全球治理视野下的G20研究
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摘要
在全球化的时代,国际制度与国内制度的互动已经对传统的国际政治和国内政治理论提出变革的要求。在没有中央政府的国际社会中,通过国际制度而达到的全球治理,具有特别的意义。本文正是在全球治理视野下,从非正式国际制度的角度出发,通过对G20的研究,论证在当今国际社会,发达国家同新兴经济体之间的力量对比变化,所形成的国际政治经济话语权的变化过程,正是全球治理从单一模式向多边模式转型的过程。
全球治理的实践先于其理论,但全球治理多边模式机制化的进程却迟于国际格局重塑的进程。G20体现了一种世界政治经济权力的转移过程,但政治权力的转移滞后于经济权力的转移。新兴经济体与发展中国家的经济实力与国际地位有所上升,更准确地说,是新兴国家获取了一定的话语权,这个话语权就是经济权力,但话语权不一定完全有效,这个有效性就是政治权力,实现话语权的有效性将会是一个缓漫的过程,即发达国家让渡其主导国际秩序的权力,需要在新兴经济体均势力量持续很长一段时期后才可能实现。
本论文的主体共分为八个部分,主要内容如下:
导论。这部分内容包括论文的选题背景和意义、国内外研究现状、研究方法与手段、论文的基本架构与创新点。
第一章,全球治理的理论、实践及全球治理模式转变的必然性。冷战结束后,随着全球化进程的日益深入和国际政治经济格局的调整,全球治理已经不是一种单纯的国际政治理论,而是目前国际政治中一个紧迫的实践问题。全球治理是否能在国际政治格局中发挥其效应,主要取决于国际制度与国内制度接近的可能性和程度。现在世界政治的问题在于,全球公共问题的大范围增生挑战着既有国内制度的效能和国内秩序的稳定性。这些问题早已突破并逃避民族国家主权管辖,活跃于管辖权严重缺位的国际社会空间中。成功地全球治理需要国际制度安排之间存在紧密的合作与配合,而不能相互抵触与冲突。这对全球治理提出双重挑战,也即既要确保国际制度安排的公正和效率,也要确保现实世界中的多样化国内制度能够接受国际制度的约束。世界的全球化趋势、全球性问题和民主化进程要求世界上更多有影响力的国家共同参与治理过程,为全球治理模式转变提供了动力支持。
第二章,G7/G8模式下的全球治理。在布雷顿森林体系瓦解之后,西方大国为应对上世纪70年代资本主义经济恶化,形成了G7机制,这一机制是以西方大国经济利益为轴心的单一治理模式。它所制定的全球议程就是西方联盟利益在世界范围实现的外在表现。新兴经济体俄罗斯入盟G7改变了G7单纯发达国家成员成份,在一定程度上参与了全球治理议程,从而打破了G7单一治理模式。但是,俄罗斯尚无力左右全球治理议程,所以,这只是全球多边治理模式的开始。
第三章,金融危机与G20的创建。本章主要阐述了G20的起源、构成、成员资格、任务、作用、运作机制等,展示了全球治理多边模式形成与加速的轨迹。亚洲金融危机的爆发使国际社会认识到,国际金融问题的解决不仅需要西方发达国家参与,还需要有影响力的新兴发展中国家参与,从而产生了作为“一种系统内的重要的国家之间在布雷顿森林机构体系框架内的非正式对话机制”的G20,这是全球治理多边模式的形成;全球金融危机的爆发进一步改变了国际格局,这是全球治理多边模式的加速。
第四章,多边治理模式的G20。全球金融危机的真实意义在于:使自资本主义以来的“西方民主”的话语“霸权”得以真正被改变。一个真正意义的世界多元经济模式和文化模式将在更高层次上显现;世界发展的领导力量,将不再仅仅是以美国为首的“G7”国家,“G20”国家作为一个整体已涉身其中;在新兴经济体实力日渐凸显的形势下,新的国际格局展示了新的全球治理模式。G20从自身议题多元化与领导人峰会两方面彰显了其国际经济合作与协调的首要全球性论坛地位,展示了其多边全球治理模式的功能。
第五章,G20治理模式的缺失。G20作为一种新生的治理模式,需要面对不断变动的全球性问题,制定新的全球议程,处理后危机时代的全球经济再平衡问题。G20不是一个可以完全代表世界各国的全球治理机构,但它需要完成代表世界各国制定的全球治理议程,这使它无法跳出灵活性与代表性缺失的困境。所以,G20只能在其机制框架内寻求一定程度的突破,这种突破有四个切入点:将提供“远虑”和解决“近忧”相结合,寻求西方发达国家与新兴经济力量的平衡点,定位好G20自身与联合国的关系以及处理好G20成员国与非成员国的关系。
第六章,G20治理模式与中国的大国之路。中国经济实力的上升与国际地位的提高,要求中国在国际政治经济体系中具有对称性话语权。G20机制为崛起中的中国参与世界对话提供了合适的国际平台,有利于中国扩大自身的全球视野,有利于中国对国际社会合理地提出自身的利益诉求,有利于中国参与新的国际规则与世界秩序建设。
第七章,在上述各章分析的基础之上总结出本论文的主要结论,并对未来的后续展望研究指出方向。
In the period of globalization, the interaction of international and domestic institutes has required the improvement and reformation of the theories of international and domestic politics. In the international society without a central government, the global governance through international institutes and regulations is of special significance. With the vision of global governance, this dissertation demonstrates that the changing process of discourse power of international politics and economy to which the change of the power contrast between developed countries and the emerging economies leads reflects the flux from unilateral mode to multilateral one in the global governance.
In global governance, practice is prior to theory, while the institutionalization process of multilateral mode in the global governance is not parallel to that of the reestablishment of international relation structure. G20 materializes the transference process of international politics and economy, while the transference of politics is not parallel to that of economy. That the international status of the emerging economies and developing countries, to be accurate, the discourse power of the emerging countries, is becoming more and more important is due to their ascending capability of economy. The realization of the discourse-power validity needs a long-term period, i.e. the transference in which developed countries demise their authority to lead the whole word will realize, only if the balanced strength between the emerging economies lasts for a long time.
