennett.W.L.),罗伯特·M.恩特曼(Entman.R.M.).(2011),媒介化政治,清华大学出版社.
郎友兴.(2012).政治追求与政治吸纳.浙江大学出版社.
勒莫,&唐家龙.(1999).黑寡妇:谣言的示意及传播.商务印书馆.
雷大川.(2009)“乐”：政治意义的宣化——先秦政治传播观念研究.吉林大学.
雷润琴(2010),信息博弈:公民·媒体·政府，清华大学出版社.
雷弢(2009).参与的逻辑:北京选民选举心态与参与行为追踪研究.香港:晨钟书局.
雷蔚真,&邱林川.(2011).从“仪式”到“派对”:互联网对“媒介事件”的重构,中国人民大学出版社.
李斌.(2006).网络政治学导论.中国社会科学出版社.
李春(2005).网络政治参与在我国的兴起：条件、形态与前景.复旦大学.
李广(2007).中国乡村治理中的政治传播与控制.华中师范大学.
李和中.(1998).县(区)人大代表直接选举的调查及其分析.政治学研究,4,75-82.
李金河,徐锋,(2009).当代中国公众政治参与和决策科学化,人民出版社.
李侃如(2010).治理中国:从革命到改革.中国社会科学出版社.
李里峰(2010)运动式治理:一项关于土改的政治学分析.福建论坛(人文社会科学版),4.
李路路.(2002).制度转型与分层结构的变迁.中国社会科学,(6).
李培林.(1992).另一只看不见的手:社会结构转型.中国社会科学,5(3).
李秋学.(2009).中国信访史论.中国社会科学出版社.
李希光,&赵心树.(2002).媒体的力量.南方日报出版社.
李亚妤.(2011).互联网使用,网络社会交往与网络政治参与.新闻大学,(1),69-81.
李元书.(200).政治传播学的产生和发展.政治学研究,(3),68-77.
李月军(2013).西方学者视野下的中国文武关系模式国外理论动态,(5).
李智.(2007).国际政治传播:控制与效果.北京大学出版社.
理查德德·拉克曼(Richard Lachmann).(2013).国家与权力，上海人民出版社.
林峰,&王书成.(2013).信访,民主立与法治:中国话题.香港城市大学出版社.
林嘉诚.(1989).政治心理形成与政治参与行为.台湾商务印书馆.
林尚立(2012).民主与民生:人民民主的中国逻辑.北京大学学报(哲学社会科学版),1.
林尚立.(2000).当代中国政治形态硏究.新华书店.
林毅夫.(2004).自生能力,经济发展与转型:理论与实证.北京大学出版社.
林喆(2009).信访制度的功能、属性及其发展趋势.中共中央党校学报,(1).
刘华蓉.(2010).大众传媒与政治.北京大学出版社.
刘骥,张玲,陈子恪.社会科学为什么要找因果机制.公共行政评论,2011,04.
刘建军.论社会转型期政治信任的法治基础.文史哲,2010,04:159-168.
刘文富.(2002).网络政治:网络社会与国家治理.商务印书馆.
刘玉芝.(2011).政府在扩大公民有序政治参与中的地位与作用.政治学研究,4.
刘远柱(2008).公民网络政治参与和政府管理创新学习论坛,(9).
刘正强(2014).信访的“容量”分析：理解中国信访治理及其限度的一种思路,开放时代.1.
刘智,&白钢.(2001).数据选举:人大代表选举统计硏究.中国社会科学出版社.
柳新元(2000).国家的治理方式、治理成本与治理绩效.江海学刊,4.
娄成武,刘力锐(2010).论网络政治动员:一种非对称态势政治学研究,(2).
罗伯特W麦克切斯尼.(2004).富媒体,穷民主——不确定时代的传播政治.新华出版社.
罗锡政,雷琳(2011).“泛阿拉伯革命”及其对中亚和中国新疆的影响国外理论动态,(6).
闾小波（2011）.共识依赖:中华政治共识之传承与更张.天津社会科学,1.
麻宝斌(2009),中国社会转型时期的群体性政治参与.中国社会科学出版社.
麻宝斌,马振清(2005).新时期中国社会的群体性政治参与.政治学研究,(2).
马骏,侯一麟,林尚立主编.(2007).国家治理与公共预算.中国财政经济出版社.
马克·格兰诺维特(2007).镶嵌：社会网与经济行动.社会文献出版社.
马克斯韦尔·麦库姆斯,(2008).议程设置大众媒介与舆论,北京大学出版社.
玛利亚·埃丁,于淼(2006).中国的基层干部责任制国外理论动态,(1).
玛利亚乔纳蒂.(2008).自我耗竭式演进:政党一国家体制的模型与验证.中央编译局出版社.
迈克尔·麦金尼斯.(2000).多中心体制与地方公共经济.上海三联书店.
麦克奈尔, McNair, B.,&殷祺.(2005).政治传播学引论.新华出版社.
麦奎尔.(2006).麦奎尔大众传播理论.清华大学出版社.
曼威．柯司特(Manuel Castells)，（1998），网络社会之崛起，台北：唐山出版社.
曼威．柯司特(Manuel Castells)，（2002），认同的力量，台北：唐山出版社.
曼威·柯司特(Manuel Castells)，（2001），千禧年之终结，台北：唐山出版社.
莫里斯（Dick Morris），(2000)，网络民主，台北：商周出版社.
纳什（Kate Nash）（2001），林庭瑶译，当代政治社会学，台北：韦伯文化出版社.
尼尔·波兹曼(NeilPostman),(2004).娱乐至死广西师范大学出版社.
倪志伟,&边燕杰.(2002).市场转型理论:国家社会主义由再分配到市场,北京:三联书店.
诺曼尼·科尔森.(2001).制度分析与发展的反思,商务出版社.
诺思.(2008).制度,制度变迁与经济绩效.格致出版社.
帕夫利克.(2005).新媒体技术：文化和商业前景.清华大学出版社.
潘维,玛雅.(2009)共和国一甲子探讨中国模式.开放时代,5.
潘伟杰,余波(1999).信息革命的政治挑战和理论困境世界经济与政治.(3).
裴宜理,&阎小骏.(2006).社会运动理论的发展.当代世界社会主义问题,4,3-2.
裴宜理、塞尔登,(2014).中国社会：变革、冲突与抗争,香港中文大学出版社.
彭怀恩.(2002).政治传播与沟通.台湾:台湾风论坛出版社柏限公司.
彭向刚,袁明旭(2007).论转型期弱势群体政治参与与社会公正.吉林大学社会科学学报,(1).
彭芸.(1986).政治传播:理论与实务.中国台湾地区:巨流图书公司.
皮特·F.伯恩斯,(2011).仅有选举政治是不够的,中央编译出版社.
皮特何,理查德路易斯艾德蒙：嵌入式行动主义在中国:社会运动的机遇与约束，社会科学文献出版社，2012.
浦兴祖.(2005)以人大民主为重点继续推进中国民主政治的发展.复旦学报(社会科学版),5.
齐建华.(2006).法国学术界对当代中国政治研究评述,国外理论动态.(2).
祁玲玲,孔卫拿,赵莹(2013).国家能力、公民组织与当代中国的环境信访.中国行政管理,(7):100-106.
乔登（Tim Jordon），（2001），网际权力，台北：韦伯文化出版社.
秦德君(2001).中国政治发展与扩大公民政治参与.社会科学,(9).
秦海.(1999).制度范式与制度主义，社会学研究.
青木昌彦.(2001).比较制度分析，上海远东出版社.
琼斯，澄宇(2007).新媒体百科全书.清华大学出版社.
邱林川，陈韬文（2011），新媒体事件研究.中国人民大学出版社.
秋永.(1993).政治参与.幼狮文化事业公司.
让布隆代尔,(2006).政党与政府:自由民主国家的政府与支持性政党关系探析,北京大学出版社.
任剑涛.国家治理的简约主义.开放时代,2010,7:73-86.
塞缪尔·亨廷顿.(1989).难以抉择——发展中国家的政治参与.华夏出版社.
桑斯坦.(2010).谣言.中信出版社
桑玉成.(2011)官民协同治理视角下当代中国社会管理的创新与发展.山东大学学报(哲学社会科学版),3.
沈明明，（2009）.中国公民意识调查数据报告.社会科学文献出版社.
施雪华(2013).中国近现代政治体制的转型及其当代启示.学术研究,7.
石之瑜，（2002），后现代的政治知识，台北：元照.
时和兴(1996).关系、限度、制度：政治发展过程中的国家与社会.北京大学出版社.
史卫民，郭巍青，刘智(2009).中国选举进展报告，中国社会科学出版社，2009
史有春.(2002).公共关系学:形象设计,信息传播和社会交往.南京大学出版社.
斯蒂芬·埃里克·布隆纳,(2006).重申启蒙:论一种积极参与的政治,江苏人民出版社.
宋恩梅,&左慧慧.(2012).新浪微博中的“权威”与“人气”:以社会网络分析为方法.图书情报知识,3,43-54.
宋维强.(2009).社会转型期中国农民群体性事件研究.华中师范大学出版社.
苏萍.(2010).谣言与近代教案，上海远东出版社.
孙柏瑛.(2009).我国公民有序参与:语境,分歧与共识.中国人民大学学报,1,65.
孙立平、郭于华，(2000)，软硬兼施：正式权力的非正式运作过程分析,清华社会学评论,1.
孙立平.(2003).断裂:20世纪90年代以来的中国社会.社会科学文献出版社.
孙龙(2011).公民参与——北京城市居民态度与行为实证研究，中国社会科学出版社.
泰德·布拉德尔.(2013).政治广告,中国人民大学出版社.
唐皇凤(2008).回归政治缓冲:当代中国信访制度功能变迁的理性审视.武汉大学学报(哲学社会科学版),(4).
唐士其.(1996).市民社会,现代国家以及中国的国家与社会的关系.北京大学学报:哲学社会科学版,6,65-67.
唐文方(2013).政权合法性比较研究:以中国大陆和台湾为例，国外理论动态,(7).
唐贤兴(2009).政策工具的选择与政府的社会动员能力——对“运动式治理”的一个解释.学习与探索,3.
唐亚林,郭林.(2006)从阶级统治到阶层共治——新中国国家治理模式的历史考察.学术界,4.
陶东明,&陈明明.(1998).当代中国政治参与.浙江人民出版社.
陶鹏,&童星.(2008).邻避型群体性事件及其治理.南京社会科学,63-68.
田先红.(2012).基层信访治理中的“包保责任制”:实践逻辑与现实困境.社会,4.
童之伟.(2011).信访体制在中国宪法框架中的合理定位.现代法学,33(1),3-17.
托马斯·海贝勒.(2005).中国的社会政治参与:以社区为例.马克思主义与现实,(3),17-24.
万高潮,魏明康（2004）.从同质共同体到异质共同体，华商国际出版有限公司.
王邦佐,谢岳.(2001)社会整合:21世纪中国共产党的政治使命.学术月刊,7.
王彩波,李燕霞.(2003)论制度化政治整合.吉林大学社会科学学报,4.
王佃利,王桂玲(2007).城市治理中的利益整合机制.中国行政管理,8.
王国斌.(2008).转变的中国:历史变迁与欧洲经验的局限.江苏人民出版社.
王海洲.(2009).作为媒介景观的政治仪式:.新闻与传播研究,6(4),53-60.
王建华(2010).政党与现代国家建设的内在逻辑——一项基于中国情境的历史考察和理论分析.复旦学报(社会科学版),2.
王金水(2011).公民网络政治参与与政治稳定.中国行政管理,(5).
王靖华(2012).美国“大众传媒—政府”系统运行机制研究，首都经济贸易大学出版社.
王乐夫,陈干全(2003).公共性:公共管理研究的基础与核心.社会科学,4.
王丽萍,方然(2010).参与还是不参与:中国公民政治参与的社会心理分析.政治学研究,(2).
王明生,(2012).当代中国政治参与研究,南京大学出版社.
王浦劬(2012)．以治理的民主实现社会民生：对行政信访的再审视.北京大学出版社．
王绍光,&马骏.(2008).走向“预算国家”-财政转型与国家建设.公共行政评论.
王诗宗.(2009).治理理论及其中国适用性(Vol.9).浙江大学出版社.
王维国.(2007).公民有序政治参与的途径.人民出版社.
王信贤(2006)，中国大陆国家权力与社会运动分析，政治学报，40.
王学俭,张智(2010).群体性事件与公民社会构建.西安交通大学学报(社会科学版),2.
韦伯斯特.(2011).信息社会理论,北京大学出版社.
魏星河.(2007).我国公民有序政治参与的涵义,特点及价值.政治学研究,(2),31-35.
沃尔特·李普曼(Walter Lippman).(2006).公众舆论,上海世纪出版集团，上海人民出版社.
吴超.(2009).新中国六十年信访制度的历史考察.中共党史研究,11.
吴建平.(2011)从企业参与治理到地方治理参与——从国家治理模式转变看中国工会组织与制度变革.学海,1.
吴敬琏.(1995).路径依赖与中国改革.改革,3,57-59.
吴文钰.(2010).我国哲学社会科学生产力发展和分布：基于1998—2007年CSSCI发文数的分析.社会科学管理与评论,3.
西达斯考切波（2007）.国家与社会革命,上海人民出版社.
西塞罗等,(2013).国的治理:西塞罗二千年不朽的国家治理术,木马文化事业有限公司.
希瑟,萨维尼(2004).公众舆论,政治传播与互联网.国外理论动态,(9),39-43.
肖立辉.(2010).中国基层民主创新研究.人民出版社.
萧功秦.(2008).中国的大转型:从发展政治学看中国变革.新星出版社.
谢岳(2005).大众传媒与民主政治.上海交通大学出版社.
辛翠玲.(2012).跨国公民政治研究与理论发展之反思.问题与研究,51(3),1-22.
徐东.(2005).台湾地区陈情制度介评暨其与大陆信访制度之比较.台湾法研究学刊,(1),22-27.
徐斯俭、吴玉山主编，(2007)，党国蜕变：中共政权的菁英与政策,台北：五南出版社.
徐湘林.(2009).寻求渐进政治改革的理性:理论、路径与政策过程,中国物资出版社.
徐湘林.(2010).转型危机与国家治理:中国的经验.经济社会体制比较,(5),1-14.
徐湘林.(2012).把政治文化找回来——“公民文化”的理论与经验反思.政治学研究,(2),29-36.
徐勇主编.(2012).中国农民的政治认知与参与,中国社会科学出版社.
徐增阳,黄辉祥(2002).武汉市农民工政治参与状况调查.战略与管理,(6).
许欣欣.(2000).当代中国社会结构变迁与流动.社会科学文献出版社.
薛晓源、陈家刚主编(2004).全球化与新制度主义，社会科学文献出版社.
严洁,邱泽奇,任莉颖,丁华,&孙妍.(2012).社会调查质量研究:访员臆答与干预效果.社会学研究,2.
严洁，（2010）.公民文化与和谐社会调查数据报告.社会科学文献出版社,2010.
严洁.(2006).中国公民对民主政治体制态度的实证分析.华中师范大学学报:人文社会科学版,44(6),38-43.
严强(2008).国家治理与政策变迁迈向经验解释的中国政治学,中央编译出版社.
燕继荣.(2013).中国政府改革的定位与定向.政治学研究,(6),31-38.
燕继荣.(2014).现代国家治理与制度建设.中国行政管理,(5).
杨光斌.(2006).制度变迁与国家治理:中国政治发展研究.人民出版社.
杨和德,王精忠.(2002).群体性事件研究.中国人民公安大学出版社.
杨击.(2006).传播·文化·社会:英国大众传播理论透视.复旦大学出版社.
杨丽华((2001)).民主选举与选举民主.山东社会科学,2.
杨龙(2010).多民族国家治理的复杂性.社会科学研究,2.
杨瑞龙,王宇锋,&刘和旺.(2010).父亲政治身份,政治关系和子女收入.经济学(季刊),9(3),871-890.
杨瑞龙.(1998).我国制度变迁方式转换的三阶段论.经济研究,1(5),5-12.
杨志(2006).我国公民参与公共政策的现状及其路径选择.理论学刊,7.
伊丽莎白·诺尔-诺依曼(2013).沉默的螺旋·舆论:我们的社会皮肤,北京大学出版社.
殷安阳.(2002).论网络政治时代.中州学刊,(3),147-149.
殷晓元(2011).中国共产党政治传播研究.湖南师范大学.
尹艳红,尚虎平(2009).公民有序参与的突破:以信访组织结构变革为视角.中国行政管理,(10).
应星(2004).作为特殊行政救济的信访救济.法学研究,(3).
于建嵘(2005).中国信访制度批判.中国改革,(2).
俞可平主编(2009).国家治理评估.中央编译出版社.
俞可平主编(2013).中国的民主治理:理论与实践.中央编译出版社.
约翰·R·扎勒(2013).公共舆论,中国人民大学出版社.
约翰肯尼思加尔布雷思：美好社会：人类的议程，江苏人民出版社.
臧国仁(1998)，新闻报导与真实建构：新闻框架的理论观点，传播研究集刊，3.
臧雷振,&孟天广.(2012).中国农村基层民主选举中经济投票行为研究.社会科学,(2),37-49.
臧雷振,&徐湘林.(2013).政府质量:国家治理结构性指标研究的兴起.公共行政评论,6(5).
臧雷振,劳昕,&孟天广.(2013).互联网使用与政治行为.政治学研究,(2),60-75.
臧雷振.(2011).西方经济投票理论的批判性考察.浙江社会科学,(7),128-134.
臧雷振.(2011).治理类型的多样性演化与比较——求索国家治理逻辑.公共管理学报,8(4),40-49.
臧雷振.(2012).治理定量研究:理论演进及反思.国外社会科学,(4),11-16.
臧雷振.(2014).网络政治学：开启政治2.0时代的新议题,国外理论动态,（1）.
詹姆斯.(2007).互联网使用的社会影响.商务出版社.
詹姆斯·E.凯茨罗纳德·E.莱斯(2007).互联网使用的社会影响.商务印书馆.
湛中乐,&苏宇.(2009).论我国信访制度的功能定位.中共中央党校学报,(2),96-99.
张创新,赵蕾.(2010)从"新制"到"良制":我国行政问责的制度化.中国人民大学学报,1.
张光,Jennifer R.Wilking,于淼.(2010)中国农民的公平观念:基于村委会选举调查的实证研究.社会学研究,1.
张海波,童星(2012).社会管理创新与信访制度改革.天津社会科学,(3).
张静.(1998).国家与社会.浙江人民出版社.
张康之,程倩(2010).网络治理理论及其实践.新视野,6.
张雷(2007).论网络政治谣言及其社会控制政治学研究,(2).
张雷,刘曙光(2008).论网络政治动员东北大学学报(社会科学版),(2).
张利军(2012).改革开放以来海外视域下的中国政治参与研究国外理论动态,(6).
张茂桂(1994)，民间社会、资源动员与新社会运动：台湾社会运动研究的理论志向，香港社会科学学报（香港），4.
张明澍.(1994).中国政治人:中国公民政治素质调查报告.中国社会科学出版社.
张泰苏(2009).中国人在行政纠纷中为何偏好信访.社会学研究,(3).
张溦(2011).民族政治传播研究.中央民族大学.
