新时代基层治理的实践转型——北京郊区H村的治理实践
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摘要
"权宜之计"是基层治理的实践常态,"规则之治"是新时代基层治理实践转型的重要趋势。既有的国家中心论范式和社会中心论范式,均难以对基层治理实践中这一重大转向做出有效解释。基于"中央政府—地方政府—基层社会"互动视角,提出从"权宜之计"走向"规则之治"来概括这一基层治理实践转型。研究表明:"权宜之计"普遍存在于基层治理领域,灵活性和策略性是其典型特征,中央制度供给能力有限、基层社会不规则性与地方政府自主性是其生成的重要基础;随着国家治理转型和经济社会分化,地方政府自主空间被大大压缩,上推下压之间,"规则之治"取代"权宜之计"走向实践前沿,以其超时空的规则性而成为基层治理的重要方向。同时,通过研究也发现,权宜之计与规则之治并非简单的非此即彼的替代性关系,而是共同作用于基层治理实践中,构成了基层治理实践的重要规则体系。
The expediency measure is the practice normality of grassroots governance, and the rule rule is an important trend in the transformation of grassroots governance practice in the new era. Both the national central theory paradigm and the social central theory paradigm are difficult to effectively explain this major shift in grassroots governance practices. Based on the interactive perspective of "central government-local government-basic society", this paper proposes to expand the reform of grassroots governance practice from "applicability measure" to "rule rule rule". The research shows that the expediency measure is universal in the field of grassroots governance. Flexibility and strategicity are typical characteristics. The limited supply capacity of the central system, the social irregularity of the grassroots and the autonomy of local government are the important foundations for its formation. With the national governance Transformation and economic and social differentiation, the local government's autonomous space has been greatly compressed, between the upper and lower squeezes, the rule of the rule to the frontier of practice, with its regularity beyond the space and time has become an important direction of grassroots governance. At the same time, through research, it is also found that the treatment of expediency and rule is not a simple alternative relationship, but a combination of grassroots governance practices, which constitutes an important rule system for grassroots governance practice.
The expediency measure is the practice normality of grassroots governance, and the rule rule is an important trend in the transformation of grassroots governance practice in the new era. Both the national central theory paradigm and the social central theory paradigm are difficult to effectively explain this major shift in grassroots governance practices. Based on the interactive perspective of "central government-local government-basic society", this paper proposes to expand the reform of grassroots governance practice from "applicability measure" to "rule rule rule". The research shows that the expediency measure is universal in the field of grassroots governance. Flexibility and strategicity are typical characteristics. The limited supply capacity of the central system, the social irregularity of the grassroots and the autonomy of local government are the important foundations for its formation. With the national governance Transformation and economic and social differentiation, the local government's autonomous space has been greatly compressed, between the upper and lower squeezes, the rule of the rule to the frontier of practice, with its regularity beyond the space and time has become an important direction of grassroots governance. At the same time, through research, it is also found that the treatment of expediency and rule is not a simple alternative relationship, but a combination of grassroots governance practices, which constitutes an important rule system for grassroots governance practice.
引文
[1]曹锦清,刘炳辉.郡县国家:中国国家治理体系的传统及其当代挑战[J].东南学术,2016(6):1-16.
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[8]欧树军.基础的基础:认证与国家基本制度建设[J].开放时代,2011(11):80-101.
[9]贺雪峰.论中国农村的区域差异——村庄社会结构的视角[J].开放时代,2012(10):107-129.
[10]周飞舟.差序格局和伦理本位从丧服制度看中国社会结构的基本原则[J].社会,2015(1):26-48.
[11]韩志明.在模糊与清晰之间——国家治理的信息逻辑[J].中国行政管理,2017(3):25-30.
[12]王向阳.从“片区制”到“社区制”:基层治理有效的安丘样本[J].学习论坛,2018(9):72-78.
[13]吴重庆.从熟人社会到“无主体熟人社会”[J].读书,2011(1):19-25.
[14]王宁.个案研究中的样本属性与外推逻辑[J].公共行政评论,2008(3):44-54.
[15]欧阳静.压力型体制与乡镇的策略主义逻辑[J].经济社会体制比较,2011(3):116-122.
[16]冷波.村庄规则之治何以实现?——基于华北里村的考察[J].北京社会科学,2018(3):70-76.
[17]狄金华,钟涨宝.从主体到规则的转向——中国传统农村的基层治理研究[J].社会学研究,2014(5):73-97.
(1)遵照学界惯例,文中地名、人名等均已经过技术处理。
[2]尤琳,陈世伟.国家治理能力视角下中国乡村治理结构的历史变迁[J].社会主义研究,2014(6):111-118.
[3]费孝通.乡土中国生育制度[J].北京:北京大学出版社,1998:64-68.
[4]吕德文.简约治理与隐蔽的乡村治理:一个理论述评[J].社会科学论坛,2010(8):150-157.
[5]杜赞奇.文化、权力与国家——1990-1942年的华北农村[M].南京:江苏人民出版社,1996:37-51.
[6]张乐天.国家话语的接受与消解——公社视野中的“阶级”与“阶级斗争”[J].社会学研究,2001(6):73-85.
[7]周飞舟.从汲取型政权到“悬浮型”政权——税费改革对国家与农民关系之影响[J].社会学研究,2006(3):1-38.
[8]欧树军.基础的基础:认证与国家基本制度建设[J].开放时代,2011(11):80-101.
[9]贺雪峰.论中国农村的区域差异——村庄社会结构的视角[J].开放时代,2012(10):107-129.
[10]周飞舟.差序格局和伦理本位从丧服制度看中国社会结构的基本原则[J].社会,2015(1):26-48.
[11]韩志明.在模糊与清晰之间——国家治理的信息逻辑[J].中国行政管理,2017(3):25-30.
[12]王向阳.从“片区制”到“社区制”:基层治理有效的安丘样本[J].学习论坛,2018(9):72-78.
[13]吴重庆.从熟人社会到“无主体熟人社会”[J].读书,2011(1):19-25.
[14]王宁.个案研究中的样本属性与外推逻辑[J].公共行政评论,2008(3):44-54.
[15]欧阳静.压力型体制与乡镇的策略主义逻辑[J].经济社会体制比较,2011(3):116-122.
[16]冷波.村庄规则之治何以实现?——基于华北里村的考察[J].北京社会科学,2018(3):70-76.
[17]狄金华,钟涨宝.从主体到规则的转向——中国传统农村的基层治理研究[J].社会学研究,2014(5):73-97.
(1)遵照学界惯例,文中地名、人名等均已经过技术处理。
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