The main part of this dissertation consists of eight parts, their contents can be generalized as follows:
Chapter One, the Necessity of the Theory of Global Governance, Its Practice and the Change of Its Modes. After the cold war, along with the deepening development of globalization as well as the adjustment of the structure of international politics and economy, the global governance is not only a pure theory of international politics, but also an urgent issue of practice in the contemporary international politics. Whether the global governance can show its importance in the structure of international politics depends on the possibility and extent of which the international institute and the domestic one is adjacent to each other. The current problem of international politics consists in that the growing number of the public problems challenges the effectivity of the existed domestic institute and the stability of domestic order. These problems which are beyond the governance of nation-state prevail in the international social space without governance. The successful international governance requires the close cooperation between different countries, and avoids the conflicts of international world. Therefore, the global governance faces dual challenge, i.e. to assure the justice and equality of the arrangement of international institute and to assure that the various domestic institutes can be restricted by international institutes. The inclination to globalization, the global problems and the process of democracy require that more countries with great influence participate the global governance, and give their support to the change of governance mode.
Chapter Two, The Global Governance of G7 or G8 mode. After the disintegration of Bretton Woods system, to deal with the depression of capitalistic economy in 1970s, the Western countries establish the system of G7 which is a unilateral mode and which focus on the economic interest of Western countries. The global agenda which it constitutes is the external forms which is helpful for the western countries to realize its material interest. The participation of Russia into G7 changes the G7 which consists of only developed countries. Russia also participates the global agenda, thus break the unilateral mode of G7. Although Russian has not much influence on the agenda of global governance, the establishment of the multilateral mode begins.
Chapter Three, The Financial Crisis and the Establishment of G8. In this chapter, the author elucidates the beginning of G20, its constitution, the qualification of its member, its task, function and operation mechanism, and demonstrates the formation and quick development of the multilateral mode of governance. Asian financial crisis makes the international society realize that the solution of international financial problems require the participation of not only western countries but also the emerging developing countries, Thus, a systematic and informal dialogue mechanism between important countries within the Bretton Woods system, G20 emerges. It is the formation of multilateral mode of global governance. Global financial crisis changes the structure of international politics, it is the acceleration of multilateral mode of global governance.