张小劲,景跃进,孙柏瑛,何增科,赵树凯,肖滨,徐湘林,陈明明,郁建兴,于晓虹,张潇爽,严俊.专家圆桌:“第五个现代化”启程.人民论坛,2014(10）.
张亚勇(2007).试论网络政治参与的无序性及其规范求实,(12).
张永和,张炜(2009),临潼信访,人民出版社。
章晓可(2006).中日信访法规比较研究.中国行政管理,(12):68-72.
赵宝煦.(2000).中国政治学百年历程.东南学术,(2),39-44.
赵春丽(2007).网络政治参与:协商民主的新形式中共天津市委党校学报,(4).
赵鼎新.(2006).社会与政治运动讲义(Vol.53).社会科学文献出版社.
赵红艳;(2012).微博在“两会”中的影响力及社会效应分析;中国广播电视学刊,(2).
赵莉(2009).中国网络社群政治参与：政治传播学的视角,中国广播电视出版社.
赵月枝.(2011).传播与社会:政治经济与文化分析.中国传媒大学出版社.
郑杭生.(2009).改革开放三十年:社会发展理论和社会转型理论.中国社会科学,(2),
郑丽丝.(2013).微博时代政府公信力的挑战与机遇,法制与社会,30.
郑永年,郁建兴,&何子英.(2009).全球化与中国国家转型.浙江人民出版社.
郑永年、王旭(2001)，论中央地方关系中的集权和民主问题，战略与管理,3.
郑芸(2008).网络政治视野中的公民政治参与,苏州大学学报,(1).
周光辉.从管制转向服务:中国政府的管理革命——中国行政管理改革30年.吉林大学社会科学学报,2008,3:18-28.
周明,&曾向红.(2012).埃及社会运动中的机会结构,水平网络与架构共鸣.社会学研究,6。
周淑真.以政党转型促进中国民主政治发展.探索与争鸣.2012(10)
周武军(2008).大众传播媒介的政治功能研究.吉林大学.
周雪光,刘世定,折晓叶主编(2012)，国家建设与政府行为.中国社会科学出版社.
周翼虎.(2009).抗争与入笼:中国新闻业的市场化悖论.新闻学研究,(100),101-136.
周永坤(2006).信访潮与中国纠纷解决机制的路径选择.暨南学报(哲学社会科学版),(1).
周裕琼.(2012).当代中国社会的网络谣言研究.商务印书馆.
周志忍.(2008).政府绩效评估中的公民参与:我国的实践历程与前景.中国行政管理,(1),111-118.
朱光磊,周振超(2004).党政关系规范化研究.政治学研究,3.
朱海忠.(2013).政治机会结构与农民环境抗争.中国农业大学学报.
朱新民主编(2004)，中国大陆基层民主研究,台北：远景基金会.
竺干威.(2008)从新公共管理到整体性治理.中国行政管理,10.
邹静琴,王静,苏粤(2010).大学生网络政治参与现状调查与规范机制构建,政治学研究,(4).
Alesina, A.,&Giuliano, P.(2011). Family ties and political participation.Journal of theEuropean Economic Association,9(5),817-839.
Atkins, W.(2013). The politics of Southeast Asia's new media. Routledge.
Andersen, K.(2007). A New Engagement? Political Participation, Civic Life, and theChanging American Citizen. Perspectives on Politics,5(2),379-380.
Bakker, T. P.,&de Vreese, C. H.(2011). Good news for the future? Young people,Internet use, and political participation. Communication Research,38(4),451-470.
Baran, S. J.,&Davis, D. K.(2011). Mass communication theory: Foundations, ferment,and future. Cengage Learning.
Benford, R. D.,&Snow, D. A.(2000). Framing processes and social movements: Anoverview and assessment. Annual review of sociology,6-639.
Bennett, W. L.(Ed.).(2008). Civic life online: Learning how digital media can engageyouth. MIT Press.
Best, S. J.,&Krueger, B. S.(2005). Analyzing the representativeness of Internet politicalparticipation. Political Behavior,27(2),183-216.
Bimber, B.(1998). The Internet and political transformation: Populism, community, andaccelerated pluralism. Polity,33-60.
Bradley-Storey, L.(2011). The Political Dynamics and Implications of Rights Articulation inChina's Online Forums: The Case of Xinfang. Available at SSRN1909963.
Brundidge, J.,&Rice, R. E.(2009). Political engagement online: Do the information richget richer and the like-minded more similar. Routledge handbook of Internet politics,44-56.
Burgess, J.,&Green, J.(2013). YouTube: Online video and participatory culture. JohnWiley&Sons.
Cai, Y.(2010). Collective resistance in China: Why popular protests succeed or fail.Stanford University Press.
Castells, M.(2007).“Communication, Power and Counter-power in the Network Society”.In International Journal of Communication,,238-266. Los Angeles: USC AnnenbergPress.
Chadwick, A.&Howard, P. N.(2008). Routledge Handbook of Internet Politics. New York:Routledge.
Chen, X.(2012). Social protest and contentious authoritarianism in China. CambridgeUniversity Press.
Christensen, H. S.(2011). Political activities on the Internet: Slacktivism or politicalparticipation by other means?. First Monday,16(2).
Dahlgren, P.(Ed.).(2013). Young citizens and new media: Learning for democraticparticipation. Routledge.
Dasgupta, S.,&Wheeler, D.(1997). Citizen complaints as environmental indicators:evidence from China (Vol.1704). World Bank Publications.
Davis R and Owen D (2008) United States: Internet and elections. In: Ward S, Owen D,Davis R, et al.(eds) Making a Difference: A Comparative View of the Role of theInternet in Election Politics. Lanham, MD: Lexington Books.
Davis R, Baumgartner JC, Francia PL, et al.(2009) The Internet in US election campaigns.In: Chadwick A and Howard PN (eds) The Routledge Handbook of Internet Politics.London, New York: Routledge, pp.3–24.
Dawes, C. T., Loewen, P. J.,&Fowler, J. H.(2011). Social preferences and politicalparticipation. The Journal of Politics,73(3),845-856.
Di Gennaro, C.,&Dutton, W.(2006). The Internet and the public: Online and offlinepolitical participation in the United Kingdom. Parliamentary Affairs,59(2),299-313.
Dill, K. E.(Ed.).(2013). The Oxford handbook of media psychology. Oxford UniversityPress.
Dong, Y., Ishikawa, M., Liu, X.,&Hamori, S.(2011). The determinants of citizencomplaints on environmental pollution: An empirical study from China.Journal ofCleaner Production,19(12),1306-1314.
Drezner D, Farrell H. The power and politics of blogs. American Political ScienceAssociation,2004.
Ekman, J.,&Amn, E.(2012). Political participation and civic engagement: Towards anew typology. Human Affairs,22(3),283-300.
Fennema, M.,&Tillie, J.(1999). Political participation and political trust in Amsterdam:civic communities and ethnic networks. Journal of ethnic and migration studies,25(4),703-726.
Fenton, N.(Ed.).(2010). New media, old news: Journalism and democracy in the digitalage. Sage Publications.
Finkel, S. E.(1985). Reciprocal effects of participation and political efficacy: A panelanalysis. American Journal of Political Science,891-913.
Fowler, J. H., Baker, L. A.,&Dawes, C. T.(2008). Genetic variation in politicalparticipation. American Political Science Review,102(02),233-248.
Garrett, R. K.(2006). Protest in an information society: A review of literature on socialmovements and new ICTs. Information Communication and Society,9(2),202.
Gauntlett, D.(2000). Web. studies: Rewiring media studies for the digital age. Arnold,Edward.
Gerbaudo, P.(2012). Tweets and the streets: social media and contemporary activism.Pluto Press.
Gerber, A. S., Huber, G. A., Doherty, D., Dowling, C. M., Raso, C.,&Ha, S. E.(2011).Personality traits and participation in political processes. Journal of Politics,73(3),692-706.
Gibson, R. K.(2009).“New Media and the Revitalisation of Politics”. In Representation,45(3),289–299. London: Routledge.
Gil de Zú iga, H., Jung, N.,&Valenzuela, S.(2012). Social media use for news andindividuals' social capital, civic engagement and political participation. Journal ofComputer‐Mediated Communication,17(3),319-336.
Giugni, M. G., McAdam, D.,&Tilly, C.(Eds.).(1999). How social movements matter (Vol.0). U of Minnesota Press.
Goldstone, J. A.(2004). More social movements or fewer? Beyond political opportunitystructures to relational fields. Theory and Society,33(3-4),333-365.
Gurr, T. R.(2011). Why Men Rebel: Fortieth Anniversary Edition, Paradigm Publishers;Anv edition.
Guthrie, D.(2012). China and globalization: the social, economic and politicaltransformation of Chinese society. Routledge.
Hara, N.(2008). Internet use for political mobilization: Voices of participants.First Monday,13(7).
Hassid, J.(2012). Safety valve or pressure cooker? Blogs in Chinese political life. Journalof Communication,62(2),22-230.
Hooghe, M.(2014). Defining political participation: How to pinpoint an elusive target?.Acta Politica,49.
Howard, P. N.,&Jones, S.(Eds.).(2004). Society online: The Internet in context. Sage.
Huang, Y.(1995). Administrative monitoring in China. The China Quarterly,143(1),828-843.
Huckfeldt, R. R.(1979). Political participation and the neighborhood social context.American Journal of Political Science,579-592.
Hughes, C. R.,&Wacker, G.(Eds.).(2013). China and the Internet: Politics of the digitalleap forward. Routledge.
Imig, D. R.,&Tarrow, S. G.(2001). Contentious Europeans: Protest and politics in anemerging polity. Rowman&Littlefield Pub Inc.
Itō, M.(2009). Living and learning with new media: Summary of findings from the DigitalYouth Project. MIT Press.
Jenkins, C.(Ed.).(1995). The politics of social protest: Comparative perspectives onstates and social movements (Vol.3). Taylor&Francis.
Jensen, K. B.(Ed.).(2013). A handbook of media and communication research:qualitative and quantitative methodologies. Routledge.
Joinson, A.(Ed.).(2007). Oxford handbook of internet psychology. Oxford UniversityPress.
Jones-Correa, M.(1998). Different paths: Gender, immigration and political participation.International Migration Review,326-349.
Kenny, C. B.(1992). Political participation and effects from the social environment.American Journal of Political Science,259-267.
Kerbel, M. R.(2009). Netroots: Online progressives and the transformation of Americanpolitics. Paradigm Publishing, Inc..
Khazraee, E.,&Unsworth, K.(2012). Social media: The new opiate of the masses?.International Review of Information Ethics,8,2.
Kollock, P.,&Smith, M.(Eds.).(2002). Communities in cyberspace. Routledge.
Kriesi, H., Koopmans, R., Duyvendak, J. W.,&Giugni, M.(1995). New Social Movementsin Western Europe. University Minneapolis Press
Krueger, B. S.(2002). Assessing the Potential of Internet Political Participation in theUnited States A Resource Approach. American Politics Research,30(5),476-498.
La Due Lake, R.,&Huckfeldt, R.(1998). Social capital, social networks, and politicalparticipation. Political Psychology,19(3),567-584.
Lange, B. P.,&Ward, D.(Eds.).(2004). The media and elections: a handbook andcomparative study. Psychology Press.
Lansdowne, H.,&Wu, G.(Eds.).(2009). Socialist China, Capitalist China: Social Tensionand Political Adaptation Under Economic Globalization. Routledge.
Lawrence, E., Sides, J.,&Farrell, H.(2010). Self-segregation or deliberation? Blogreadership, participation, and polarization in American politics.Perspectives onPolitics,8(1),141-157.
Leighley, J. E.(1995). Attitudes, opportunities and incentives: A field essay on politicalparticipation. Political research quarterly,48(1),181-209.
Lievrouw, L. A.,&Livingstone, S.(Eds.).(2002). Handbook of new media: Social shapingand consequences of ICTs. Sage.
Luehrmann, L. M.(2003). Facing citizen complaints in China,1951-1996.Asian Survey,43(5),845-866.
Mahoney, J.,&Goertz, G.(2006). A tale of two cultures: Contrasting quantitative andqualitative research. Political Analysis,14(3),227-249.
Marien, S., Hooghe, M.,&Quintelier, E.(2010). Inequalities in Non‐institutionalisedForms of Political Participation: A Multi‐level Analysis of25countries. PoliticalStudies,58(1),187-213.
McAdam, D., McCarthy, J. D.,&Zald, M. N.(1996). Comparative perspectives on socialmovements: Political opportunities, mobilizing structures, and cultural framings.Cambridge University Press.
McAdam, D., Tarrow, S.,&Tilly, C.(2003). Dynamics of contention. Social MovementStudies,2(),99-02.
McClurg, S. D.(2003). Social networks and political participation: The role of socialinteraction in explaining political participation. Political Research Quarterly,56(4),449-464.
McCombs, M.(2013). Setting the agenda: The mass media and public opinion. JohnWiley&Sons.
McQuail, D.(2010). McQuail's mass communication theory. Sage Publications.
Mertha, A.(2009).“Fragmented authoritarianism2.0”: Political pluralization in the Chinesepolicy process. The China Quarterly,200,995-1012.
Minzner, C. F.(2006). Xinfang: an alternative to formal Chinese legal institutions. StanfordJournal of International Law,42,103.
Moore, P. W., Sallouke, B. F.,&Zahar, M. J.(2012). Beyond the Arab Spring:Authoritarianism&Democratization in the Arab World. Lynne Rienner Publishers.
Mutz, D. C.(2006).Hearing the other side: Deliberative versus participatorydemocracy.New York, NY: Cambridge University Press.
Myers, D. J.(2000)'Media, communication technology, and protest waves', Presented atthe Social movement analysis: the network perspective, Loch Lormond, Scotland.
Myers, D.J.(1994)'Communication technology and social movements: contributions ofcomputer networks to activism', Social Science Computer Review2:25-60.
Nie, N. H., Powell, G. B.,&Prewitt, K.(1969). Social structure and political participation:developmental relationships, Part I. The American Political Science Review,63(2),361-378.
Norris, P.(2001). Digital divide: Civic engagement, information poverty, and the Internetworldwide. Cambridge University Press.
Norris, P.(2004)'The bridging and bonding role of online communities'. in P.N. Howardand S. Jones (eds) Society online: the Internet in context, Thousand Oaks: SagePublications, Inc., pp.3-4.
O'Brien, K. J.(2009). Popular protest in China (Vol.15). Harvard University Press.
Olsen, M. E.(1970). Social and political participation of blacks. American SociologicalReview,682-697.
Paik, W.(2012). Economic development and mass political participation in contemporaryChina: determinants of provincial petition (Xinfang) activism1994–2002. InternationalPolitical Science Review,33(1),99-120.
Papathanassopoulos S, Coen S, Curran J, et al.(2013). Online Threat, But Television isStill Dominant: A comparative study of11nations’ news consumption. JournalismPractice,7(6),690-704.
Parkin, F.(1972). System contradiction and political transformation.European journal ofsociology,3,45-62.
Pelling, M.,&Dill, K.(2001). Disaster politics: tipping points for change in the adaptationof sociopolitical regimes. Progress in Human Geography,34(),2-37.
Perry, E. J.,&Goldman, M.(Eds.).(2009). Grassroots political reform in contemporaryChina. Harvard University Press.
Ramakrishnan, S. K.,&Espenshade, T. J.(2001). Immigrant Incorporation and PoliticalParticipation in the United States1. International Migration Review,35(3),870-909.
Shapiro, R. Y.,&Jacobs, L. R.(Eds.).(2013). The Oxford handbook of American publicopinion and the media. OUP Oxford.
Shi, T.(1997). Political participation in Beijing. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.
Stern, R. E.,&Hassid, J.(2012). Amplifying Silence Uncertainty and Control Parables inContemporary China. Comparative Political Studies,45(0),230-254.
Stern, R. E.,&O’Brien, K. J.(2012). Politics at the Boundary Mixed Signals and theChinese State. Modern China,38(2),74-98.
Stolle, D., Hooghe, M.,&Micheletti, M.(2005). Politics in the supermarket: Politicalconsumerism as a form of political participation. International political science review,26(3),245-269.
Sunstein, C. R.(2010).Republic.com. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University.
Swanson, D. L.,&Mancini, P.(Eds.).(1996). Politics, media and modern democracy: Aninternational study of innovations in electoral campaigning and their consequences.Greenwood Publishing Group.
Sylvester, D. E.,&McGlynn, A. J.(2010). The digital divide, political participation, andplace. Social Science Computer Review,28(1),64-74.
Tang, Wenfang and ShantoIyengar.2012.“The Emerging Media System in China:Implications for Regime Change,” in Tang, Wenfang and Iyengar, Shanto, eds.2012.Convergence or Divergence Between the Media and Political System in China,Routledge.
Tang, Wenfang, Yang Zhang and Martin, Sheri.2014.“Revolution Postponed: Thelimitation of the internet in promoting democracy in China,” in Shan Wei and YangLijun, eds. The Rising Civil Society and State-Society Relations in China, New Jersey,London and Singapore: World Scientific. Forthcoming.
Taisu, Z.(2009). Why the Chinese Public Prefer Administrative Petitioning over Litigation.Sociological Studies,3,008.
Theocharis, Y.(2011). Young people, political participation and online postmaterialism inGreece. New Media&Society,13(2),203-223.
Tilly, C.(1975). Western state-making and theories of political transformation. TheFormation of National States in Western Europe,60-638.
Vergeer, M., Hermans, L.,&Sams, S.(2013). Online social networks and micro-bloggingin political campaigning The exploration of a new campaign tool and a new campaignstyle. Party Politics,19(3),477-501.
Vitak, J., Zube, P., Smock, A., Carr, C. T., Ellison, N.,&Lampe, C.(2011). It's complicated:Facebook users' political participation in the2008election.CyberPsychology,behavior, and social networking,14(3),107-114.
Wallis, C.(2011). New media practices in China: Youth patterns, processes, and politics.International Journal of Communication,5,31.
Wang, S. I.(2007). Political use of the internet, political attitudes and political participation.Asian Journal of Communication,17(4),381-395.
Wang, X.(2009). Behind the Great Firewall: The Internet and Democratization in China(Doctoral dissertation, The University of Michigan).
Whyte, M.(2010). Myth of the social volcano: Perceptions of inequality and distributiveinjustice in contemporary China. Stanford University Press.
Whyte, M. K.(Ed.).(2003). China’s revolutions and intergenerational relations. Ann Arbor:University of Michigan, Center for Chinese Studies.
Williams, B. A.,&Carpini, M. X. D.(2011). After broadcast news: Media regimes,democracy, and the new information environment. Cambridge University Press.
Wolfsfeld, G., Segev, E.,&Sheafer, T.(2013). Social Media and the Arab Spring PoliticsComes First. The International Journal of Press/Politics,18(2),115-137.
Wong, J., Ramakrishnan, S. K., Lee, T.,&Junn, J.(2011). Asian American politicalparticipation. New York: Russell Sage Foundation.
Xie, Z.(2009). Petition and judicial Integrity. Journal of Politics and law,2(1), P24.
Yang D L. Economic transformation and its political discontents in China: Authoritarianism,unequal growth, and the dilemmas of political development. Annu. Rev. Polit. Sci.,2006,9:143-164.
Zhang, T.(2008). The Xinfang Phenomenon: Why the Chinese Prefer AdministrativePetitioning over Litigation.