Chapter Four, The Multilateral Governance Mode of G20. The real significance of global financial crises lies in that it changes in a real sense the discourse hegemony of western democracy which came into being since the capitalism established. A real diversification of economic and cultural modes in the world appears in a higher level. The leading power is not just in the hand of G7 countries which are in the control of USA, but also the G20 countries. While the function of the emerging countries power becomes important, the new international structure embodies the new mode of multilateral global governance. The diversity of issues and the leader summits makes G20 the primary forum in the international cooperation, and exhibits its function of multilateral global governance.
Chapter Five, The Shortcoming of G20. As a new mode of governance, G20 should deal with the global problems which emerge from the change of international structure, and establish new agenda, solve the problem of the re-balance of global economy in the post-crisis period. G20 is not a global governance institute which represents the interest of all countries over the world. It cannot avoid getting into the trouble of the lack of flexibility and representativeness. Therefore, G20 can search the break point in its mechanism and formation. The break point consists of four aspects: comprehensively think about the long-term problems and short-term problems, search for the interest balance between western developed countries and the emerging economic powers, define the relation between G20 and the United Nations, and treat well with the problem of relation between G20 members and non-G20 members.
Chapter Six, G20 Mode and The Rise of China. The rise of Chinese economy and international status requires China to gain the appropriate discourse power in the system of international economy and politics. G20 provides a stage for the ascending China to participate into the international dialogue, enlarge the international vision of China, is helpful for China to put forward its interest claims, and is advantageous to China to participate in the construction of international regulation and global order.
Chapter Seven gives a conclusion of this dissertation on the basis of the analysis in the previous chapters, and orients the further study in the future.
全球治理的实践先于其理论,但全球治理多边模式机制化的进程却迟于国际格局重塑的进程。G20体现了一种世界政治经济权力的转移过程,但政治权力的转移滞后于经济权力的转移。新兴经济体与发展中国家的经济实力与国际地位有所上升,更准确地说,是新兴国家获取了一定的话语权,这个话语权就是经济权力,但话语权不一定完全有效,这个有效性就是政治权力,实现话语权的有效性将会是一个缓漫的过程,即发达国家让渡其主导国际秩序的权力,需要在新兴经济体均势力量持续很长一段时期后才可能实现。
本论文的主体共分为八个部分,主要内容如下:
导论。这部分内容包括论文的选题背景和意义、国内外研究现状、研究方法与手段、论文的基本架构与创新点。
第一章,全球治理的理论、实践及全球治理模式转变的必然性。冷战结束后,随着全球化进程的日益深入和国际政治经济格局的调整,全球治理已经不是一种单纯的国际政治理论,而是目前国际政治中一个紧迫的实践问题。全球治理是否能在国际政治格局中发挥其效应,主要取决于国际制度与国内制度接近的可能性和程度。现在世界政治的问题在于,全球公共问题的大范围增生挑战着既有国内制度的效能和国内秩序的稳定性。这些问题早已突破并逃避民族国家主权管辖,活跃于管辖权严重缺位的国际社会空间中。成功地全球治理需要国际制度安排之间存在紧密的合作与配合,而不能相互抵触与冲突。这对全球治理提出双重挑战,也即既要确保国际制度安排的公正和效率,也要确保现实世界中的多样化国内制度能够接受国际制度的约束。世界的全球化趋势、全球性问题和民主化进程要求世界上更多有影响力的国家共同参与治理过程,为全球治理模式转变提供了动力支持。
第二章,G7/G8模式下的全球治理。在布雷顿森林体系瓦解之后,西方大国为应对上世纪70年代资本主义经济恶化,形成了G7机制,这一机制是以西方大国经济利益为轴心的单一治理模式。它所制定的全球议程就是西方联盟利益在世界范围实现的外在表现。新兴经济体俄罗斯入盟G7改变了G7单纯发达国家成员成份,在一定程度上参与了全球治理议程,从而打破了G7单一治理模式。但是,俄罗斯尚无力左右全球治理议程,所以,这只是全球多边治理模式的开始。
第三章,金融危机与G20的创建。本章主要阐述了G20的起源、构成、成员资格、任务、作用、运作机制等,展示了全球治理多边模式形成与加速的轨迹。亚洲金融危机的爆发使国际社会认识到,国际金融问题的解决不仅需要西方发达国家参与,还需要有影响力的新兴发展中国家参与,从而产生了作为“一种系统内的重要的国家之间在布雷顿森林机构体系框架内的非正式对话机制”的G20,这是全球治理多边模式的形成;全球金融危机的爆发进一步改变了国际格局,这是全球治理多边模式的加速。
第四章,多边治理模式的G20。全球金融危机的真实意义在于:使自资本主义以来的“西方民主”的话语“霸权”得以真正被改变。一个真正意义的世界多元经济模式和文化模式将在更高层次上显现;世界发展的领导力量,将不再仅仅是以美国为首的“G7”国家,“G20”国家作为一个整体已涉身其中;在新兴经济体实力日渐凸显的形势下,新的国际格局展示了新的全球治理模式。G20从自身议题多元化与领导人峰会两方面彰显了其国际经济合作与协调的首要全球性论坛地位,展示了其多边全球治理模式的功能。
第五章,G20治理模式的缺失。G20作为一种新生的治理模式,需要面对不断变动的全球性问题,制定新的全球议程,处理后危机时代的全球经济再平衡问题。G20不是一个可以完全代表世界各国的全球治理机构,但它需要完成代表世界各国制定的全球治理议程,这使它无法跳出灵活性与代表性缺失的困境。所以,G20只能在其机制框架内寻求一定程度的突破,这种突破有四个切入点:将提供“远虑”和解决“近忧”相结合,寻求西方发达国家与新兴经济力量的平衡点,定位好G20自身与联合国的关系以及处理好G20成员国与非成员国的关系。
第六章,G20治理模式与中国的大国之路。中国经济实力的上升与国际地位的提高,要求中国在国际政治经济体系中具有对称性话语权。G20机制为崛起中的中国参与世界对话提供了合适的国际平台,有利于中国扩大自身的全球视野,有利于中国对国际社会合理地提出自身的利益诉求,有利于中国参与新的国际规则与世界秩序建设。
第七章,在上述各章分析的基础之上总结出本论文的主要结论,并对未来的后续展望研究指出方向。
In the period of globalization, the interaction of international and domestic institutes has required the improvement and reformation of the theories of international and domestic politics. In the international society without a central government, the global governance through international institutes and regulations is of special significance. With the vision of global governance, this dissertation demonstrates that the changing process of discourse power of international politics and economy to which the change of the power contrast between developed countries and the emerging economies leads reflects the flux from unilateral mode to multilateral one in the global governance.
In global governance, practice is prior to theory, while the institutionalization process of multilateral mode in the global governance is not parallel to that of the reestablishment of international relation structure. G20 materializes the transference process of international politics and economy, while the transference of politics is not parallel to that of economy. That the international status of the emerging economies and developing countries, to be accurate, the discourse power of the emerging countries, is becoming more and more important is due to their ascending capability of economy. The realization of the discourse-power validity needs a long-term period, i.e. the transference in which developed countries demise their authority to lead the whole word will realize, only if the balanced strength between the emerging economies lasts for a long time.
The main part of this dissertation consists of eight parts, their contents can be generalized as follows:
Chapter One, the Necessity of the Theory of Global Governance, Its Practice and the Change of Its Modes. After the cold war, along with the deepening development of globalization as well as the adjustment of the structure of international politics and economy, the global governance is not only a pure theory of international politics, but also an urgent issue of practice in the contemporary international politics. Whether the global governance can show its importance in the structure of international politics depends on the possibility and extent of which the international institute and the domestic one is adjacent to each other. The current problem of international politics consists in that the growing number of the public problems challenges the effectivity of the existed domestic institute and the stability of domestic order. These problems which are beyond the governance of nation-state prevail in the international social space without governance. The successful international governance requires the close cooperation between different countries, and avoids the conflicts of international world. Therefore, the global governance faces dual challenge, i.e. to assure the justice and equality of the arrangement of international institute and to assure that the various domestic institutes can be restricted by international institutes. The inclination to globalization, the global problems and the process of democracy require that more countries with great influence participate the global governance, and give their support to the change of governance mode.