2Petrocik, J. R.,&Steeper, F. T.(2010). The Politics Missed by Political Science.Political Science,8(3).
3Hood, C.(2007). Public Service Management by Numbers. Public Money andManagement,27(2).
1政治学在美国分为进一步细分为美国政治、国际关系、比较政治等。Pierson, Paul.(2007). The costs of marginalization: Qualitative methods in the study of American politics.Comparative Political Studies,40,145-169.
2Pierson, P.(2007). The Costs of Marginalization Qualitative Methods in the Studyof American Politics. Comparative Political Studies,40(2).
3King, G.(2013). Restructuring the Social Sciences: Reflections from Harvard’sInstitute for Quantitative Social Science. Copy at http://j. mp/Wj5iBC Export BibTexTagged XML.
4Singh, J.(1995). Measurement issues in cross-national research. Journal ofInternational Business Studies,26(3),597-619.
5Ricci, D. M.(1984). The tragedy of political science: Politics, scholarship, anddemocracy. Yale University Press.
1Bennett, Andrew,&Elman, Colin.(2006). Qualitative research: Recentdevelopments in case study methods. Annual Review of Political Science,9,455-476.
2Levy, J. S.(2007). Qualitative methods and cross-method dialogue in politicalscience. Comparative Political Studies,40(2),196-214.
3Mahoney, J.,&Goertz, G.(2006). A tale of two cultures: Contrasting quantitativeand qualitative research. Political Analysis,14(3),227-249.
4King, G., Schlozman, K. L.,&Nie, N.(Eds.).(2009). The Future of Political Science.Taylor&Francis US.
1King, G., Keohane, R. O.,&Verba, S.(1994). Designing social inquiry: Scientificinference in qualitative research. Princeton University Press.
2Mahoney, J.,&Goertz, G.(2006). A Tale of Two Cultures. Political Analysis,14(3).
3Hall, Peter.(2003). Aligning Ontology and Methodology in Comparative Politics. InMahoney, J.,&Rueschemeyer, D.(Eds.).(2003). Comparative Historical Analysis in theSocial Sciences. Cambridge University Press.
4Denzin, Norman.1978[1970].The Research Act In Sociology: A TheoreticalIntroduction To Sociological Methods. New York: McGraw-Hill.
5徐湘林.(2004).从政治发展理论到政策过程理论：中国政治改革研究的中层理论建构探讨,中国社会科学,3.
1Mahoney, J.,&Villegas, C. M.(2008). Historical inquiry and comparative politics.inBoix, C.,&Stokes, S. C.(Eds.).(2007). The Oxford handbook of comparative politics.Oxford Handbooks Online.pp.73-89.
1参见数据库简介http://ip-science.thomsonreuters.com/cgi-bin/jrnlst/jloptions.cgi?PC=SS.
1Chen, C. et al.(2010) The structure and dynamics of co-citation clusters: Amultiple-perspective co-citation analysis. Journal of the American Society for InformationScience and Technology.(10.1002/asi.21309)
Chen, C.(2006) CiteSpace II: Detecting and visualizing emerging trends andtransient patterns in scientific literature.
1Proquest硕博引文数据库主要收录了来自欧美国家2000余所知名大学的优秀博硕士论文，涉及商业经济、人文社会、计算机科学等广泛领域，通过对该数据库进行分析和检索有利于研究人员迅速发现有用信息。参见数据库简介http://search.proquest.com/databases/index?accountid=14426&currSubVert=OS.
1参见数据库简介http://cssci.nju.edu.cn/news_show.asp?Articleid=119.
1中国知网以实现全社会知识资源传播共享与增值利用为目标的，是中国重要信息化建设项目，目前中国知网建立了采用自主开发并具有国际领先水平的数字图书馆技术，建成了世界上全文信息量规模最大的“CNKI数字图书馆”，为全社会知识资源高效共享提供丰富的知识信息资源和有效的知识传播与数字化学习平台。参见数据库简介http://cnki.net/gycnki/gycnki.htm.
1Conhaim W. W.(2000)，E-democracy Gains Ground，Information Today，（5）,5-6.
2Hagen M.， A Typology of Electronic Democracy，1997，http://www.martin-hagen.net/pub/typology.html
1皮埃尔·卡蓝默,(2005).破碎的民主：试论治理的革命,生活·读书·新知三联书店,p4.
2萨托利,(1998).民主新论,东方出版社,7.
3柏拉图（Plato），理想国（The Republic）第八卷，转引自迈耶等,(2001).比较政治学，北京：华夏出版社.
4哈耶克,(1997).通往奴役之路,中国社会科学出版社.71.
1Arnstein, S. R.(1969). A ladder of citizen participation. Journal of the AmericanInstitute of planners,35(4),216-224.
2Verba, S. Schlozman, K. L., and Brady, H.(1995) Voice and Equality: CivicVoluntarism in American Politics (Cambridge, Mass.: Cambridge University Press).p.38.
3Uhlaner, C. J.(2001), Political Participation, in N. J. Smelser and P. B. Baltes(eds.), International encyclopedia of the social&behavioral sciences (Amsterdam:Elsevier).
4Nie, N. H.(1987). Participation in America: Political democracy and social equality.University of Chicago Press.
1Conway, M. M.(1991). Political participation in the United States. CQ Press(Washington, D.C.) pp.12-13.
2Teorell, J., Torcal, M.,&Montero, J. R.(2007). Political participation: Mapping theterrain. Citizenship and involvement in European democracies: A comparativeperspective,17,334-357.
3Verba, S., Schlozman, K. L.,&Brady, H. E.(1995). Voice and equality: Civicvoluntarism in American politics. Harvard University Press.p.39.
4Carpini, M. X. D., Cook, F. L.,&Jacobs, L. R.(2004). Public deliberation,discursive participation, and citizen engagement: A review of the empirical literature. Annu.Rev. Polit. Sci.,7,315-344.
5Endersby, J. W.,&Towle, M. J.(1996). Tailgate partisanship: Political and socialexpression through bumper stickers. The Social Science Journal,33(3),307-319.
6Hamlin, A. P.,&Jennings, C.(2009). Expressive political behaviour: Foundations,scope and implications. Cambridge Univ Press.
1Silverman, R.M.(2005). Caught in the middle: Community developmentcorporations (CDCs) and the conflict between grassroots and instrumental forms of citizenparticipation. Community Development,36(2):35-51.
2Fung, A.(2006). Varieties of participation in complex governance. Publicadministration review,66(s1),66-75.
1Frizzell, A.,&Pammett, J. H.(Eds.).(1997). The Canadian General Election of1997.Dundurn.
2Blais, A., Brady, H. E.,&Crête, J.(1992). Letting the people decide: Dynamics of aCanadian election. Montreal: McGill-Queen's University Press.
3Stanbury, W. T.(1993). Money in Politics: Financing Federal Parties andCandidates in Canada. Toronto: Dundurn Press.
1Block, E.(2013). A Culturalist Approach to the Concept of the Mediatization ofPolitics: The Age of “Media Hegemony”. Communication Theory,23:259-278.
2Morozov, Evgeny.(2011).The Net delusion: The dark side of Internet freedom.New York: PublicAffairs.2011a p. xiii
3James Katz, Philip Aspden,(1997)"Motivations for and barriers to Internet usage:results of a national public opinion survey", Internet Research, Vol.7Iss:3, pp.170-188
4Kraut, R., Patterson, M., Lundmark, V., Kiesler, S., Mukophadhyay, T.,&Scherlis,W.(1998). Internet paradox: A social technology that reduces social involvement andpsychological well-being?. American psychologist,53(9),1017.
1詹姆斯E.凯茨，罗纳德E.莱斯.互联网使用的社会影响.商务印书馆,2007，3-4.
2Cyberbalkanization，网络上志趣相投者形成的不同团体，且互相排挤和敌对分裂。
1Westerwick, A., Kleinman, S. B.,&Knobloch-Westerwick, S.(2013). Turn a BlindEye If You Care. Journal of Communication.63(3):432-453.
2Ahn, T. K., et al (2012). Expertise and Bias in Political CommunicationNetworks. American Journal of Political Science.57(2):357-373.
3Baum, M. A.,&Potter, P. B.(2008). The relationships between mass media, publicopinion, and foreign policy: Toward a theoretical synthesis. Annual Review of PoliticalScience,11,39-65.
1Mossberger K.，Tolbert C. J.，McNeal R.S.(2008)，Digital Citizenship，MA: MITPress, p.85.
2Howard P N, Hussain M M. The role of digital media. Journal of Democracy2011;22(3):35-48.
3Mihailidis, P.,&Thevenin, B.(2013). Media Literacy as a Core Competency forEngaged Citizenship in Participatory Democracy. American Behavioral Scientist,57(11),1611-1622.
4Pearce, K. E.,&Rice, R. E.(2013). Digital divides from access to activities. Journalof Communication,63(4),721-744.
5Araque, J. C., et al.(2013). Computer usage and access in low-income urbancommunities. Computers in Human Behavior,29(4),1393-1401.
6Maeve Duggan, Cell Phone Activities2013,http://pewinternet.org/Reports/2013/Cell-Activities.aspx
7Aaron Smith, Smartphone Ownership2013,http://pewinternet.org/Reports/2013/Smartphone-Ownership-2013.aspx
8Kathryn Zickuhr, Tablet Ownership2013,http://pewinternet.org/Reports/2013/Tablet-Ownership-2013.aspx
9Kathryn Zickuhr, Who’s Not Online and Why,http://pewinternet.org/Reports/2013/Non-internet-users.aspx
1Kim, Y., Hsu, S. H.,&de Zú iga, H. G.(2013).Influence of Social Media Use onDiscussion Network Heterogeneity and Civic Engagement.Journal of Communication.63(3):498-516.
2Fraile, M.(2013). Do information-rich contexts reduce knowledgeinequalities&quest. Acta Politica.48(2)119-143
3Wodajo, T.,&Kimmel, J.(2013). Explaining changes in the racial digital divide inthe United States from1997to2007. Economics of Innovation and NewTechnology,22(5),483-518.
4Lawrence, E., Sides, J.,&Farrell, H.(2010).Self-segregation ordeliberation? Perspectives on Politics,8(1),141-157.
5Sander, T. H.,&Putnam, R. D.(2010). Still Bowling Alone? Journal ofDemocracy,21(1),9-16.
1Humphreys, L., et al (2013), Historicizing New Media.Journal of Communication,63:413-431.
2Schlozman, K. L., Verba, S.,&Brady, H. E.(2012).Unequal Advocacy. NJ:Princeton University Press, pp.500-511.
3Saglie, J.,&Vabo, S. I.(2009).Size and e-Democracy.Scandinavian PoliticalStudies,32(4),382-401.
4Hirzalla, F.,&van Zoonen, L.(2011). Beyond the Online/Offline Divide HowYouth’s Online and Offline Civic Activities Converge. Social Science ComputerReview,29(4),481-498.
1Semetko, H. A., et al.(2013). The formation of campaign agendas.Routledge.
2Bertot, J. C., Jaeger, P. T.,&Hansen, D.(2012). The impact of polices ongovernment social media usage: Issues, challenges, and recommendations. GovernmentInformation Quarterly,29(1),30-40.
3Hartleb, F.(2013). Anti‐elitist cyber parties?. Journal of Public Affairs,13(4),355-369.
4Karlsen, R.(2011). A platform for individualized campaigning? Policy&Internet,3(4),1-25.
5Dimitrova, D. V.,&Bystrom, D.(2013). The effects of social media on politicalparticipation and candidate image evaluations in the2012Iowa Caucuses. AmericanBehavioral Scientist,57(11),1568-1583.
6Scheufele, D. A.,&Tewksbury, D.(2007). Framing, agenda setting, andpriming. Journal of communication,57(1),9-20.
7Zingale, N. C.(2013). The phenomenology of sharing.Journal of Public Affairs.13(3):288-297.
8Conway, B. A., Kenski, K.,&Wang, D.(2013). Twitter Use by Presidential PrimaryCandidates During the2012Campaign. American Behavioral Scientist.57(11).1596-1610.
1Dilliplane, S.(2014), Activation, Conversion, or Reinforcement? The Impact ofPartisan News Exposure on Vote Choice. American Journal of Political Science,58:79-94
2Carlson, T. and Standberg, K.(2008) Riding the web2.0wave. Journal ofInformation Technology and Politics,5:159-174.
3Towner, T. L.,&Dulio, D. A.(2012).New media and political marketing in the UnitedStates. Journal of Political Marketing,11(1-2),95-119.
4Vaccari, C.(2013). From echo chamber to persuasive device? New Media&Society,15(1),109-127.
5Schoonvelde, M.(2013). Media Freedom and the Institutional Underpinnings ofPolitical Knowledge. Political Science Research and Methods,1-16.
6Lilleker, D. G., Pack, M. and Jackson, N.(2010), Political Parties and Web2.0.Politics,30:105-112.
1臧雷振,劳昕,孟天广.(2013).互联网使用与政治行为：研究观点,分析路径及中国实证.政治学研究,(2),60-75.
2Kaplan, D. M.(Ed.).(2009). Readings in the Philosophy of Technology. Rowman&Littlefield Publishers. pp.209-225.
3West, D. M.(2004). E‐Government and the Transformation of Service Deliveryand Citizen Attitudes. Public administration review,64(1),15-27.
1Quan-Haase, A., Wellman, B., Witte, J. C.,&Hampton, K. N.(2002). Capitalizing onthe net: Social contact, civic engagement, and sense of community，in: Wellman，B.，Haythornthwaite，C.(Eds.)，The Internet in Everyday Life，Oxford，UK: Blackwell，2002，p.312.
2Boulianne, S.(2011). Stimulating or reinforcing political interest: Using panel data toexamine reciprocal effects between news media and political interest. PoliticalCommunication,28(2),147-162.
3Grimmelikhuijsen, S., et al.(2013).The Effect of Transparency on Trust inGovernment. Public Administration Review.73(4):575-586.
4Gibson, R.,&Cantijoch, M.(2013).Conceptualizing and Measuring Participation inthe Age of the Internet. The Journal of Politics,75(3)701-716.
1Schuck, A. R., Boomgaarden, H. G.,&Vreese, C. H.(2013).Cynics allaround?Journal of Communication.63(2):287-311
2Jackson, D.(2011). Strategic news frames and public policy debates: Press andtelevision news coverage of the euro in the UK. Communications,36(2),169-193.
3Iyengar, S.(1994). Is anyone responsible?: How television frames political issues.University of Chicago Press.
4Rhee, J. W.(1997). Strategy and issue frames in election campaign coverage: Asocial cognitive account of framing effects. Journal of Communication,47(3),26-48.
5Slothuus, R.,&de Vreese, C. H.(2010). Political parties, motivated reasoning, andissue framing effects. Journal of Politics,72(3),630-645.
6Nelson, T. E., Clawson, R. A.,&Oxley, Z. M.(1997). Media framing of a civilliberties conflict and its effect on tolerance. American Political Science Review,567-583.
7Patterson, T. E.(2009). The vanishing voter: Public involvement in an age ofuncertainty. Vintage.
8Elenbaas, M.,&De Vreese, C. H.(2008). The effects of strategic news on politicalcynicism and vote choice among young voters. Journal of Communication,58(3),550-567.
9De Vreese, C. H.,&Semetko, H. A.(2002). Cynical and engaged strategiccampaign coverage, public opinion, and mobilization in a referendum.CommunicationResearch,29(6),615-641.
10Valkenburg, P. M.,&Peter, J.(2013). The differential susceptibility to mediaeffects model.Journal of Communication.63(2):221-243.
1Potter, W. J.,&Riddle, K.(2007). A content analysis of the media effectsliterature. Journalism&Mass Communication Quarterly,84(1),90-104.
2Ferguson, C. J.,&Kilburn, J.(2009). The public health risks of media violence. TheJournal of pediatrics,154(5),759-763.
3Anderson, C. A., et al (2010). Violent video game effects on aggression, empathy,and prosocial behavior in Eastern and Western countries. Psychological bulletin,136(2),151-173.
4Valkenburg, P. M.,&Peter, J.(2009).The Effects of Instant Messaging on theQuality of Adolescents’ Existing Friendships. Journal of Communication,59(1),79-97.
5Sch fer, M. T.(2011). Bastard culture (Vol.6).Amsterdam University Press.
6Jenkins, H.(2006).Convergence culture.New York: New York University Press
7众包是在2006年所提出的描述互联网时代分布式问题解决和生产组织形式的概念。政治学领域的“众包参与”指互联网链接下民众对感兴趣议题的选择性志愿参与。
8Howe, J.(2008). Crowdsourcing: How the Power of the Crowd is Driving the Futureof Business. Random House.
9Nixon, P.(2012).@is for Activism. Information, Communication&Society,15(8),1278-1279.
1Lanier, J.(2010).You are not a gadget. New York, NY: Random House.
2Keen, A.(2008). The Cult of the Amateur. Random House Digital, Inc..
3Pingree, R. J., et al(2013). Effects of Media Criticism on Gatekeeping Trust andImplications for Agenda Setting. Journal of Communication.63(2):351-372
1Eisinger, P. K.(1973). The conditions of protest behavior in American cities.TheAmerican Political Science Review,67(1),11-28.
2Piven, F. F.,&Cloward, R.(Eds.).(1993). Regulating the poor: The functions ofpublic welfare (Vol.3). Random House Digital, Inc..
3Jenkins, J. C.,&Perrow, C.(1977). Insurgency of the powerless: Farm workermovements (1946-1972). American Sociological Review,249-268.
4McAdam, D.(1983). Tactical innovation and the pace of insurgency.AmericanSociological Review,735-754.
5Kitschelt, H.(1986). Political opportunity structures and political protest:Anti-nuclear movements in four democracies. British journal of political science,16(1),57-85.
6Tarrow, S. G.(1989). Struggle, politics, and reform: Collective action, socialmovements and cycles of protest (No.21). Center for International Studies, CornellUniversity.
7Brockett, C. D.(1991). The structure of political opportunities and peasantmobilization in Central America. Comparative politics,23(3),253-274.
1Adams, O. R.(1970). SCHOOL BOARD ELECTIONS AND POLITICALOPPORTUNITY STRUCTURES.(Order No.7110680, University of Oregon). ProQuestDissertations and Theses,,138-138p. Retrieved fromhttp://search.proquest.com/docview/302454654?accountid=13151.(302454654).
2DAY, H. T., JR.(1974). A study of political opportunity structure [microform]:political opportunity in Hawaii,1926-1966.(Order No.7505035, University of Hawai'i).ProQuest Dissertations and Theses, Retrieved fromhttp://search.proquest.com/docview/302704966?accountid=13151.(302704966).
3Tarrow, S.(1991)." Aiming at a Moving Target": Social Science and the RecentRebellions in Eastern Europe. PS: Political Science and Politics,24(1),12-20.
4Tarrow, S. G.(1989). Struggle, politics, and reform: Collective action, socialmovements and cycles of protest (No.21). Center for International Studies, CornellUniversity.34-35
1McAdam, D.(2010). Political process and the development of black insurgency,1930-1970. University of Chicago Press.40
2Kitschelt, H.(1986). Political opportunity structures and political protest:Anti-nuclear movements in four democracies. British journal of political science,16(1),57-85.
1Brockett, C. D.(1991). The structure of political opportunities and peasantmobilization in Central America. Comparative politics,23(3),253-274.
2Rezai, H.(2012). State, dissidents, and contention: Iran,1979--2010.(Order No.3494562, Columbia University). ProQuest Dissertations and Theses,255. Retrieved fromhttp://search.proquest.com/docview/921920820?accountid=13151.(921920820).
3Jeydel, A. S.(1997). Political elites, social movements, and changing politicalopportunity structures: The case of the three waves of the women's movement.(Order No.9809510, The American University). ProQuest Dissertations and Theses, Retrieved fromhttp://search.proquest.com/docview/304332983?accountid=13151.(304332983).
4Yun, S.(1997). Politics of democratization in south korea: Social movements andtheir political opportunity structures.(Order No.9731753, The Ohio State University).ProQuest Dissertations and Theses. Retrieved fromhttp://search.proquest.com/docview/304366328?accountid=13151.(304366328).
5Baker, K. F.(2009). Changing context, changing opportunities: The effect ofpolitical opportunity structures on the political evolution of the roman catholic church inpoland and slovenia,1992-2005.(Order No. MR55150, Memorial University ofNewfoundland (Canada)). ProQuest Dissertations and Theses. Retrieved fromhttp://search.proquest.com/docview/305059679?accountid=13151.(305059679).
1近年来两本在此领域比较重要的著作分别是Bevir, M.(Ed.).(2010). The SAGEhandbook of governance. Sage.以及D Levi-Faur.(Ed.).(2012), The Oxford handbook ofGovernance. Oxford University Press.
2臧雷振.(2012).治理定量研究:理论演进及反思——以世界治理指数(WGI)为例.国外社会科学,(4),11-16.
3辛西娅·阿尔坎塔拉.“治理”概念的运用和滥用.国际社会科学(中文版),1999(2):105-112.
4Bevir, M., Rhodes, R. A. W. and Weller, P.(2003), Traditions of governance:interpreting the changing role of the public sector. Public Administration,81:1–17.以及Bevir, M., Rhodes, R. A. W. and Weller, P.(2003), Comparative governance: prospectsand lessons. Public Administration,81:191–210.
1Jessop, B.(1998). The rise of governance and the risks of failure: the case ofeconomic development. International social science journal,50(155),29-45.
2Weiss, T. G.(2000). Governance, good governance and global governance:conceptual and actual challenges. Third world quarterly,21(5),795-814.
3Weller, P.(2000). In search of governance. The Future of Governance: PolicyChoices, Allen and Unwin, St Leonards.
1World Bank.A Decade of Measuring the Quality ofGovernance[EB/OL].(2007)[2011-03-22].http://siteresources.worldbank.org/NEWS/Resources/wbi2007-report.pdf.
2Bell S, Economic Governance and Institutional Dynamics. Melbourne:OxfordUniversity Press,2002.类似学者的观点还可见罗西瑙（James N.Rosenau）、罗茨（R.Rhodes）、斯托克(Gerry Stoker)等。
3臧雷振.(2011).治理类型的多样性演化与比较：求索国家治理逻辑.公共管理学报,8(4),40-49.
1福柯.词与物:人文科学考古学.上海:三联书店,2001:11.
2Skocpol, T.(1985). Bringing the State Back In: Strategies of Analysis in CurrentResearch. In Peter Evans, Dietrich Rueschemeyer, and Theda Skocpol, eds., Bringing theState Back In, NY: Cambridge University Press.
3戴维伊斯顿(1999).政治生活的系统分析，华夏出版社.3-8.
1Baker, K.,&Stoker, G.(2012). Governance and Nuclear Power. Political Studies.61(3).
2臧雷振，徐湘林（2013）.政府质量：国家治理结构性指标研究的兴起.公共行政评论，5.
3徐湘林.(2010).转型危机与国家治理:中国的经验.经济社会体制比较,(5),1-14.
4杨光斌,&郑伟铭.(2007).国家形态与国家治理.中国社会科学,4.
5臧雷振(2011).治理类型的多样性演化与比较：求索国家治理逻辑.公共管理学报,4.
6林尚立(2011).重构府际关系与国家治理.探索与争鸣,1.
7刘家义(2012).论国家治理与国家审计,中国社会科学,6.
8任剑涛.(2012).在正式制度激励与非正式制度激励之间.浙江大学学报(人文社会科学版),2.
9杨敏.(2007).作为国家治理单元的社区.社会学研究,4.
1马骏.(2008).经济,社会变迁与国家治理转型:美国进步时代改革.公共管理研究,6.
2渠敬东.(2012).项目制:一种新的国家治理体制.中国社会科学,5.
3周雪光.(2013).国家治理规模及其负荷成本的思考.吉林大学社会科学学报,1.
4宋为，畲廉（2011）.新时期我国腐败现象与网络反腐探讨，政治学研究,2.
5娄成武,&刘力锐.(2010).论网络政治动员:一种非对称态势.政治学研究,2,75.
6刘学民.(2010).网络公民社会的崛起——中国公民社会发展的新生力量.政治学研究,4,84-85.
7杨嵘均.(2011).论虚拟公共领域对公民政治意识与政治心理的影响及其对政治生活的形塑.政治学研究,(4),101-113.
8毛寿龙.(2007).网络政治带来了什么.人民论坛,7,18-19.
9杨风春.(2007).互联网是现代政治的福音.人民论坛,14.
10杜骏飞.(2009).网络群体事件的类型辨析.国际新闻界,(7),76-80.
11谢金林.(2011).网络空间草根政治运动及其公共治理.公共管理学报,1,35-43.
1Yang, G.(2013). The power of the Internet in China: Citizen activism online.Columbia University Press.
2Tai, Z.(2013). The Internet in China: Cyberspace and civil society. Routledge.
3鄢显俊.(2003).互联网时代的全球化:缘起及经济特征.世界经济与政治,(4),43-48.
4陈剩勇,&杜洁.(2005).互联网公共论坛:政治参与和协商民主的兴起.浙江大学学报(人文社会科学版),35(3),5212.
5汪明峰.(1995).互联网使用与中国城市化.社会学研究,6:112-135.
6史达.(2010).互联网政治生态系统构成及其互动机制研究.政治学研究,(3),76-84.
7张锋,沈模卫,徐梅,朱海燕,&周宁.(2006).互联网使用动机,行为与其社会-心理健康的模型构建.心理学报,38(3),407-413.
8黄荣贵,&桂勇.(2009).互联网与业主集体抗争:一项基于定性比较分析方法的研究.社会学研究,5(24),29-56.
9高恩新.(2009).互联网公共事件的议题建构与共意动员.公共管理学报,4(1),96-104
10龚维斌.(2008).互联网发展对我国政府决策的影响.中国行政管理,(10),44-47.
11周光辉,&周笑梅.(2009).互联网对国家的冲击与国家的回应.政治学研究,(2).37-46.
12杨金卫.(2009).国外政党对互联网的运用及对我国政治发展阳政党建设的启示.山东大学学报:哲学社会科学版,(1),146-153.
1曾润喜,&徐晓林.(2010).社会变迁中的互联网治理研究.政治学研究,4,75-82.
2王子文,马静.(2011).网络舆情中的“网络推手”问题研究.政治学研究,2:52-56.
3赵春丽.(2012).新媒体时代政府社会管理思维的新转变.社会主义研究,1:56-60.
4Matthew S. Erie，Property Rights，(2009).Legal Consciousness and the New Mediain China，China Information，(1),35-59.
5Tong, Y.,&Lei, S.(2013). War of position and microblogging in China.Journal ofContemporary China,22(80),292-311.
6Yapeng, Z.,&Cheng, J.(2011). The Emergence of Cyber Society and theTransformation of the Public Policy Agenda-Building Process in China. China Review: AnInterdisciplinary Journal on Greater China,11(2).
7Leibold, J.(2011). Blogging alone: China, the internet, and the democraticillusion?. Journal of Asian Studies,70(4),1023-1041.
8Hassid, J.(2012). Safety valve or pressure cooker? Blogs in Chinese politicallife. Journal of Communication,62(2),212-230.
1郭良，2007年中国7城市互联网使用状况及影响调查报告，中国社会科学院社会发展研究中心.
1朱海忠.(2011).西方“政治机会结构”理论述评.国外社会科学,(6),9-17.
2朱海忠.(2013).政治机会结构与农民环境抗争——苏北N村铅中毒事件的个案研究.中国农业大学学报(社会科学版,30(1).
3童志锋.(2013).政治机会结构变迁与农村集体行动的生成——基于环境抗争的研究.理论月刊,(3),161-165.
4郇庆治.(2012).“政治机会结构”视角下的中国环境运动及其战略选择.南京工业大学学报:社会科学版,11(4),28-35.
5张晓杰.中国公众参与政府环境决策的政治机会结构研究东北大学,2010.
6黄冬娅.(2011).国家如何塑造抗争政治——关于社会抗争中国家角色的研究评述.社会学研究,(2),217-242.
7苏国豪：政治机会结构域社会运动：香港解殖后的转机，国立清华大学硕士论文.
8宋维强.(2009).社会转型期中国农民群体性事件研究.华中师范大学出版社.
9如渡边勉山本英弘.(2001).社会运动的态势与政治机会的结构-对宫城县社会运动的计量分析(1986-1997).社会学评论,(1),152-152；陈映芳.(2006).行动力与制度限制:都市运动中的中产阶层.社会学研究,4,1-20；周明,&曾向红.(2011).埃及社会运动中的机会结构,水平网络与架构共鸣.社会学研究,6,1-33.
10如何明修.(2004).政治机会结构与社会运动研究.台湾“国立”政治大学社会学报,(37).
1Branstetter, J.(2011). The challenge of new media in French and American politics:concepts, methods and opportunities. French Politics,9(1),69-86.
2Pierskalla, J. H.,&Hollenbach, F. M.(2013). Technology and Collective Action.American Political Science Review,1-18.
3Bessant, J.(2014). The Political in the Age of the Digital: Propositions for EmpiricalInvestigation. Politics,34(1),33-44.
4Bowman, W.,&Camp, L. J. Protecting the Internet from Dictators. Cell,505,690-4033.
5如King, G., Pan, J.,&Roberts, M. E.(2013). How Censorship in China AllowsGovernment Criticism but Silences Collective Expression. American Political ScienceReview,107,326-343.
1张晓峰,&荆学民.(2009).现代西方政治传播研究述评.教学与研究,(7),77.
2胡正荣(1997).传播学总论,北京广播学院出版社,3-6.
3李元书.(2001).政治传播学的产生和发展.政治学研究,(3),68-77.
1连彦乐,(2013).政治传播杂志：全球政治传播研究的轨迹与前沿，中国传媒报告（2）.
2De Tocqueville, A,(1988). Democracy in America, vol.2, New York: PerennialLibrary,120.
3Truman, D.(1951). The Governmental Process (New York: Alfred A. Knopf).p.55
4Dahl, R. A.(1989). Democracy and its Critics. Yale University Press.332-338.
1杨海军.(2006).论中国古代的广告传播媒介.史学月刊,(12),32-37.
1陈昌凤(2007)，中国新闻传播史.北京大学出版社.
2张秀民,&韩琦.(2006).中国印刷史(Vol.1).浙江古籍出版社.208.
3程曼丽.(2004).外国新闻传播史导论.复旦大学出版社.
4徐正林.(2005).欧洲传播思想史.上海三联书店.
5Eisenstein, E. L.(1986). On revolution and the printed word. Revolution in history,186-205.
1Plambeck, Joseph. Newspaper Circulation Falls Nearly9%. The New York Times.26April2010.
2阿特休尔,(1989).权力的媒介,华夏出版社,191.
3詹姆斯.布赖斯(2001).现代民治政体（上册）,吉林人民出版社,111.
4丹尼斯·麦奎尔(2006).麦奎尔大众传播理论，北京:清华大学出版社.72.
5Brants, K.(1998). Who's afraid of infotainment?. European Journal ofCommunication,13(3),315-335.
1张昆,(2003).大众媒介的政治社会化功能，武汉大学出版社.66-67.
2Shiers, George and May (1997), Early Television: A Bibliographic Guide to1940.Taylor&Francis, pp.13-22.
3Gerbner, G.(1967). Mass media and human communication theory. Humancommunication theory,40-57.
1Castells, M.(2001).网络社会的崛起.社会科学文献出版社.434.
1张海鹰等著,(2001)网络传播概论，复旦大学出版社，39.
2程世来.(2007).网络新闻的特点与整合.新闻战线,(9),64-65.
1数据来源：2012Annual World Press Trends survey，the World Association ofNewspapers and News Publishers.
2Jim Chisholm, Larry Kilman, Mira Milosevic, Teemu Henriksson, World PressTrends Report2013, WPT/WEF Trends Report.
3詹姆斯E.凯茨，罗纳德E.莱斯.(2007).互联网使用的社会影响.商务印书馆,12.
1The internet’s fifth man， The Economist，2013，http://www.economist.com/news/technology-quarte.
2丹尼斯,&麦奎尔.(2006).受众分析.北京:中国人民大学出版社.，156.
3田智辉.(2008).新媒体传播:基于用户制作内容的研究.中国传媒大学出版社，7.
1彭兰(2001).网络传播概论,中国人民大学出版社,398.
1Larsson, A. O.(2011).“Extended infomercials” or “Politics2.0”? FirstMonday,16(4).
2布鲁斯·宾伯(BimberB.)(2011).信息与美国民主:技术在政治权力演化中的作用，科学出版社出版，pp.32-33.
1Kraus, S.,&Nixon, R. M.(1977). The great debates: Kennedy vs. Nixon,1960.Indiana Univ Press.
2奈杰尔汉密尔顿著(1999),肯尼迪传,昆仑出版社.
1Bailey Socha and Barbara Eber-Schmid,WHAT IS NEW MEDIA：Defining NewMedia Isn’t Easy, New Media Institution[online],http://www.newmedia.org/what-is-new-media.html.
1Crosbie, V.(2002). What is new media. Online: http://www. sociology. org.uk/as4mm3a. doc.
1Josh Nelson, New Media&Social Change: How Nonprofits are Using Web-basedTechnologies to Reach Their Goals,http://www.thehatchergroup.com/doc/Social_Media_091009.pdf.
1Chadwick, A.(2011). Britain's first live televised party leaders’ debate: From thenews cycle to the political information cycle. Parliamentary Affairs,64(1),24-44.
1物联网（Internet of Things，缩写IOT）是一个基于互联网、传统电信网等信息承载体，让所有能够被独立寻址的普通物理对象实现互联互通的网络。物联网一般为无线网，由于每个人周围的设备可以达到一千至五千个，所以物联网可能要包含500万亿至一千万亿个物体，在物联网上，每个人都可以应用电子标签将真实的物体上网联结，在物联网上都可以查找出它们的具体位置。通过物联网可以用中心计算机对机器、设备、人员进行集中管理、控制，也可以对家庭设备、汽车进行遥控，以及搜寻位置、防止物品被盗等各种应用。参见刘云浩编，物联网导论，北京：科学出版社.2010-12:4.
2Global Information Technology Report2010–2011，http://zh.scribd.com/doc/52329419/Global-Information-Technology-Report-2010%E2%80%932011?secret_password=2bqbqw6144d7qra3h0o.
1新浪微博是一介于于Twitter和Facebook的混合体，用户通过网页、WAP页面、外部程序和手机短信、彩信等发布140汉字（280字符）以内信息，并可上传图片和链接视频，实现即时分享。Kenneth Rapoza. China's Weibos vs US's Twitter: And the Winner Is?.forbes.com.2011-05-17.
2新浪微博注册用户数破5亿75%用户活跃于移动,http://it.sohu.com/20130221/n366598808.shtml.
12011-2012年媒体微博运行白皮书，中国人大学舆论研究所，2013年.
12010中国网络舆情指数年度报告，中国传媒大学网络舆情（口碑）研究所.
1马歇尔麦克卢汉.(2000).理解媒介：论人的延伸，商务印书馆，33.
2丹尼斯·麦奎尔(2006).麦奎尔大众传播理论，北京:清华大学出版社，117.
1Jones, B.(1995[1981]), Sleepers, Wake! Technology and the Futureof Work,4th ed, Melbourne: Oxford University Press, p.186.
2丹尼斯·麦奎尔(2006).麦奎尔大众传播理论，北京:清华大学出版社.，111.
3Poletti, F., et al.(2013). Towards high-capacity fibre-optic communications at thespeed of light in vacuum. Nature Photonics.
1哈拉尔德·韦尔策，(2007).社会记忆，北京大学出版社.
2景军.(1995).社会记忆理论与中国问题研究.中国社会学季刊(香港).
3邵鹏.(2013).新媒体对个体记忆的冲击与影响.当代传播,(2).
4Herb Sorensen，Inside the Mind of the Shopper，Wharton School Publishing,2009，p14．
5周葆华,&陈振华.(2013).“新媒体事件”的集体记忆——以上海市大学生群体为例的经验研究.新闻界,(14),55-61.
1Chua, Emily.(2012). Rethinking the Chinese Popular: Commercial andTechnological Change in the News Media after Mao. Berkeley Journal of Sociology:48-72.
2Mutz, D. C.,&Martin, P. S.(2001). Facilitating communication across lines ofpolitical difference: The role of mass media. American Political Science Review,95(1),97-114.
3Jamieson, K. H.,&Cappella, J. N.(2008). Echo chamber: Rush Limbaugh and theconservative media establishment. Oxford University Press.
4Stroud, N. J.(2010). Polarization and partisan selective exposure. Journal ofCommunication,60(3),556-576.
1Morris, J. S.,&Francia, P. L.(2010). Cable news, public opinion, and the2004party conventions. Political Research Quarterly,63(4),834-849.
2Smith, G.,&Searles, K.(2012). Fair and Balanced News or a Difference ofOpinion? Why Opinion Shows Matter for Media Effects. Political Research Quarterly.
3Hartley, T.,&Russett, B.(1992). Public opinion and the common defense: whogoverns military spending in the United States?. American Political Science Review,905-915.
1阿夫纳,&格雷夫.(2008).大裂变:中世纪贸易制度比较和西方的兴起.北京:中信出版社.22.
2李国强,&徐湘林.(2008).新制度主义与中国政治学研究.四川大学学报(哲学社会科学版),2.
3青木昌彦、奥野正宽：经济体制的比较制度分析，中国发展出版社，2005,2.
1Mann, M.(1984). The Autonomous Power of the State. European Journal ofSociology,25(2).
2Migdal, J. S., Kohli, A.,&Shue, V.(Eds.).(1994). State Power and Social Forces.Cambridge University Press.293-362.
3Evans, P. B.(1995). Embedded autonomy: states and industrial transformation.Princeton: Princeton University Press.12.
1转引自邓正来、J.C.亚历山大编（1999）：国家与市民社会，中央编译出版，p.34.
2Argyriades, D.(2006). Good governance, professionalism, ethics andresponsibility. International Review of Administrative Sciences,72(2),155-170.
3臧雷振,&黄建军.(2013).大政府还是小政府:灵巧型政府建构进路.中国行政管理,(7),18-21.
4Nozick, R.(1974). Anarchy, state, and utopia (Vol.5038). Basic books.pp.333-334.
1Gaynor, N.(2014). Bringing the Citizen Back In: Supporting Decentralisation inFragile States‐A View from Burundi. Development Policy Review,32(2),203-218.
2任建涛.(2012).政治秩序与社会规则：基于国家-社会关系的视角.人民论坛学术前沿(上),6.