Chapter Two, The Global Governance of G7 or G8 mode. After the disintegration of Bretton Woods system, to deal with the depression of capitalistic economy in 1970s, the Western countries establish the system of G7 which is a unilateral mode and which focus on the economic interest of Western countries. The global agenda which it constitutes is the external forms which is helpful for the western countries to realize its material interest. The participation of Russia into G7 changes the G7 which consists of only developed countries. Russia also participates the global agenda, thus break the unilateral mode of G7. Although Russian has not much influence on the agenda of global governance, the establishment of the multilateral mode begins.
Chapter Three, The Financial Crisis and the Establishment of G8. In this chapter, the author elucidates the beginning of G20, its constitution, the qualification of its member, its task, function and operation mechanism, and demonstrates the formation and quick development of the multilateral mode of governance. Asian financial crisis makes the international society realize that the solution of international financial problems require the participation of not only western countries but also the emerging developing countries, Thus, a systematic and informal dialogue mechanism between important countries within the Bretton Woods system, G20 emerges. It is the formation of multilateral mode of global governance. Global financial crisis changes the structure of international politics, it is the acceleration of multilateral mode of global governance.
Chapter Four, The Multilateral Governance Mode of G20. The real significance of global financial crises lies in that it changes in a real sense the discourse hegemony of western democracy which came into being since the capitalism established. A real diversification of economic and cultural modes in the world appears in a higher level. The leading power is not just in the hand of G7 countries which are in the control of USA, but also the G20 countries. While the function of the emerging countries power becomes important, the new international structure embodies the new mode of multilateral global governance. The diversity of issues and the leader summits makes G20 the primary forum in the international cooperation, and exhibits its function of multilateral global governance.
Chapter Five, The Shortcoming of G20. As a new mode of governance, G20 should deal with the global problems which emerge from the change of international structure, and establish new agenda, solve the problem of the re-balance of global economy in the post-crisis period. G20 is not a global governance institute which represents the interest of all countries over the world. It cannot avoid getting into the trouble of the lack of flexibility and representativeness. Therefore, G20 can search the break point in its mechanism and formation. The break point consists of four aspects: comprehensively think about the long-term problems and short-term problems, search for the interest balance between western developed countries and the emerging economic powers, define the relation between G20 and the United Nations, and treat well with the problem of relation between G20 members and non-G20 members.
Chapter Six, G20 Mode and The Rise of China. The rise of Chinese economy and international status requires China to gain the appropriate discourse power in the system of international economy and politics. G20 provides a stage for the ascending China to participate into the international dialogue, enlarge the international vision of China, is helpful for China to put forward its interest claims, and is advantageous to China to participate in the construction of international regulation and global order.
Chapter Seven gives a conclusion of this dissertation on the basis of the analysis in the previous chapters, and orients the further study in the future.
引文
1乌尔里希·贝克:《全球化时代民主怎样才是可行的?》,见乌尔里希·贝克和哈贝马斯等著《全球化与政治》,第14页,中央编译出版社,2000。
1余永定:《崛起的中国与七国集团、二十国集团》,《国际经济评论》2004年第9-10期。
2程杰、武拉平:《G20集团多哈回合农业谈判的最新立场》,《世界农业》2008年第3期。
3倪权生、潘英丽:《G20国家资本账户开放度比较研究——基于改进的约束式测度法》,《世界经济研究》2009年第2期。
4程实:《G20会议的欧美博弈》,《国际融资》2005第1期。
5单之卉:《全球经济失衡中国求解》,《数据》2005年第11期。
6黄瑛、梅玫:《20国集团会议与世界经济失衡》,《银行家》2005年11期。
7参会的有中央部委和解放军的相关研究单位以及北京、上海一些知名高校和科研院所的20多位知名专家学者。这次会议的主要成果后来在《现代国际关系》2009第11期形成G20专辑,主要包括:崔立如:《G20开启了探索“全球治理”新路径的机会之窗》;金灿荣:《G20的缘起与前景》;吴洪英:《全球化与G20》;唐久胜:《G20背后的权力积聚与分散》;陈凤英:《G20与国际秩序大变局》;傅梦孜:《国际秩序走向何方?》;李永辉:《“G时代”的国际新秩序:变局与变数》;王湘穗:《世界格局多极化的雏形》;赵晓春:《G20峰会与世界新秩序的演进》;袁鹏:《G20的时代意义与现实启示》;时殷弘:《美国权势、“西方模式”和相关的信心问题》;黄仁伟:《新兴大国参与全球治理的利弊》;刘江永:《发展中国家兴起改变了时代与世界格局》;季志业:《俄罗斯是20国机制不可或缺的成员》;杨伯江:《国际权力转移与日本的战略回应》;林宏宇:《国际金融危机、G20的崛起与中国》;李兴:《国际秩序新变局与中国对策的思考》;蔡拓:《中国在国际秩序转型中要有所作为》;何兰:《国际局势变化与中国话语权势提升》;门洪华:《世界转型与中国的战略取向》;林利民:《G20崛起是国际体系转型的起点——仅仅是起点!》;袁鹏:《国际体系变迁与中国的战略选择》等。
1参会学者来自中国现代国际关系研究院、国务院发展研究中心、国家发改委对外经济研究所、商务部研究院、中国人民银行上海总部、财政部国际司、香港特别行政区政府中央政策组、香港金融管理费用局研究部、上海金融办、上海财经大学、上海社会院世经所、上海浦东美国研究中心、天大研究院(香港)、中国银行(澳大利亚)有限公司以及上海国际问题研究院等。
2参会专家学者主要来自上海外国语大学、中国社会科学院、上海社会科学院、上海国际问题研究院、上海交通大学、对外经济贸易大学、广东外语外贸大学、中国人民大学和加拿大渥太华大学、多伦多大学、不列颠哥伦比亚大学、英国圣安德鲁斯大学、德国发展研究所等国内外大学与研究机构。
3张明:《G20背后的大国博弈》,中国社会科学院世界经济与政治研究所国际金融研究中心研究论文。
4王歧山:《G20应具有超出20国本身的视野》,《第一财经日报》2009年3月30日。
5余翔:《从G20峰会看世界经济秩序新动向》,《当代世界》2009年第5期。
6黄范章:《当今国际金融危机要求宏观经济政策的国际合作及世界货币体系革新》,《东南大学学报》(哲社版)2009年第7期。
7陈素权:《八国集团、二十国集团与中国》,《东南亚纵横》2009年第8期。
8朱杰进:《低制度化与G20制度建设的方向》,《国际观察》2010年第1期。
9王国兴、成靖:《G20机制化与全球经济治理改革》,《国际展望》2010年第3期。
10 Prabash Ranjan:How Long Can The G20 Hold Itself Together? A Power Analysis,Paper provided by esocialsciences.com in its series Working Papers with number id:242;Amrita Narlikar and Diana Tussie:The G20 at the Cancun Ministerial: Developing Countries and Their Evolving Coalitions in the WTO,The World Economy, 2004, vol. 27, issue 7, pages 947-966;Edward B. Barbier:Global governance: the G20 and a global green new deal,No 2009-38, Economics Discussion Papers from Kiel Institute for the World Economy;Ivanka Petkova:Attempts of the European Union to Conteina the Financial Crisis,Economic Studies journal, 2009, issue 1, pages
119-135;Marie Gabrielle Piketty and Lucie:Assessing agricultural trade policies options with the European Union: a Brazilian perspective,Agricultural Economics, 2009, vol. 40, issue 4, pages 447-457;Maria Nieto andGarry J. Schinasi:EU framework for safeguarding financial stability: Towards an analytical benchmark for assessing its effectiveness,No 801, Banco de Espana Occasional Papers from Banco de Espana.
1 John Emglish,Ramesh Thakur and Andrew Cooper,eds,Reforming from the Top:A Leaders’20 Summit,Tokyo: United Nations University Press,2005.
2 Andrew Cooper and Thomas Fues,“L20 and ECOSOC Reform:Complementary Building Blocks for Inclusive Global Goverance and a More Effective UN”,Briefing Paper 6/2005.
3 Paul Martin,Speaking Notes for the Right Honourable Paul Martin:Annual Meeting of the Development and Peace Foundation,June 8,2006,www.sef-bonn.org/download/veranstaltungen/2006_sd_drdsden_martin_speaking_ notes.pdf.