3韩庆祥.(2002).当代中国的社会转型.现代哲学,3,27-30.
4林尚立.(2001).领导与执政:党,国家与社会关系转型的政治学分析.毛泽东邓小平理论研究,6,37-44.
5景跃进.(2005).党,国家与社会:三者维度的关系：从基层实践看中国政治的特点.华中师范大学学报:人文社会科学版,3,9-13.
6沈原.(2006).社会转型与工人阶级的再形成.社会学研究,2,13-36.
1Geddes, B.(1990). How the cases you choose affect the answers you get:Selection bias in comparative politics. Political analysis,2(1),131-150.
2Worchel, P., Hester, P. G.,&Kopala, P. S.(1974). Collective Protest and Legitimacyof Authority Theory and Research. Journal of Conflict Resolution,18(1),37-54.
1Finkel, S. E.,&Muller, E. N.(1998). Rational choice and the dynamics of collectivepolitical action: Evaluating alternative models with panel data. American Political ScienceReview,37-49.
2Verba, S., Schlozman, K. L., Brady, H.,&Nie, N. H.(1993). Race, ethnicity andpolitical resources: Participation in the United States. British Journal of PoliticalScience,23(4),453-497.
3Paulsen, R.(1991). Education, social class, and participation in collectiveaction. Sociology of Education,64:96-110.
4Inglehart, R.(1997). Modernization and postmodernization: Cultural, economic,and political change in43societies (Vol.19). Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.
5Meyer, D. S.,&Minkoff, D. C.(2004). Conceptualizing political opportunity.Socialforces,82(4),1457-1492.
6转引自Bernburg, J. G.(2002). Anomie, Social Change and Crime. A TheoreticalExamination of Institutional‐Anomie Theory. British Journal of Criminology,42(4),729-742.
1Gurr, T. R.(1970). Why men rebel Princeton. NI: Princeton University Press,1970,13.
2格雷什科维奇，(2009).抗议与忍耐的政治经济分析.广西师范大学出版社.
3Smelser, N. J.(1962). Theory of collective behavior. New York: Free Press.8.
4William, K.(1959). The politics of mass society, the Free Press.
5Turner, R. H.,&Killian, L. M.(1957). Collective Behavior.Prentice-Hall.
6Davies, J. C.(1969). The J-curve of Rising and Declining Satisfactions as a Causeof Some Great Revolutions and a Contained Rebellion. Violence in America. New York:Signet Books.
1Edelman, M.(2001). Social movements: changing paradigms and forms ofpolitics. Annual Review of Anthropology,285-317.
1Keniston, K.(1968). Young radicals: Notes on committed youth (pp.234-36). NewYork: Harcourt, Brace&World.
2Parkin, F.(1968). Middle class radicalism: The social bases of the British campaignfor nuclear disarmament. Manchester University Press.
3Nepstad, S. E.,&Smith, C.(1999). Rethinking recruitment to high-risk/cost activism:The case of Nicaragua Exchange. Mobilization: An International Quarterly,4(1),25-40.
4Barnes, S.H. Kaase, M.(eds)(1979), Political Action: Mass Participation in FiveWestern Democracies, Beverly Hills: Sage.
1Inglehart, R. Welzel, C.(2005), Modernization, Cultural Change and Democracy,New York: Cambridge University Press.
2Dalton, R.J., Van Sickle, A. Weldon, S.(2010),‘The individual-institutional nexusof protest behaviour’,British Journal of Political Science40(1):51-73.
3Welzel, C.,&Deutsch, F.(2006). Emancipative values and non-violent protest: theimportance of ‘ecological’effects. Comparative Sociology,5,137-82.
4Gillham, P. F.(2008). Participation in the Environmental Movement Analysis of theEuropean Union. International Sociology,23(1),67-93.
5Kitschelt, H.(1986). Political opportunity structures and political protest:Anti-nuclear movements in four democracies. British journal of political science,16(1),57-85.
6Tarrow, S.(1988). National politics and collective action: Recent theory andresearch in Western Europe and the United States. Annual Review of Sociology,14(1),421-440.
1Lipset SM.1963. Political Man. New York: Anchor.
2Eisinger, P. K.(1973). The conditions of protest behavior in American cities.TheAmerican Political Science Review,67(1),11-28.
3McAdam, D.(1982). Political process and the development of Black insurgency,1930-1970.
4Tarrow, S.,&Tollefson.(1994). Power in movement: Social movements, collectiveaction and politics (pp.3-4). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
5McAdam, D.(1996). Conceptual origins, current problems, future directions.Comparative perspectives on social movements: Political opportunities, mobilizingstructures, and cultural framings,23-40.
6Tarrow, S.,&Tollefson.(1994). Power in movement: Social movements, collectiveaction and politics (pp.3-4). Cambridge: Cambridge University Press.
1McAdam, D., Tarrow, S.,&Tilly, C.(2003). Dynamics of contention. SocialMovement Studies,2(1),99-102.
2Jenkins, J. C., Jacobs, D.,&Agnone, J.(2003). Political Opportunities andAfrican‐American Protest,1948-19971. American Journal of Sociology,109(2),277-303.
1Wahlstr m, M.,&Peterson, A.(2006). Between the State and the MarketExpanding the Concept of ‘Political Opportunity Structure’. Acta Sociologica,49(4),363-377.
2Meyer, D. S.,&Minkoff, D. C.(2004). Conceptualizing political opportunity.Socialforces,82(4),1457-1492.
1Moghadam, Valentine M.(2009) Globalization and Social Movements: Islamist,Feminism, and Global Justice Movement. Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield Publisher.
2Tilly, C.(1978). From mobilization to revolution (p.143). New York: McGraw-Hill.
3Tilly, C.(1995). Popular Contention in Great Britain,1758-1834. Cambridge, MA:Harvard University Press.
4McAdam, D.(2010). Political process and the development of black insurgency,1930-1970. University of Chicago Press.
5Costain, A. N.(1992). Inviting women's rebellion: A political process interpretationof the women's movement. Johns Hopkins Univ Press.
1Kriesi, H., Koopmans, R., Duyvendak, J. W.,&Giugni, M. G.(1992). New socialmovements and political opportunities in Western Europe. European journal of politicalresearch,22(2),219-244.
2Taylor, M.(2007). Community participation in the real world: opportunities andpitfalls in new governance spaces. Urban studies,44(2),297-317.
3Caniglia, B. S.,&Carmin, J.(2005). Scholarship on Social MovementOrganziations: Classic Views and Emerging Trends. Mobilization: An InternationalQuarterly,10(2),201-212.
4Poloni‐Staudinger, L.,&Ortbals, C.(2013). The Domestic Determinants ofTransnational Activity: An Examination of Women's Groups in the United Kingdom,France, and Germany. International Studies Quarterly.
1Ferree, Myra Marx, and Aili Mari Tripp Eds.(2006) Global Feminism: TransnationalWomen’s Activism, Organizing, and Human Rights. New York: New York UniversityPress.
2Kitschelt, H.(1986). Political opportunity structures and political protest:Anti-nuclear movements in four democracies. British journal of political science,16(1),57-85.
3Hilson, C.(2002). New social movements: the role of legal opportunity.Journal ofEuropean Public Policy,9(2),238-255.
1转引自Maryjane Osa, Kurt Schock (2007), A Long, Hard Slog: PoliticalOpportunities, Social Networks and the Mobilization of Dissent in Non-Democracies, inPatrick G. Coy (ed.) Research in Social Movements, Conflicts and Change (Research inSocial Movements, Conflicts and Change, Volume27), Emerald Group Publishing Limited,123-153
1Gamson, W. A.,&Meyer, D. S.(1996). Framing political opportunity.In McAdam,D., McCarthy, J. D.,&Zald, M. N.(Eds.).(1996). Comparative perspectives on socialmovements: Political opportunities, mobilizing structures, and cultural framings.Cambridge University Press.
2Goodwin J, Jasper JM, eds.(2003). Rethinking social movements: Structure,meaning, and emotion. Rowman&Littlefield Publishers.
3Meyer, David, and Debra Minkoff.(2004) Conceptualizing Political Opportunity.Social Force8:1457-1492.
4Ramos, H.(2008). Opportunity for whom?: political opportunity and critical eventsin Canadian aboriginal mobilization,1951-2000. Social Forces,87(2),795-823.
1Ayoub, P. M.(2013). Cooperative transnationalism in contemporary Europe:Europeanization and political opportunities for LGBT mobilization in the EuropeanUnion. European Political Science Review,5(2),279-310.
1Stinchcombe, A. L.(2005).The logic of social research. Chicago: University ofChicago Press.
2Mahoney, J.(2001). Beyond correlational analysis: Recent innovations in theoryand method. In Sociological Forum(Vol.16, No.3, pp.575-593). Springer Netherlands.
3Goodwin, J.,&Jasper, J. M.(Eds.).(2004). Rethinking social movements:Structure, meaning, and emotion. Rowman&Littlefield.
4McAdam, D., Tarrow, S.,&Tilly, C.(2008). Methods for measuring mechanisms ofcontention. Qualitative Sociology,31(4),307-331.
5Stinchcombe, A. L.(2005).The logic of social research. Chicago: University ofChicago Press.
1McAdam, D.,&Sewell, W.(2001). It’s about time: Temporality in the study of socialmovements and revolutions. In R. Aminzade, et al.(Eds.), Silence and voice in the studyof contentious politics. Cambridge and New York: Cambridge University Press.
2Mayntz, R.(2004). Mechanisms in the analysis of social macro-phenomena.Philosophy of the social sciences,34(2),237-259.
3Goldstone, J. A.(2004). More social movements or fewer? Beyond politicalopportunity structures to relational fields. Theory and Society,33(3-4),333-365.
4Poloni-Staudinger, Lori.(2009) We All Need Friends: Elite Alliances and theActivity Choices of Environmental Groups in the United Kingdom, France and Germany.In Interest Groups and Lobbying: Volume Two—Europe Edited by Conor McGrath. NewYork: Edwin Mellen Press.
5Basu, A.(2010). Women's Movements in the Global Era: The Power of LocalFeminisms. Westview Press.24
1Piven, F. F.,&Cloward, R. A.(1979). Poor people's movements: Why theysucceed, how they fail (Vol.697). Random House Digital, Inc.
2Poloni-Staudinger, L. M.,&Ortbals, C. D.(2011). Gendered Political Opportunities?Elite Alliances, Electoral Cleavages, and Activity Choice Among Women's Groups in theUK, France, and Germany. Social Movement Studies,10(1),55-79.
3严强,张凤阳,&温晋锋.(2008).宏观政治学.南京大学出版社.
1丹尼斯·麦奎尔(2006).麦奎尔大众传播理论，北京:清华大学出版社.42-43.
1Plattner, M. F.(2012). Media and Democracy: The Long View. Journal ofDemocracy,23(4),62-73.
1张利军（2012）.改革开放以来海外视域下的中国政治参与研究,国外理论动态,6.
3上海交通大学舆情研究实验室、危机管理研究中心主编（2013）.社中国社会舆情与危机管理报告,社会科学文献出,238.
4上海交通大学舆情研究实验室、危机管理研究中心主编（2013）.社中国社会舆情与危机管理报告,社会科学文献出版.
1宋欢，大学生网络政治参与的现状分析与对策研究，人民论坛，2013（5）.
2李亚妤.(2011).互联网使用,网络社会交往与网络政治参与——以沿海发达城市网民为例.新闻大学,(1),69-81.
1O'Brien, K. J.,&Li, L.(2006). Rightful resistance in rural China. CambridgeUniversity Press.
2于建嵘,&吴毅.(2004).当代中国农民的以法抗争.社会学研究,2.
3詹姆斯,斯特普.(2007).弱者的武器.当代外国文学,(1),162-162.
4吴长青.(2010).从“策略”到“伦理”对“依法抗争”的批评性讨论.社会,(2),198-214.
1Lewis, O. A.(2013). Net Inclusion: New Media’s Impact on Deliberative Politics inChina. Journal of Contemporary Asia,43(4),678-708.
2Liebman, B. L.(2011). The Media and the Courts: Towards CompetitiveSupervision?. The China Quarterly,208,833-850.
1Blair, A.(2013), Democratising the Learning Process: The Use of Twitter in theTeaching of Politics and International Relations. Politics,33:135–145.
1McCombs, M. E.,&Shaw, D. L.(1972). The agenda-setting function of massmedia. Public opinion quarterly,36(2),176-187.
2McCombs, M.(2005). A look at agenda-setting: Past, present andfuture.Journalism studies,6(4),543-557.
1Vliegenthart, R., Walgrave, S.,&Zicha, B.(2012). How preferences, informationand institutions interactively drive agenda‐setting: Questions in the Belgianparliament,1993–2000. European Journal of Political Research.
2Sunstein, C.(2001). The daily we. Is the internet really a blessing for democracy?Boston Review.
3Stein, L.(2013). Policy and Participation on Social Media: The Cases of YouTube,Facebook, and Wikipedia. Communication, Culture&Critique,6(3),353-371.
1麦克法夸尔、费正清.剑桥中华人民共和国史（1949-1965）.中国社会科学文献出版社,1990.3.
2臧雷振.(2008).“大部制”改革:理论审视及路径新释.甘肃行政学院学报,6.
1毛泽东文集，第三卷,人民出版社，1996,257.
2邓小平文选，第一卷,人民出版社，1994,348.
3邓小平文选，第一卷,人民出版社，1994,243.
4邓小平文选，第二卷,人民出版社，1994,100.
5邓小平文选，第二卷,人民出版社，1994,84.
6胡锦涛(2008).在抗震救灾先进基层党组织和优秀共产党员代表座谈会上的讲话，人民出版社,13.
7胡锦涛(2004).在首都各界纪念全国人民代表大会成立50周年大会上的讲话,人民出版社,13.
8中国共产党第十七次全国代表大会文件汇编，(2007).人民出版社，48.
9十六大以来重要文献选编(中).(2006).中央文献出版社，306.
1邓小平文选，第一卷，人民出版社，1994,217.
2胡锦涛：在全党深入学习实践科学发展观活动动员大会暨省部级主要领导干部专题研讨班上的讲话,人民出版社，2009,20.
3江泽民文选，第一卷,人民出版社，2006,641.
4Grimmelikhuijsen, S., Porumbescu, G., Hong, B.,&Im, T.(2013). The Effect ofTransparency on Trust in Government: A Cross‐National Comparative Experiment.Public Administration Review.
1王可园,&吴常柏.(2013).群众路线的品质特征与人民群众政治信任的提升.甘肃理论学刊,(4),46-50.
2裘斌,&郑德荣.(2013).论乡村政治信任重建中的村民公共参与.社会科学战线,(6),157-162.
12012年6月21日，2011年社会服务发展统计公报.
1Almeida, P.,&Stearns, L. B.(1998). Political opportunities and local grassrootsenvironmental movements: The case of Minamata. Social Problems,37-60.
2Cooper, A. H.(1996). Paradoxes of Peace: German Peace Movements since1945.University of Michigan Press.
3Clemens, E. S.(1997). The people's lobby: Organizational innovation and the riseof interest group politics in the United States,1890-1925. University of Chicago Press.
4Amenta, E.,&Zylan, Y.(1991). It happened here: Political opportunity, the newinstitutionalism, and the Townsend movement. American Sociological Review,250-265.
5Fleishman, J. A.(1986). Types of political attitude structure: Results of a clusteranalysis. Public Opinion Quarterly,50(3),371-386.
1Stadelmann-Steffen, I.,&Vatter, A.(2012). Does Satisfaction with DemocracyReally Increase Happiness? Direct Democracy and Individual Satisfaction inSwitzerland. Political behavior,34(3),535-559.
2Frey, B. S.,&Stutzer, A.(2001). Happiness, economy and institutions. TheEconomic Journal,110(466),918-938.
3Brusis, M.,&Thiery, P.(2006). Comparing Political Governance: SoutheasternEurope in a Global Perspective. Southeast European and Black Sea Studies,6(1),125-146.
4Easton, D.(1975). A re-assessment of the concept of political support.Britishjournal of political science,5(4),435-457.
5Norris, P.(1999a) Introduction. In: P. Norris (ed.)Critical Citizens. Global Supportfor Democratic Governance. Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press.
6Freitag, M.,&Bauer, P. C.(2013). Testing for Measurement Equivalence inSurveys Dimensions of Social Trust across Cultural Contexts. Public OpinionQuarterly,77(S1),24-44.
1Meyer, D. S.(2004). Protest and political opportunities. Annual review of sociology,125-145.
2Tarrow, and Charles Tilly, eds., Silence and Voice in the Study of ContentiousPolitics (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,2001),179-94.
3David Meyer and Debra C. Minkoff (2004), Conceptualizing Political Opportunity,Social Forces,82,1457-92.
1Meyer, D. S.,&Staggenborg, S.(1996). Movements, countermovements, and thestructure of political opportunity. American Journal of Sociology,1628-1660.
1Chan, K. M.,&Zhou, Y.(2014). Political Opportunity and the Anti-dam Movementin China: A Case Study of Nu River. In Zhidong Hao, Sheying Chen (ed): Social Issues inChina: Gender, Ethnicity, Labor, and the Environment (pp.311-330). Springer New York.
2Fu, T.(2009). Dams and transnational advocacy: Political opportunities intransnational collective action. Dissertations And Theses; Thesis (Ph.D.)--The CatholicUniversity of America,2009.
3Poloni-Staudinger, L. M.(2008). The Domestic Opportunity Structure andSupranational Activity An Explanation of Environmental Group Activity at the EuropeanUnion Level. European Union Politics,9(4),531-558.
1Minxin, P.,&Pei, M.(2008). China's trapped transition: The limits of developmentalautocracy. Harvard University Press.
2Ma, Q.(2002). The governance of NGOs in China since1978: How muchautonomy?. Nonprofit and Voluntary Sector Quarterly,31(3),305-328.
3Johnson, I.(2003). The death and life of China's civil society. Perspectives onPolitics,1,551-554.
4Heurlin, C.(2010). Governing civil society: The political logic of NGO–Staterelations under dictatorship. VOLUNTAS: International Journal of Voluntary and NonprofitOrganizations,21(2),220-239.
5Diamond, L.(1999). Developing democracy: Toward consolidation. JHU Press.221.
1安德鲁·查德威克,(2010).互联网政治学:国家,公民与新传播技术,华夏出版社，430.
2Kurzman, C.,&Kurzman, C.(2009). Democracy denied,1905-1915: Intellectualsand the fate of democracy. Harvard University Press.
3布鲁斯·宾伯，(2011).信息与美国民主:技术在政治权力演化中的作用，科学出版社出版,6-7.
1Dalton, R. J.,&Klingemann, H. D.(Eds.),(2007). The Oxford Handbook of PoliticalBehavior，USA:Oxford University Press,9-15.
2应星.(2007).“气”与中国乡村集体行动的再生产.开放时代,(6),106-120.
3今年1至10月信访总量604万件次同比下降2.1%，http://news.xinhuanet.com/yzyd/local/20131128/c_118332987.htm.
1中央和省级政府网站普及率100%地方提政务云概念，http://news.xinhuanet.com/politics/2013-01/16/c_124236821.htm.