4曾智华:《西方七国首脑会议形势讨论会综述》,《世界经济》,1994年第10期,第71-73页。
5吕有志、查君红:《冷战后七国集团的演变及其影响》,《欧洲》2002年第6期。
1张文才、龚俸、石丁:《G7与国际经济协调》,《国际金融研究》2006年第10期。
2陈晓进:《中国与八国集团》,时事出版社2006年版;曹令军:《八国集团与当代世界格局》,人民出版社2005年版;张向晨、胡兆明:《冲突与合作:西方七国首脑会议透视》,浙江人民出版社,1990年版。
3唐永胜:《八国集团背后的历史惯性》,《世界经济与政治》2000年第4期。
4吕有志、林小芳:《八国集团与中国关系的战略思考》,《河北师范大学学报》(哲社版)2006年第6期;吕有志:《为什么中国与八国集团越走越近》,《现代国际关系》2005年第7期;吕有志、查君红:《八国集团峰会文档解读》,《世界经济与政治》2002年第7期。
5乔卫兵:《八国集团与全球发展问题的治理》,《教学与研究》2007年第6期;乔卫兵:《八国集团治理全球性发展问题的新模式》,《国际问题研究》2007年第4期;乔卫兵:《全球治理及其制度化》,《欧洲研究》2002年第6期;乔卫兵:《北约组织与八国集团左右夹击联合国》,《世界经济与政治》2000年第3期。
6朱杰进:《八国集团与全球性公共产品的供给:集体霸权的视角》,《国际政治研究》2009年第l期。
7时殷弘、张沱生、章百家、王逸舟:《中国走近八国集团》,《世界知识》2003年第13期,第21-29页。
8会议在上海外国语大学举行,有来自加拿大多伦多大学八国集团研究中心、加拿大约克大学、上海国际问题研究所、上海交通大学、浙江大学的近50位专家学者参会。
9 Kirton John J.:"The G7 and China in the Management of the International Financial System".Paper prepared for an International Think Tank Forum on "China in the 21st Century and the World,"sponsored by the China Development Institute,China International Center for Economic and Technical Exchange and the National Institute for Research. Advancement,Japan,Shenzen,China,November 11-12,1999.PP.43-66.
10 Putnam,Robert D.and Nicholas Bayne:Hanging Together:Cooperation and Conflict in the Seven Power Summits,Harvard University Press,1987.
11 Nicholas Bayne,Hanging in There:The G7 and G8 Summit in Maturity and Renewal,Aldershot:Ashgate,2000.
12 Nicholas Bayne,Staying Together:The G8 Summit Confronts the 21st Century,Aldershot:AShgate,2005.
1 Andrew Bake,The Group of Seven:Finance Ministers,Central Banks and Global Financial Governance,London and New York:Routledge,2006.
2 C.Fred Bergsten and C.Randall Henning:Global Economic Leadership and the Group of Seven, Institute for International Economics;Washington,D.C.,1996.
3 Cesare Merlini and G.Garavoglia:The Future of the G7 Summits,Special Issue of The International Spectator 29,April-June 1994.
4 Silvestri,Stefano.:“Between Globalism and Regionalism:The Role and Composition of the G-7.”In“The Future of the G-7 Summits,”The International Spectator 29,No.2(April/June 1994),Special Issue,PP.27-48.
5 Gill Hubbard and David Miller,eds.,Arguments against G8,London:Pluto Press,2005.
6 http://www.library.utoronto.ca/g7/governance/index.htm.
7 Kirton,John J.:“New Directions in Twenty-First Century Governance:Prospects for the 2000 Okinawa Summit”. Presentation to the London School of Economics and Political Science Forum,Nippon Press Center,Tokyo,July 13,2000.
8 Von Furstenberg George M.and Jianjun Wei.:“The Chinese Crux of Monetary Union in East Asia.”Paper to be delivered at a G8 Research Group Conference Calgary,June 22,2002.
9 Garavoglia Guido and Pier Carlo Padoan:“The G-7 Agenda:Old and New Issues.”,“The Future of the G-7 Summits,”The International Spectator 29,No.2(April/June 1994),Special Issue,PP.49-45.
2 Von Furstenberg George M.,and Joseph P.Daniels.:"Can You Trust G-7 Promises?",International Economic Insights 3(September/October 1992),PP.24-27.
1 Michael Artis and Sylvia Ostry,International Economic Policy Coordination, London:Routedge and Kegan Paul,1986.
2 Steohen Krasner,“Structural Causes and Regime Consequences: Regimes as InterveningVariables”, in Stephen Krasner ed.,International Regimes, Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1983, p.2.