1上海市市长信箱研究课题总结报告，http://blog.sina.com.cn/s/blog_55a8f88601019dgc.html
2澄迈县政府网将取消“书记信访”“县长信访”，http://chengmai.hinews.cn/system/2008/09/03/010532004.shtml
1广东省网上信访量占信访量半壁江山，http://www.gdshjs.org/s/2012-02/28/content_39032615.htm.
2国家信访局将建全国网上信访受理平台，http://news.china.com.cn/2013-11/28/content_30730843.htm.
3中纪委5年收网络举报30.1万件次怎样处理举报?http://news.xinhuanet.com/2013-05/07/c_115673017_2.htm.
1参见：中国家庭追踪调查（2010）用户手册，http://www.isss.edu.cn/cfps/wd/jsbg/2010jsbg/2013-03-11/167.html.
2按照AAPOR标准进行计算，参见技术报告：CFPS-5：中国家庭追踪调查2010年基线调查样本联系情况(2012.12.20)，http://www.isss.edu.cn/cfps/wd/jsbg/2010jsbg/2013-03-11/167.html.
1参加， CFPS-1：中国家庭追踪调查抽样设计，http://www.isss.edu.cn/cfps/wd/jsbg/2010jsbg/2013-03-11/167.html.
2CFPS-4：中国家庭追踪调查2010年基线调查质量督导报告，http://www.isss.edu.cn/cfps/wd/jsbg/2010jsbg/2013-03-11/167.html.
1“人均受教育年限”计算方法探讨，统计制度改革研究，2003（5），http://218.247.187.79/tjzx/rjsjynx.htm.
1Verba, S., Schlozman, K. L.,&Brady, H. E.(1995). Voice and equality: Civicvoluntarism in American politics. Harvard University Press.
2臧雷振,劳昕,&孟天广.(2013).互联网使用与政治行为——研究观点,分析路径及中国实证.政治学研究,(2),60-75.
3Swigger, N.(2012). The Online Citizen: Is Social Media Changing Citizens’ BeliefsAbout Democratic Values?. Political Behavior,1-15.
4Boulianne, S.(2009). Does Internet use affect engagement? A meta-analysis ofresearch. political communication,26(2),193-211.
1Gordon, E.(2013). Beyond participation: Designing for the civic web. Journal ofDigital and Media Literacy,1(1).
2Castells, M.(2012). Networks of outrage and hope: Social movements in theInternet age. Cambridge, UK: Polity.
3Patrick Meier， Do “Liberation Technologies” Change the Balance of PowerBetween Repressive Regimes and Civil Society，Dissertation，Stanford University，2010.
1Stoker, G.(1998). Governance as Theory. International Social Science Journal,50(155).
2Dean, M.(2007). Governing Societies. Maidenhead, England: Open UniversityPress.
3Werner Jann, Modern Governance, in Fraser-Moleketi, G.(ed.)(2005). The WorldWe Could Win: Administering Global Governance, Report of the International Institute ofAdministrative Sciences, Amsterdam: IOS Press.146.
1臧雷振,&徐湘林.(2013).政府质量:国家治理结构性指标研究的兴起.公共行政评论,6(5).
2臧雷振.(2012).治理定量研究:理论演进及反思——以世界治理指数(WGI)为例.国外社会科学,(4),11-16.
1Max Weber, The Methodology of the Social Sciences (New York:Free Press,1949),105-106.
2戴维·伊斯顿.(1993).政治体系——政治学状况研究.北京:商务印书馆,298.
3Giovanni Sartori,"Guidelines for Concept Analysis," Social Science Concepts: ASystematic Analysis, ed. Giovanni Sartori (Beverly Hills: Sage,1984),60.
4Gerring, J.(1999). What makes a concept good? A criterial framework forunderstanding concept formation in the social sciences. Polity,357-393.
5Bell S, Hindmoor A, Mols F. PERSUASION AS GOVERNANCE: A STATE‐CENTRIC RELATIONAL PERSPECTIVE. Public Administration,2010,88(3):851-870.
1奇尔科特.(1998).比较政治学理论:新范式的探索.社会科学文献出版社.165.
2张静，国家与社会.浙江人民出版社,1998.4.
1Bandelj, N.,&Solinger, D. J.(Eds.).(2012). Socialism Vanquished, SocialismChallenged: Eastern Europe and China,1989-2009. Oxford University Press.
1高家骥.碱土及其改良法,河南大学学报,1934(3).
2刘恩兰.我国之雨量变率,地理学报,1936(3).
3丁馨伯,工商管理之组织,复旦学报,1935.
4张光斗,黄河流域开发规划纲要草案,新黄河,1951(5).
5王国斌.(2008).转变的中国:历史变迁与欧洲经验的局限.江苏人民出版社.1-3.
1Lieberthal, Kenneth.1986.“China and Political Science.” PS: Political Science andPolitics19,1:70–78.
2Pierson, Paul, and Theda Skocpol.2002.“Historical Institutionalism inContemporary Political Science.” In Political Science: The State of the Discipline, ed. IraKatznelson and Helen V. Milner. New York: W. W. Norton.
3Marie-Eve Reny, Review Essay: What Happened to the Study of China inComparative Politics? Journal of East Asian Studies11(2011),105–135.
4Pollitt C. Structural change and public service performance: international lessons?Public Money&Management,2009,29(5):285-291.
5戴维·伊斯顿.(1993).政治体系——政治学状况研究.北京:商务印书馆,290.
1埃文斯等.(2009).找回国家.北京:生活·读书·新知三联书店.7.
2Ragin, C.(1987). The comparative method: Moving beyond qualitative andquantitative methods. Berkeley: University of California.6.
3Freeman, E. A.(1873) Comparative Politics. London: Macmillan.
4马克利希巴赫，阿兰S朱克曼编，比较政治：理性.文化和结构，中国人民大学出版，2008，116.
5米格代尔，国家研究，马克利希巴赫，阿兰S朱克曼编，比较政治：理性.文化和结构，中国人民大学出版，2008，276-277.
1马太·杜甘.(2010).国家的比较——为什么比较,如何比较,拿什么比较.社会科学文献出版社.11-14.
2罗伯特,古丁,汉斯,&迪特尔.(2006).克林格曼政治科学新手册.生活·读书·新知三联书店。740-748.
3Slater, D.,&Ziblatt, D.(2013). The Enduring Indispensability of the ControlledComparison. Comparative Political Studies.
1亨廷顿(1988).变革社会中的政治秩序，华夏出版社.
1群体性事件是一种激烈抗争性政治参与，在中国泛指通过没有合法依据的规模性聚集、对社会造成负面影响的群体活动、发生多数人语言行为或肢体行为上的冲突等群体行为的方式，或表达诉求和主张，或直接争取和维护自身利益，或发泄不满、制造影响，因而对社会秩序和社会稳定造成重大负面影响的各种事件。参见奚洁人：科学发展观百科辞典，上海辞书出版社，2007年版。
2陆学艺，李培林，陈光金(2013)：社会蓝皮书：2013年中国社会形势分析与预测，社会科学文献出版社，12-14.
1http://news.xinhuanet.com/newmedia/2013-11/29/c_125781182.htm.
1Argyriades, D.(2006). Good governance, professionalism, ethics andresponsibility. International Review of Administrative Sciences,72(2),155-170.
阿尔蒙德,韦巴,(2008).公民文化:五个国家的政治态度和民主制.东方出版社.
阿列克谢·舍甫琴柯.如何看待中国共产党在改革时期的作用,国外理论动态,2005,(1).
阿伦·德雷泽(2003).宏观经济学中的政治经济学，经济科学出版社.
阿图尔科利.(2007).国家引导的发展:全球边缘地区的政治权力与工业化.吉林出版集团.
阿维纳什·K·迪克西特.(2004).经济政策的制定，中国人民大学出版社.
埃里克. A诺德林格.(2010).民主国家的自主性.江苏人民出版社.
爱德华·S.赫尔曼(Herman.E.S.),诺姆·乔姆斯基(Chomsky.N.)(2011),制造共识：大众传媒的政治经济学,北京大学出版社.
安德鲁.查德威克.(2010).互联网政治学:国家,公民与新传播技术,华夏出版社.
安德鲁·F.库珀,阿加塔·安特科维茨主编.(2009).全球治理中的新兴国家:来自海利根达姆进程的经验.上海人民出版社.
安东尼．季登斯(Anthony Giddens)，（2001）,社会的构成，台北：左岸文化出版社.
安东尼·奥罗姆、约翰·戴尔,(2012).政治社会学：当代世界的权力和参与,巨流出版社.
奥利弗·威廉姆森(2001).治理机制，中国社会科学出版社.
奥斯特罗姆.(2000).公共事务的治理之道，上海三联书店.
包心鉴,李锦,刘玉张新德,(2012).大众政治参与和社会管理创新,人民出版社.
彼得·D·希夫(Peter D. Schiff)(2013)，国家为什么会崩溃，中信出版社.
边燕杰,卢汉龙,&孙立平.(2002).市场转型与社会分层:美国社会学者分析中国.生活读书新知三联书店.
波吉.(1997).近代国家的发展:社会学导论.商务印书馆.
波兰尼·卡尔.(2007).大转型:我们时代的政治与经济起源.杭州:浙江人民出版社.
布坎南,(2008).宪法秩序的经济学与伦理学.商务印书馆.
布赖恩麦克奈尔.(2005).政治传播学引论.新华出版社.
布鲁斯·宾伯(BimberB.).(2011).信息与美国民主:技术在政治权力演化中的作用，科学出版社出版.
蔡定剑.(2002).中国选举状况的报告.法律出版社.
蔡定剑.(2009).公众参与:风险社会的制度建设.法律出版社.
蔡立辉(2007).政府绩效评估:现状与发展前景.中山大学学报(社会科学版),5.
蔡英文.(2010).政治的代表性与自由民主体制:施密特,鄂兰与勒弗论国家与人民的关系.政治与社会哲学评论,(32),1-63.
曾庆香、李蔚(2010)，群体性事件：信息传播与政府应对，中国书籍出版社.
查尔斯·蒂利,西德尼·塔罗.(2010).抗争政治.南京:译林出版社.
查尔斯.埃德温.贝克（C.Edwin.Baker），（2008），媒介、市场与民主，上海世纪出版集团.
常健,许尧.(2010)论公共冲突管理的五大机制建设.中国行政管理,9.
巢乃鹏,&黄娴.(2005).网络传播中的“谣言”现象研究.情报理论与实践,27(6),586-589.
陈柏峰.(2012).农民上访的分类治理研究.政治学研究,(1),28-42.
陈丰.(2010).信访制度变迁:从路径依赖到路径创新.江海学刊,2,22.
陈继清.(2006).我国信访制度存在的问题及其完善措施.中国行政管理,(6),17-20.
陈建仁.(2010).地方治理中的政治参与途径初探.中国地方自治,63(10),31-43.
陈晋胜.(2004).群体性事件研究报告.群众出版社.
陈陆辉，(2003)，政治信任、施政表现对台湾民主的展望，台湾政治学刊，7(2):149-188.
陈明明主编(2012).转型危机与国家治理，上海人民出版社.
陈强,&徐晓林.(2010).网络群体性事件演化要素研究.情报杂志,29(0),5-8.
陈庆云.(2006).信访改革取向与制度创新问题研究.法学杂志,26(6),135-137.
陈瑞莲,孔凯.(2009)中国区域公共管理研究的发展与前瞻.学术研究,5.
陈剩勇,&杜洁.(2005).互联网公共论坛:政治参与和协商民主的兴起.浙江大学学报(人文社会科学版),35(3).
陈士玉,(2010).当代中国公民政治参与的模式及其发展趋势研究,吉林大学出版社.
陈潭,罗晓俊.(2011).中国网络政治研究:进程与争鸣政治学研究,(4).
陈炜.(2008).公共危机传播的媒介景象：从政治问责性到公众问责性.复旦大学.
陈忆宁.(2011).探索政治议题感知的世代差异-一个媒介效果的观点.台湾民主季刊,8(2),39-8.
陈映芳.(2006).行动力与制度限制:都市运动中的中产阶层.社会学研究,4,-20.
陈喆,&陈丽园.(2011).公共政策如何通过新闻报道构建合法性.暨南学报(哲学社会科学版),33(3),196-202.
陈振明,马骁,朱梅,&赵根根.(2010).群体性事件的成因与对策研究.东南学术,5.
程曼丽.(2008).论“议程设置”在国家形象塑造中的舆论导向作用.北京大学学报:哲学社会科学版,45(2),62-68.
褚松燕.(2007).权利发展与公民参与:我国公民资格权利发展与有序参与研究.中国法制出版社.
戴维·莫利、凯文·罗宾斯（2001），认同的空间，南京：南京大学.
戴维伊斯顿.(1993).政治体系——政治学状况研究.北京:商务印书馆.
道尔.(2004).理解传媒经济学.清华大学出版社有限公司.
道格拉斯·凯尔纳,(2013).媒体文化,商务印书馆.
邓利维奥利里.(2007).国家理论:自由民主的政治学.浙江人民出版社.
邓正来.(2002).市民社会理论的研究.中国政法大学出版社.
刁杰成.(1996).人民信访史略:1949-1995.北京经济学院出版社.
丁煌.(1999).从区县人大换届选举看提高公民的民主意识.中国软科学,3.
渡边勉山本英弘.(2001).社会运动的态势与政治机会的结构-对宫城县社会运动的计量分析(1986~1997)社会学评论,52-52.
范士明.(2000)政治的新闻——美国媒体上的西藏和“西藏问题”.太平洋学报,4.
房宁.(2011).自由,威权,多元:东亚政治发展研究报告.社会科学文献出版社.
房宁等.中国政治参与报告(2011，2012，2013).北京:社会科学文献出版社.
冯仕政（2013），西方社会运动理论研究，中国人民大学出版社
弗莱明等（Flemming Christiansen&Shirin M. Rai），（1999）,中国政治与社会，台北：韦伯文化.
福山(2007).国家构建:21世纪的国家治理与世界秩序.中国社会科学出版社.
傅恒德.(2003).政治文化与政治参与.韦伯文化国际出版有限公司.
傅思明(2009).中国信访立法探究.中共中央党校学报.(1).
高波.(2008).政府传播论:社会核心信息体系与改革开放新路径.中国传媒大学出版社.
高承实,荣星,&陈越.(2011).微博舆情监测指标体系研究.情报杂志,30(9),66-70.
戈德斯通(2009),国家、政党与社会运动,上海人民出版社.
葛荃.(2011)论传统中国“道”的宰制——兼及“循道”政治思维定式.政治学研究,1.
耿曙、陈奕伶、陈陆辉(2008)，有限改革的政治意义：中国大陆动员式选举参与对其城市居民参与意识的影响，人文及社会科学集刊，20（4）.
顾丽梅.(2003).信息社会的政府治理:政府治理理念与治理范式硏究(Vol.2).天津人民出版社.
郭道久.(2006)对抗性竞争与协商合作——多元主义与合作主义的利益集团观比较.教学与研究,8.
郭定平.(1997).论当代政治转型理论的背景与逻辑.学术季刊,3.
郭浩;陆余良;王宇;张亮.(2012).基于信息传播的微博用户影响力度量.山东大学学报(理学版),(5).
郭秋永.(1999).强势民主:新时代的政治参与.问题与研究,38(6),63-94.
郭小安.(2001).网络民主的可能及限度.中国社会科学出版社.
郭正林.(2003).当代中国农民政治参与的程度,动机及社会效应.社会学研究,3,18-23.
郭忠华.(2003)新制度主义关于制度变迁研究的三大范式.天津社会科学,4.
哈伯马斯.(1999).公共领域的结构转型.学林出版社.
哈林、曼奇尼，（2010）.比较媒介体制：媒介与政治的三种模式，中国人民大学出版社.
哈罗德,伊尼斯.(2003).传播的偏向.中国人民大学出版社.
何怀宏.(1998).选举社会及其终结:秦汉至晚清历史的一种社会学阐释.生活·读书·新知三联书店.
何明修（2005），社会运动概论，台北：三民书局.
何艳玲.“回归社会”:中国社会建设与国家治理结构调适.开放时代,2013,3:29-44.
何增科.(2004).中国政治体制改革硏究.中央编译出版社.
何增科等,（2007）.城乡公民参与和政治合法性.中央编译出版社.
何正玲(2012).当代中国公民网络政治参与问题研究.东北师范大学.
胡鞍钢,王绍光,&周建明.(2003).第二次转型:国家制度建设.清华大学出版社.
胡佛.(1998).政治参与与选举行为.三民书局.
胡荣(2008).社会资本与城市居民的政治参与.社会学研究,(5).
胡筱秀.(2005)行政发展与国家治理结构现代化——我国“行政三分制”改革试点的生态分析.江苏社会科学,3.
胡钰.(2000).大众传播效果:问题与对策.新华出版社.
胡元梓.(2022).中国民众何以偏好信访.华中师范大学学报(人文社会科学版),(2).
黄冬娅.(2011).国家如何塑造抗争政治.社会学研究,(2),27-242.
黄健荣.论现代政府合法性递减:成因、影响与对策.浙江大学学报(人文社会科学版),2010,9:26-40.
黄少华.(2008).网络空间的社会行为:青少年网络行为研究.人民出版社.
黄卫平,&陈文.(2006).民间政治参与和体制吸纳的互动.马克思主义与现实,3.
加布里埃尔塔尔德,&特里N克拉克.(2005).传播与社会影响.中国人民大学出版社.
加汉姆，(2005).解放传媒现代性：关于传媒和社会理论的讨论,新华出版社.
贾兵(2011).先秦诸子政治传播观念研究.上海大学.
江振昌.(2006).机制与变迁:中国信访制度的存废争议.远景基金会季刊,7(4),43-77.
姜明安(2005).改革信访制度创新我国解纷和救济机制.中国党政干部论坛,(5).
姜苏莉(2006).我国信访听证制度研究.政治学研究,(4).
奖原伦.(2004).媒体文化与消费时代.中央编译出版社.
杰克·奈特.(2009).制度与社会冲突.上海:上海人民出版社.
金观涛、刘青峰(1993)，开放中的变迁:再论中国社会超稳定结构，香港：中文大学出版社.
金毅.(2012).当代中国公民网络政治参与研究.吉林大学.
荆学民，苏颖(2014).中国政治传播研究的学术路径与现实维度,中国社会科学.(2).
敬乂嘉,刘春荣.(2007)居委会直选与城市基层治理——对2006年上海市居委会直接选举的分析.复旦学报(社会科学版),1.
卡诺伊,(1995).国家与政治理论,桂冠出版社.
凯尔纳.(2003).媒体奇观.清华大学出版社有限公司.
康晓光,卢宪英,韩恒,&王名.(2008).改革时代的国家与社会关系,北京:中国社会科学出版社.
科尔奈雅诺什.(2007).社会主义体制:共产主义政治经济学.中央编译局出版社.
科塞.(1989).社会冲突的功能,华夏出版社.
匡文波.(2009).“新媒体”概念辨析.国际新闻界,(6),66-69.
拉尔夫.(2000).达仁道夫.现代社会冲突,中国社会科学出版社.
兰华.我国公民社会发展与服务型政府建设——治理理论视角.山东大学学报(哲学社会科学版),2005,05:103-108.
兰斯·本奈特(Bennett.W.L.),罗伯特·M.恩特曼(Entman.R.M.).(2011),媒介化政治,清华大学出版社.
郎友兴.(2012).政治追求与政治吸纳.浙江大学出版社.
勒莫,&唐家龙.(1999).黑寡妇:谣言的示意及传播.商务印书馆.
雷大川.(2009)“乐”：政治意义的宣化——先秦政治传播观念研究.吉林大学.
雷润琴(2010),信息博弈:公民·媒体·政府，清华大学出版社.
雷弢(2009).参与的逻辑:北京选民选举心态与参与行为追踪研究.香港:晨钟书局.
雷蔚真,&邱林川.(2011).从“仪式”到“派对”:互联网对“媒介事件”的重构,中国人民大学出版社.
李斌.(2006).网络政治学导论.中国社会科学出版社.
李春(2005).网络政治参与在我国的兴起：条件、形态与前景.复旦大学.
李广(2007).中国乡村治理中的政治传播与控制.华中师范大学.
李和中.(1998).县(区)人大代表直接选举的调查及其分析.政治学研究,4,75-82.
李金河,徐锋,(2009).当代中国公众政治参与和决策科学化,人民出版社.
李侃如(2010).治理中国:从革命到改革.中国社会科学出版社.
李里峰(2010)运动式治理:一项关于土改的政治学分析.福建论坛(人文社会科学版),4.
李路路.(2002).制度转型与分层结构的变迁.中国社会科学,(6).
李培林.(1992).另一只看不见的手:社会结构转型.中国社会科学,5(3).
李秋学.(2009).中国信访史论.中国社会科学出版社.
李希光,&赵心树.(2002).媒体的力量.南方日报出版社.
李亚妤.(2011).互联网使用,网络社会交往与网络政治参与.新闻大学,(1),69-81.
李元书.(200).政治传播学的产生和发展.政治学研究,(3),68-77.
李月军(2013).西方学者视野下的中国文武关系模式国外理论动态,(5).
李智.(2007).国际政治传播:控制与效果.北京大学出版社.
理查德德·拉克曼(Richard Lachmann).(2013).国家与权力，上海人民出版社.
林峰,&王书成.(2013).信访,民主立与法治:中国话题.香港城市大学出版社.
林嘉诚.(1989).政治心理形成与政治参与行为.台湾商务印书馆.
林尚立(2012).民主与民生:人民民主的中国逻辑.北京大学学报(哲学社会科学版),1.
林尚立.(2000).当代中国政治形态硏究.新华书店.
林毅夫.(2004).自生能力,经济发展与转型:理论与实证.北京大学出版社.
林喆(2009).信访制度的功能、属性及其发展趋势.中共中央党校学报,(1).
刘华蓉.(2010).大众传媒与政治.北京大学出版社.
刘骥,张玲,陈子恪.社会科学为什么要找因果机制.公共行政评论,2011,04.
刘建军.论社会转型期政治信任的法治基础.文史哲,2010,04:159-168.
刘文富.(2002).网络政治:网络社会与国家治理.商务印书馆.
刘玉芝.(2011).政府在扩大公民有序政治参与中的地位与作用.政治学研究,4.
刘远柱(2008).公民网络政治参与和政府管理创新学习论坛,(9).
刘正强(2014).信访的“容量”分析：理解中国信访治理及其限度的一种思路,开放时代.1.
刘智,&白钢.(2001).数据选举:人大代表选举统计硏究.中国社会科学出版社.
柳新元(2000).国家的治理方式、治理成本与治理绩效.江海学刊,4.
娄成武,刘力锐(2010).论网络政治动员:一种非对称态势政治学研究,(2).
罗伯特W麦克切斯尼.(2004).富媒体,穷民主——不确定时代的传播政治.新华出版社.
罗锡政,雷琳(2011).“泛阿拉伯革命”及其对中亚和中国新疆的影响国外理论动态,(6).
闾小波（2011）.共识依赖:中华政治共识之传承与更张.天津社会科学,1.
麻宝斌(2009),中国社会转型时期的群体性政治参与.中国社会科学出版社.
麻宝斌,马振清(2005).新时期中国社会的群体性政治参与.政治学研究,(2).
马骏,侯一麟,林尚立主编.(2007).国家治理与公共预算.中国财政经济出版社.
马克·格兰诺维特(2007).镶嵌：社会网与经济行动.社会文献出版社.
马克斯韦尔·麦库姆斯,(2008).议程设置大众媒介与舆论,北京大学出版社.
玛利亚·埃丁,于淼(2006).中国的基层干部责任制国外理论动态,(1).
玛利亚乔纳蒂.(2008).自我耗竭式演进:政党一国家体制的模型与验证.中央编译局出版社.
迈克尔·麦金尼斯.(2000).多中心体制与地方公共经济.上海三联书店.
麦克奈尔, McNair, B.,&殷祺.(2005).政治传播学引论.新华出版社.
麦奎尔.(2006).麦奎尔大众传播理论.清华大学出版社.
曼威．柯司特(Manuel Castells)，（1998），网络社会之崛起，台北：唐山出版社.
曼威．柯司特(Manuel Castells)，（2002），认同的力量，台北：唐山出版社.
曼威·柯司特(Manuel Castells)，（2001），千禧年之终结，台北：唐山出版社.
莫里斯（Dick Morris），(2000)，网络民主，台北：商周出版社.
纳什（Kate Nash）（2001），林庭瑶译，当代政治社会学，台北：韦伯文化出版社.
尼尔·波兹曼(NeilPostman),(2004).娱乐至死广西师范大学出版社.
倪志伟,&边燕杰.(2002).市场转型理论:国家社会主义由再分配到市场,北京:三联书店.
诺曼尼·科尔森.(2001).制度分析与发展的反思,商务出版社.
诺思.(2008).制度,制度变迁与经济绩效.格致出版社.
帕夫利克.(2005).新媒体技术：文化和商业前景.清华大学出版社.
潘维,玛雅.(2009)共和国一甲子探讨中国模式.开放时代,5.
潘伟杰,余波(1999).信息革命的政治挑战和理论困境世界经济与政治.(3).
裴宜理,&阎小骏.(2006).社会运动理论的发展.当代世界社会主义问题,4,3-2.
裴宜理、塞尔登,(2014).中国社会：变革、冲突与抗争,香港中文大学出版社.
彭怀恩.(2002).政治传播与沟通.台湾:台湾风论坛出版社柏限公司.
彭向刚,袁明旭(2007).论转型期弱势群体政治参与与社会公正.吉林大学社会科学学报,(1).
彭芸.(1986).政治传播:理论与实务.中国台湾地区:巨流图书公司.
皮特·F.伯恩斯,(2011).仅有选举政治是不够的,中央编译出版社.
皮特何,理查德路易斯艾德蒙：嵌入式行动主义在中国:社会运动的机遇与约束，社会科学文献出版社，2012.
浦兴祖.(2005)以人大民主为重点继续推进中国民主政治的发展.复旦学报(社会科学版),5.
齐建华.(2006).法国学术界对当代中国政治研究评述,国外理论动态.(2).
祁玲玲,孔卫拿,赵莹(2013).国家能力、公民组织与当代中国的环境信访.中国行政管理,(7):100-106.
乔登（Tim Jordon），（2001），网际权力，台北：韦伯文化出版社.
秦德君(2001).中国政治发展与扩大公民政治参与.社会科学,(9).
秦海.(1999).制度范式与制度主义，社会学研究.
青木昌彦.(2001).比较制度分析，上海远东出版社.
琼斯，澄宇(2007).新媒体百科全书.清华大学出版社.
邱林川，陈韬文（2011），新媒体事件研究.中国人民大学出版社.
秋永.(1993).政治参与.幼狮文化事业公司.
让布隆代尔,(2006).政党与政府:自由民主国家的政府与支持性政党关系探析,北京大学出版社.
任剑涛.国家治理的简约主义.开放时代,2010,7:73-86.
塞缪尔·亨廷顿.(1989).难以抉择——发展中国家的政治参与.华夏出版社.
桑斯坦.(2010).谣言.中信出版社
桑玉成.(2011)官民协同治理视角下当代中国社会管理的创新与发展.山东大学学报(哲学社会科学版),3.
沈明明，（2009）.中国公民意识调查数据报告.社会科学文献出版社.
施雪华(2013).中国近现代政治体制的转型及其当代启示.学术研究,7.
石之瑜，（2002），后现代的政治知识，台北：元照.
时和兴(1996).关系、限度、制度：政治发展过程中的国家与社会.北京大学出版社.
史卫民，郭巍青，刘智(2009).中国选举进展报告，中国社会科学出版社，2009
史有春.(2002).公共关系学:形象设计,信息传播和社会交往.南京大学出版社.
斯蒂芬·埃里克·布隆纳,(2006).重申启蒙:论一种积极参与的政治,江苏人民出版社.
宋恩梅,&左慧慧.(2012).新浪微博中的“权威”与“人气”:以社会网络分析为方法.图书情报知识,3,43-54.
宋维强.(2009).社会转型期中国农民群体性事件研究.华中师范大学出版社.
苏萍.(2010).谣言与近代教案，上海远东出版社.
孙柏瑛.(2009).我国公民有序参与:语境,分歧与共识.中国人民大学学报,1,65.
孙立平、郭于华，(2000)，软硬兼施：正式权力的非正式运作过程分析,清华社会学评论,1.
孙立平.(2003).断裂:20世纪90年代以来的中国社会.社会科学文献出版社.
孙龙(2011).公民参与——北京城市居民态度与行为实证研究，中国社会科学出版社.
泰德·布拉德尔.(2013).政治广告,中国人民大学出版社.
唐皇凤(2008).回归政治缓冲:当代中国信访制度功能变迁的理性审视.武汉大学学报(哲学社会科学版),(4).
唐士其.(1996).市民社会,现代国家以及中国的国家与社会的关系.北京大学学报:哲学社会科学版,6,65-67.
唐文方(2013).政权合法性比较研究:以中国大陆和台湾为例，国外理论动态,(7).
唐贤兴(2009).政策工具的选择与政府的社会动员能力——对“运动式治理”的一个解释.学习与探索,3.
唐亚林,郭林.(2006)从阶级统治到阶层共治——新中国国家治理模式的历史考察.学术界,4.
陶东明,&陈明明.(1998).当代中国政治参与.浙江人民出版社.
陶鹏,&童星.(2008).邻避型群体性事件及其治理.南京社会科学,63-68.
田先红.(2012).基层信访治理中的“包保责任制”:实践逻辑与现实困境.社会,4.
童之伟.(2011).信访体制在中国宪法框架中的合理定位.现代法学,33(1),3-17.
托马斯·海贝勒.(2005).中国的社会政治参与:以社区为例.马克思主义与现实,(3),17-24.
万高潮,魏明康（2004）.从同质共同体到异质共同体，华商国际出版有限公司.
王邦佐,谢岳.(2001)社会整合:21世纪中国共产党的政治使命.学术月刊,7.
王彩波,李燕霞.(2003)论制度化政治整合.吉林大学社会科学学报,4.
王佃利,王桂玲(2007).城市治理中的利益整合机制.中国行政管理,8.
王国斌.(2008).转变的中国:历史变迁与欧洲经验的局限.江苏人民出版社.
王海洲.(2009).作为媒介景观的政治仪式:.新闻与传播研究,6(4),53-60.
王建华(2010).政党与现代国家建设的内在逻辑——一项基于中国情境的历史考察和理论分析.复旦学报(社会科学版),2.
王金水(2011).公民网络政治参与与政治稳定.中国行政管理,(5).
王靖华(2012).美国“大众传媒—政府”系统运行机制研究，首都经济贸易大学出版社.
王乐夫,陈干全(2003).公共性:公共管理研究的基础与核心.社会科学,4.
王丽萍,方然(2010).参与还是不参与:中国公民政治参与的社会心理分析.政治学研究,(2).
王明生,(2012).当代中国政治参与研究,南京大学出版社.
王浦劬(2012)．以治理的民主实现社会民生：对行政信访的再审视.北京大学出版社．
王绍光,&马骏.(2008).走向“预算国家”-财政转型与国家建设.公共行政评论.
王诗宗.(2009).治理理论及其中国适用性(Vol.9).浙江大学出版社.
王维国.(2007).公民有序政治参与的途径.人民出版社.
王信贤(2006)，中国大陆国家权力与社会运动分析，政治学报，40.
王学俭,张智(2010).群体性事件与公民社会构建.西安交通大学学报(社会科学版),2.
韦伯斯特.(2011).信息社会理论,北京大学出版社.
魏星河.(2007).我国公民有序政治参与的涵义,特点及价值.政治学研究,(2),31-35.
沃尔特·李普曼(Walter Lippman).(2006).公众舆论,上海世纪出版集团，上海人民出版社.
吴超.(2009).新中国六十年信访制度的历史考察.中共党史研究,11.
吴建平.(2011)从企业参与治理到地方治理参与——从国家治理模式转变看中国工会组织与制度变革.学海,1.
吴敬琏.(1995).路径依赖与中国改革.改革,3,57-59.
吴文钰.(2010).我国哲学社会科学生产力发展和分布：基于1998—2007年CSSCI发文数的分析.社会科学管理与评论,3.
西达斯考切波（2007）.国家与社会革命,上海人民出版社.
西塞罗等,(2013).国的治理:西塞罗二千年不朽的国家治理术,木马文化事业有限公司.
希瑟,萨维尼(2004).公众舆论,政治传播与互联网.国外理论动态,(9),39-43.
肖立辉.(2010).中国基层民主创新研究.人民出版社.
萧功秦.(2008).中国的大转型:从发展政治学看中国变革.新星出版社.
谢岳(2005).大众传媒与民主政治.上海交通大学出版社.
辛翠玲.(2012).跨国公民政治研究与理论发展之反思.问题与研究,51(3),1-22.
徐东.(2005).台湾地区陈情制度介评暨其与大陆信访制度之比较.台湾法研究学刊,(1),22-27.
徐斯俭、吴玉山主编，(2007)，党国蜕变：中共政权的菁英与政策,台北：五南出版社.
徐湘林.(2009).寻求渐进政治改革的理性:理论、路径与政策过程,中国物资出版社.
徐湘林.(2010).转型危机与国家治理:中国的经验.经济社会体制比较,(5),1-14.
徐湘林.(2012).把政治文化找回来——“公民文化”的理论与经验反思.政治学研究,(2),29-36.
徐勇主编.(2012).中国农民的政治认知与参与,中国社会科学出版社.
徐增阳,黄辉祥(2002).武汉市农民工政治参与状况调查.战略与管理,(6).
许欣欣.(2000).当代中国社会结构变迁与流动.社会科学文献出版社.
薛晓源、陈家刚主编(2004).全球化与新制度主义，社会科学文献出版社.
严洁,邱泽奇,任莉颖,丁华,&孙妍.(2012).社会调查质量研究:访员臆答与干预效果.社会学研究,2.
严洁，（2010）.公民文化与和谐社会调查数据报告.社会科学文献出版社,2010.
严洁.(2006).中国公民对民主政治体制态度的实证分析.华中师范大学学报:人文社会科学版,44(6),38-43.
严强(2008).国家治理与政策变迁迈向经验解释的中国政治学,中央编译出版社.
燕继荣.(2013).中国政府改革的定位与定向.政治学研究,(6),31-38.
燕继荣.(2014).现代国家治理与制度建设.中国行政管理,(5).
杨光斌.(2006).制度变迁与国家治理:中国政治发展研究.人民出版社.
杨和德,王精忠.(2002).群体性事件研究.中国人民公安大学出版社.
杨击.(2006).传播·文化·社会:英国大众传播理论透视.复旦大学出版社.
杨丽华((2001)).民主选举与选举民主.山东社会科学,2.
杨龙(2010).多民族国家治理的复杂性.社会科学研究,2.
杨瑞龙,王宇锋,&刘和旺.(2010).父亲政治身份,政治关系和子女收入.经济学(季刊),9(3),871-890.
杨瑞龙.(1998).我国制度变迁方式转换的三阶段论.经济研究,1(5),5-12.
杨志(2006).我国公民参与公共政策的现状及其路径选择.理论学刊,7.
伊丽莎白·诺尔-诺依曼(2013).沉默的螺旋·舆论:我们的社会皮肤,北京大学出版社.
殷安阳.(2002).论网络政治时代.中州学刊,(3),147-149.
殷晓元(2011).中国共产党政治传播研究.湖南师范大学.
尹艳红,尚虎平(2009).公民有序参与的突破:以信访组织结构变革为视角.中国行政管理,(10).
应星(2004).作为特殊行政救济的信访救济.法学研究,(3).
于建嵘(2005).中国信访制度批判.中国改革,(2).
俞可平主编(2009).国家治理评估.中央编译出版社.
俞可平主编(2013).中国的民主治理:理论与实践.中央编译出版社.
约翰·R·扎勒(2013).公共舆论,中国人民大学出版社.
约翰肯尼思加尔布雷思：美好社会：人类的议程，江苏人民出版社.
臧国仁(1998)，新闻报导与真实建构：新闻框架的理论观点，传播研究集刊，3.
臧雷振,&孟天广.(2012).中国农村基层民主选举中经济投票行为研究.社会科学,(2),37-49.
臧雷振,&徐湘林.(2013).政府质量:国家治理结构性指标研究的兴起.公共行政评论,6(5).
臧雷振,劳昕,&孟天广.(2013).互联网使用与政治行为.政治学研究,(2),60-75.
臧雷振.(2011).西方经济投票理论的批判性考察.浙江社会科学,(7),128-134.
臧雷振.(2011).治理类型的多样性演化与比较——求索国家治理逻辑.公共管理学报,8(4),40-49.
臧雷振.(2012).治理定量研究:理论演进及反思.国外社会科学,(4),11-16.
臧雷振.(2014).网络政治学：开启政治2.0时代的新议题,国外理论动态,（1）.
詹姆斯.(2007).互联网使用的社会影响.商务出版社.
詹姆斯·E.凯茨罗纳德·E.莱斯(2007).互联网使用的社会影响.商务印书馆.
湛中乐,&苏宇.(2009).论我国信访制度的功能定位.中共中央党校学报,(2),96-99.
张创新,赵蕾.(2010)从"新制"到"良制":我国行政问责的制度化.中国人民大学学报,1.
张光,Jennifer R.Wilking,于淼.(2010)中国农民的公平观念:基于村委会选举调查的实证研究.社会学研究,1.
张海波,童星(2012).社会管理创新与信访制度改革.天津社会科学,(3).
张静.(1998).国家与社会.浙江人民出版社.
张康之,程倩(2010).网络治理理论及其实践.新视野,6.
张雷(2007).论网络政治谣言及其社会控制政治学研究,(2).
张雷,刘曙光(2008).论网络政治动员东北大学学报(社会科学版),(2).
张利军(2012).改革开放以来海外视域下的中国政治参与研究国外理论动态,(6).
张茂桂(1994)，民间社会、资源动员与新社会运动：台湾社会运动研究的理论志向，香港社会科学学报（香港），4.
张明澍.(1994).中国政治人:中国公民政治素质调查报告.中国社会科学出版社.
张泰苏(2009).中国人在行政纠纷中为何偏好信访.社会学研究,(3).
张溦(2011).民族政治传播研究.中央民族大学.
张小劲,景跃进,孙柏瑛,何增科,赵树凯,肖滨,徐湘林,陈明明,郁建兴,于晓虹,张潇爽,严俊.专家圆桌:“第五个现代化”启程.人民论坛,2014(10）.
张亚勇(2007).试论网络政治参与的无序性及其规范求实,(12).
张永和,张炜(2009),临潼信访,人民出版社。
章晓可(2006).中日信访法规比较研究.中国行政管理,(12):68-72.
赵宝煦.(2000).中国政治学百年历程.东南学术,(2),39-44.
赵春丽(2007).网络政治参与:协商民主的新形式中共天津市委党校学报,(4).
赵鼎新.(2006).社会与政治运动讲义(Vol.53).社会科学文献出版社.
赵红艳;(2012).微博在“两会”中的影响力及社会效应分析;中国广播电视学刊,(2).
赵莉(2009).中国网络社群政治参与：政治传播学的视角,中国广播电视出版社.
赵月枝.(2011).传播与社会:政治经济与文化分析.中国传媒大学出版社.
郑杭生.(2009).改革开放三十年:社会发展理论和社会转型理论.中国社会科学,(2),
郑丽丝.(2013).微博时代政府公信力的挑战与机遇,法制与社会,30.
郑永年,郁建兴,&何子英.(2009).全球化与中国国家转型.浙江人民出版社.
郑永年、王旭(2001)，论中央地方关系中的集权和民主问题，战略与管理,3.
郑芸(2008).网络政治视野中的公民政治参与,苏州大学学报,(1).
周光辉.从管制转向服务:中国政府的管理革命——中国行政管理改革30年.吉林大学社会科学学报,2008,3:18-28.
周明,&曾向红.(2012).埃及社会运动中的机会结构,水平网络与架构共鸣.社会学研究,6。
周淑真.以政党转型促进中国民主政治发展.探索与争鸣.2012(10)
周武军(2008).大众传播媒介的政治功能研究.吉林大学.
周雪光,刘世定,折晓叶主编(2012)，国家建设与政府行为.中国社会科学出版社.
周翼虎.(2009).抗争与入笼:中国新闻业的市场化悖论.新闻学研究,(100),101-136.
周永坤(2006).信访潮与中国纠纷解决机制的路径选择.暨南学报(哲学社会科学版),(1).
周裕琼.(2012).当代中国社会的网络谣言研究.商务印书馆.
周志忍.(2008).政府绩效评估中的公民参与:我国的实践历程与前景.中国行政管理,(1),111-118.
朱光磊,周振超(2004).党政关系规范化研究.政治学研究,3.
朱海忠.(2013).政治机会结构与农民环境抗争.中国农业大学学报.
朱新民主编(2004)，中国大陆基层民主研究,台北：远景基金会.
竺干威.(2008)从新公共管理到整体性治理.中国行政管理,10.
邹静琴,王静,苏粤(2010).大学生网络政治参与现状调查与规范机制构建,政治学研究,(4).
Alesina, A.,&Giuliano, P.(2011). Family ties and political participation.Journal of theEuropean Economic Association,9(5),817-839.
Atkins, W.(2013). The politics of Southeast Asia's new media. Routledge.
Andersen, K.(2007). A New Engagement? Political Participation, Civic Life, and theChanging American Citizen. Perspectives on Politics,5(2),379-380.
Bakker, T. P.,&de Vreese, C. H.(2011). Good news for the future? Young people,Internet use, and political participation. Communication Research,38(4),451-470.
Baran, S. J.,&Davis, D. K.(2011). Mass communication theory: Foundations, ferment,and future. Cengage Learning.
Benford, R. D.,&Snow, D. A.(2000). Framing processes and social movements: Anoverview and assessment. Annual review of sociology,6-639.
Bennett, W. L.(Ed.).(2008). Civic life online: Learning how digital media can engageyouth. MIT Press.
Best, S. J.,&Krueger, B. S.(2005). Analyzing the representativeness of Internet politicalparticipation. Political Behavior,27(2),183-216.
Bimber, B.(1998). The Internet and political transformation: Populism, community, andaccelerated pluralism. Polity,33-60.
Bradley-Storey, L.(2011). The Political Dynamics and Implications of Rights Articulation inChina's Online Forums: The Case of Xinfang. Available at SSRN1909963.
Brundidge, J.,&Rice, R. E.(2009). Political engagement online: Do the information richget richer and the like-minded more similar. Routledge handbook of Internet politics,44-56.
Burgess, J.,&Green, J.(2013). YouTube: Online video and participatory culture. JohnWiley&Sons.
Cai, Y.(2010). Collective resistance in China: Why popular protests succeed or fail.Stanford University Press.
Castells, M.(2007).“Communication, Power and Counter-power in the Network Society”.In International Journal of Communication,,238-266. Los Angeles: USC AnnenbergPress.
Chadwick, A.&Howard, P. N.(2008). Routledge Handbook of Internet Politics. New York:Routledge.
Chen, X.(2012). Social protest and contentious authoritarianism in China. CambridgeUniversity Press.
Christensen, H. S.(2011). Political activities on the Internet: Slacktivism or politicalparticipation by other means?. First Monday,16(2).
Dahlgren, P.(Ed.).(2013). Young citizens and new media: Learning for democraticparticipation. Routledge.
Dasgupta, S.,&Wheeler, D.(1997). Citizen complaints as environmental indicators:evidence from China (Vol.1704). World Bank Publications.
Davis R and Owen D (2008) United States: Internet and elections. In: Ward S, Owen D,Davis R, et al.(eds) Making a Difference: A Comparative View of the Role of theInternet in Election Politics. Lanham, MD: Lexington Books.
Davis R, Baumgartner JC, Francia PL, et al.(2009) The Internet in US election campaigns.In: Chadwick A and Howard PN (eds) The Routledge Handbook of Internet Politics.London, New York: Routledge, pp.3–24.
Dawes, C. T., Loewen, P. J.,&Fowler, J. H.(2011). Social preferences and politicalparticipation. The Journal of Politics,73(3),845-856.
Di Gennaro, C.,&Dutton, W.(2006). The Internet and the public: Online and offlinepolitical participation in the United Kingdom. Parliamentary Affairs,59(2),299-313.
Dill, K. E.(Ed.).(2013). The Oxford handbook of media psychology. Oxford UniversityPress.
Dong, Y., Ishikawa, M., Liu, X.,&Hamori, S.(2011). The determinants of citizencomplaints on environmental pollution: An empirical study from China.Journal ofCleaner Production,19(12),1306-1314.
Drezner D, Farrell H. The power and politics of blogs. American Political ScienceAssociation,2004.
Ekman, J.,&Amn, E.(2012). Political participation and civic engagement: Towards anew typology. Human Affairs,22(3),283-300.
Fennema, M.,&Tillie, J.(1999). Political participation and political trust in Amsterdam:civic communities and ethnic networks. Journal of ethnic and migration studies,25(4),703-726.
Fenton, N.(Ed.).(2010). New media, old news: Journalism and democracy in the digitalage. Sage Publications.
Finkel, S. E.(1985). Reciprocal effects of participation and political efficacy: A panelanalysis. American Journal of Political Science,891-913.
Fowler, J. H., Baker, L. A.,&Dawes, C. T.(2008). Genetic variation in politicalparticipation. American Political Science Review,102(02),233-248.
Garrett, R. K.(2006). Protest in an information society: A review of literature on socialmovements and new ICTs. Information Communication and Society,9(2),202.
Gauntlett, D.(2000). Web. studies: Rewiring media studies for the digital age. Arnold,Edward.
Gerbaudo, P.(2012). Tweets and the streets: social media and contemporary activism.Pluto Press.
Gerber, A. S., Huber, G. A., Doherty, D., Dowling, C. M., Raso, C.,&Ha, S. E.(2011).Personality traits and participation in political processes. Journal of Politics,73(3),692-706.
Gibson, R. K.(2009).“New Media and the Revitalisation of Politics”. In Representation,45(3),289–299. London: Routledge.
Gil de Zú iga, H., Jung, N.,&Valenzuela, S.(2012). Social media use for news andindividuals' social capital, civic engagement and political participation. Journal ofComputer‐Mediated Communication,17(3),319-336.
Giugni, M. G., McAdam, D.,&Tilly, C.(Eds.).(1999). How social movements matter (Vol.0). U of Minnesota Press.
Goldstone, J. A.(2004). More social movements or fewer? Beyond political opportunitystructures to relational fields. Theory and Society,33(3-4),333-365.
Gurr, T. R.(2011). Why Men Rebel: Fortieth Anniversary Edition, Paradigm Publishers;Anv edition.
Guthrie, D.(2012). China and globalization: the social, economic and politicaltransformation of Chinese society. Routledge.
Hara, N.(2008). Internet use for political mobilization: Voices of participants.First Monday,13(7).
Hassid, J.(2012). Safety valve or pressure cooker? Blogs in Chinese political life. Journalof Communication,62(2),22-230.
Hooghe, M.(2014). Defining political participation: How to pinpoint an elusive target?.Acta Politica,49.
Howard, P. N.,&Jones, S.(Eds.).(2004). Society online: The Internet in context. Sage.
Huang, Y.(1995). Administrative monitoring in China. The China Quarterly,143(1),828-843.
Huckfeldt, R. R.(1979). Political participation and the neighborhood social context.American Journal of Political Science,579-592.
Hughes, C. R.,&Wacker, G.(Eds.).(2013). China and the Internet: Politics of the digitalleap forward. Routledge.
Imig, D. R.,&Tarrow, S. G.(2001). Contentious Europeans: Protest and politics in anemerging polity. Rowman&Littlefield Pub Inc.
Itō, M.(2009). Living and learning with new media: Summary of findings from the DigitalYouth Project. MIT Press.
Jenkins, C.(Ed.).(1995). The politics of social protest: Comparative perspectives onstates and social movements (Vol.3). Taylor&Francis.
Jensen, K. B.(Ed.).(2013). A handbook of media and communication research:qualitative and quantitative methodologies. Routledge.
Joinson, A.(Ed.).(2007). Oxford handbook of internet psychology. Oxford UniversityPress.
Jones-Correa, M.(1998). Different paths: Gender, immigration and political participation.International Migration Review,326-349.
Kenny, C. B.(1992). Political participation and effects from the social environment.American Journal of Political Science,259-267.
Kerbel, M. R.(2009). Netroots: Online progressives and the transformation of Americanpolitics. Paradigm Publishing, Inc..
Khazraee, E.,&Unsworth, K.(2012). Social media: The new opiate of the masses?.International Review of Information Ethics,8,2.
Kollock, P.,&Smith, M.(Eds.).(2002). Communities in cyberspace. Routledge.
Kriesi, H., Koopmans, R., Duyvendak, J. W.,&Giugni, M.(1995). New Social Movementsin Western Europe. University Minneapolis Press
Krueger, B. S.(2002). Assessing the Potential of Internet Political Participation in theUnited States A Resource Approach. American Politics Research,30(5),476-498.
La Due Lake, R.,&Huckfeldt, R.(1998). Social capital, social networks, and politicalparticipation. Political Psychology,19(3),567-584.
Lange, B. P.,&Ward, D.(Eds.).(2004). The media and elections: a handbook andcomparative study. Psychology Press.
Lansdowne, H.,&Wu, G.(Eds.).(2009). Socialist China, Capitalist China: Social Tensionand Political Adaptation Under Economic Globalization. Routledge.
Lawrence, E., Sides, J.,&Farrell, H.(2010). Self-segregation or deliberation? Blogreadership, participation, and polarization in American politics.Perspectives onPolitics,8(1),141-157.
Leighley, J. E.(1995). Attitudes, opportunities and incentives: A field essay on politicalparticipation. Political research quarterly,48(1),181-209.
Lievrouw, L. A.,&Livingstone, S.(Eds.).(2002). Handbook of new media: Social shapingand consequences of ICTs. Sage.
Luehrmann, L. M.(2003). Facing citizen complaints in China,1951-1996.Asian Survey,43(5),845-866.
Mahoney, J.,&Goertz, G.(2006). A tale of two cultures: Contrasting quantitative andqualitative research. Political Analysis,14(3),227-249.
Marien, S., Hooghe, M.,&Quintelier, E.(2010). Inequalities in Non‐institutionalisedForms of Political Participation: A Multi‐level Analysis of25countries. PoliticalStudies,58(1),187-213.
McAdam, D., McCarthy, J. D.,&Zald, M. N.(1996). Comparative perspectives on socialmovements: Political opportunities, mobilizing structures, and cultural framings.Cambridge University Press.
McAdam, D., Tarrow, S.,&Tilly, C.(2003). Dynamics of contention. Social MovementStudies,2(),99-02.
McClurg, S. D.(2003). Social networks and political participation: The role of socialinteraction in explaining political participation. Political Research Quarterly,56(4),449-464.
McCombs, M.(2013). Setting the agenda: The mass media and public opinion. JohnWiley&Sons.
McQuail, D.(2010). McQuail's mass communication theory. Sage Publications.
Mertha, A.(2009).“Fragmented authoritarianism2.0”: Political pluralization in the Chinesepolicy process. The China Quarterly,200,995-1012.
Minzner, C. F.(2006). Xinfang: an alternative to formal Chinese legal institutions. StanfordJournal of International Law,42,103.
Moore, P. W., Sallouke, B. F.,&Zahar, M. J.(2012). Beyond the Arab Spring:Authoritarianism&Democratization in the Arab World. Lynne Rienner Publishers.
Mutz, D. C.(2006).Hearing the other side: Deliberative versus participatorydemocracy.New York, NY: Cambridge University Press.
Myers, D. J.(2000)'Media, communication technology, and protest waves', Presented atthe Social movement analysis: the network perspective, Loch Lormond, Scotland.
Myers, D.J.(1994)'Communication technology and social movements: contributions ofcomputer networks to activism', Social Science Computer Review2:25-60.
Nie, N. H., Powell, G. B.,&Prewitt, K.(1969). Social structure and political participation:developmental relationships, Part I. The American Political Science Review,63(2),361-378.
Norris, P.(2001). Digital divide: Civic engagement, information poverty, and the Internetworldwide. Cambridge University Press.
Norris, P.(2004)'The bridging and bonding role of online communities'. in P.N. Howardand S. Jones (eds) Society online: the Internet in context, Thousand Oaks: SagePublications, Inc., pp.3-4.
O'Brien, K. J.(2009). Popular protest in China (Vol.15). Harvard University Press.
Olsen, M. E.(1970). Social and political participation of blacks. American SociologicalReview,682-697.
Paik, W.(2012). Economic development and mass political participation in contemporaryChina: determinants of provincial petition (Xinfang) activism1994–2002. InternationalPolitical Science Review,33(1),99-120.
Papathanassopoulos S, Coen S, Curran J, et al.(2013). Online Threat, But Television isStill Dominant: A comparative study of11nations’ news consumption. JournalismPractice,7(6),690-704.
Parkin, F.(1972). System contradiction and political transformation.European journal ofsociology,3,45-62.
Pelling, M.,&Dill, K.(2001). Disaster politics: tipping points for change in the adaptationof sociopolitical regimes. Progress in Human Geography,34(),2-37.
Perry, E. J.,&Goldman, M.(Eds.).(2009). Grassroots political reform in contemporaryChina. Harvard University Press.
Ramakrishnan, S. K.,&Espenshade, T. J.(2001). Immigrant Incorporation and PoliticalParticipation in the United States1. International Migration Review,35(3),870-909.
Shapiro, R. Y.,&Jacobs, L. R.(Eds.).(2013). The Oxford handbook of American publicopinion and the media. OUP Oxford.
Shi, T.(1997). Political participation in Beijing. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press.
Stern, R. E.,&Hassid, J.(2012). Amplifying Silence Uncertainty and Control Parables inContemporary China. Comparative Political Studies,45(0),230-254.
Stern, R. E.,&O’Brien, K. J.(2012). Politics at the Boundary Mixed Signals and theChinese State. Modern China,38(2),74-98.
Stolle, D., Hooghe, M.,&Micheletti, M.(2005). Politics in the supermarket: Politicalconsumerism as a form of political participation. International political science review,26(3),245-269.
Sunstein, C. R.(2010).Republic.com. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University.
Swanson, D. L.,&Mancini, P.(Eds.).(1996). Politics, media and modern democracy: Aninternational study of innovations in electoral campaigning and their consequences.Greenwood Publishing Group.
Sylvester, D. E.,&McGlynn, A. J.(2010). The digital divide, political participation, andplace. Social Science Computer Review,28(1),64-74.
Tang, Wenfang and ShantoIyengar.2012.“The Emerging Media System in China:Implications for Regime Change,” in Tang, Wenfang and Iyengar, Shanto, eds.2012.Convergence or Divergence Between the Media and Political System in China,Routledge.
Tang, Wenfang, Yang Zhang and Martin, Sheri.2014.“Revolution Postponed: Thelimitation of the internet in promoting democracy in China,” in Shan Wei and YangLijun, eds. The Rising Civil Society and State-Society Relations in China, New Jersey,London and Singapore: World Scientific. Forthcoming.
Taisu, Z.(2009). Why the Chinese Public Prefer Administrative Petitioning over Litigation.Sociological Studies,3,008.
Theocharis, Y.(2011). Young people, political participation and online postmaterialism inGreece. New Media&Society,13(2),203-223.
Tilly, C.(1975). Western state-making and theories of political transformation. TheFormation of National States in Western Europe,60-638.
Vergeer, M., Hermans, L.,&Sams, S.(2013). Online social networks and micro-bloggingin political campaigning The exploration of a new campaign tool and a new campaignstyle. Party Politics,19(3),477-501.
Vitak, J., Zube, P., Smock, A., Carr, C. T., Ellison, N.,&Lampe, C.(2011). It's complicated:Facebook users' political participation in the2008election.CyberPsychology,behavior, and social networking,14(3),107-114.
Wallis, C.(2011). New media practices in China: Youth patterns, processes, and politics.International Journal of Communication,5,31.
Wang, S. I.(2007). Political use of the internet, political attitudes and political participation.Asian Journal of Communication,17(4),381-395.
Wang, X.(2009). Behind the Great Firewall: The Internet and Democratization in China(Doctoral dissertation, The University of Michigan).
Whyte, M.(2010). Myth of the social volcano: Perceptions of inequality and distributiveinjustice in contemporary China. Stanford University Press.
Whyte, M. K.(Ed.).(2003). China’s revolutions and intergenerational relations. Ann Arbor:University of Michigan, Center for Chinese Studies.
Williams, B. A.,&Carpini, M. X. D.(2011). After broadcast news: Media regimes,democracy, and the new information environment. Cambridge University Press.
Wolfsfeld, G., Segev, E.,&Sheafer, T.(2013). Social Media and the Arab Spring PoliticsComes First. The International Journal of Press/Politics,18(2),115-137.
Wong, J., Ramakrishnan, S. K., Lee, T.,&Junn, J.(2011). Asian American politicalparticipation. New York: Russell Sage Foundation.
Xie, Z.(2009). Petition and judicial Integrity. Journal of Politics and law,2(1), P24.
Yang D L. Economic transformation and its political discontents in China: Authoritarianism,unequal growth, and the dilemmas of political development. Annu. Rev. Polit. Sci.,2006,9:143-164.
Zhang, T.(2008). The Xinfang Phenomenon: Why the Chinese Prefer AdministrativePetitioning over Litigation.
© 2004-2018 中国地质图书馆版权所有 京ICP备05064691号 京公网安备11010802017129号 地址：北京市海淀区学院路29号 邮编：100083 电话：办公室：(+86 10)66554848；文献借阅、咨询服务、科技查新：66554700 |