3 Robert Keohane,Judith Goldstein,Miles Kahler and Anne–Marie Slaughter,“Introduction:Legalization and World Polics”,International Organization,Vol.54,No.3,2000,pp.385-400;Kenneth Abbott and Duncan Snidal,“Hard Law and Soft Law in International Governance”,International Organization,Vol.54,No.3,2000,pp.421-456.
1刘宏松:《正式与非正式国际机制概念辨析》,《欧洲研究》2009年第3期。
2鲍勃·杰索普:《治理的兴起及其失败的风险:以经济发展为例的论述》,《国际社会科学杂志》1999年2月号。
1张文成:《德国学者迈尔谈西欧社会民主主义的新变化与“公民社会模式”》,《国外理论动态》2000年第7期。
2罗西瑙:《没有政府统治的治理》(Governance without Government:Order and Change in World Politics),第5页等,剑桥大学出版社,1995;《21世纪的治理》(Governance in the Twenty-first Century),《全球治理》杂志1995年创刊号。
3罗茨:《新治理:没有政府的管理》(The New Government:Governing without Government),《政治研究》1996年第154期。
1格里·斯托克:《作为理论的治理:五个论点》,《国际社会科学》杂志(中文版)1999年2月号。
1 J.N.Rosenau.Governance in the Twenty-first Century[J].Global Governance,1995,Vol 1(Winter):12-18.
2 [英]戴维·赫尔德:《全球大变革》,社会科学文献出版社2000版,第13页。
3对转型国家的腐败问题进行深入研究的非政府组织。
1马克思、恩格斯:《共产党宣言》,《马克思恩格斯选集》,第一卷,人民出版社1972年版,第254页。
1有关这方面的历史分析和精辟见解可以在世界体系分析学派的著作中找到。
1包国宪、郎玫:《治理、政府治理概念的演变和与发展》,《兰州大学学报》(社会科学版)2009年第3期。
1应克复等著:《西方民主史》,中国社会科学出版社1997年版,第1页。
2科思:《论民主》,商务印书馆1988版,第273页。
3黑格尔:《法哲学原理》,中国政治大学出版社2003年版,第46页。
4周光辉:《超越政治学》,《吉林大学学报》1999年第9期。
5王乐夫、李伟权:《国际公共事务管理主体的合法性思考》,《中山大学学报》2003年第1期。
1布雷顿森林体系崩溃后,美、英、法、西德四国(日本后来加入)的财政部长经常利用参加大型国际会议的机会举行秘密的惯例性会晤,交流观点,增进信任,推动国际货币谈判。由于他们第一次会晤是在美国白宫图书馆里进行的,因此被称为“图书馆小组”。这个小组会议的规模很小,只有财政部长及其一名助手参加,会议完全在炉边谈话式的气氛中进行,没有固定的会议程序,财长们只就共同关心的问题非正式的交换意见,没有达成协议的负担。
2 IMF的治理架构中,主要是三级:理事全——执行董事会——总裁及工作人员,理事会是最高权力机构,各成员国委派本国的财长或央行行长担任,IMF共有184个成员国,故理事会的构成有184个成员,执行董事会(简称执董会)负责处理日常业务,由24名执董组成,其中8名由份额多的国家委派,其他16名由成员国按地区选举产生,总裁是行政首脑,负责在执董会指示下处理具体事务。在这种架构中,理事会过于庞大,执董会级别又不够,因而在1972年7月,IMF理事会决定再单独成立一个“国际货币制度改革及相关问题委员会”,简称“二十国委员会”(C20)。1974年二十国集团又改革为临时委员会,由24个部长级官员组成,后来到1999年,临时委员会又改革成现在的“国际货币与金融委员会”(IMFC)。参见Peter Ken,et al.,International Economic and Financial Cooperation:New Issues,New Reponses,Center for Economic Policy Research,2004,p.20.
1 Hisashi Owada, A Japanese Perspective on the Role of the Future of the G7.
2 Hisashi Owada, A Japanese Perspective on the Role of the Future of the G7.
3 Nicholas Bayne, History Of The G-7 Summit: The Importance Of American Leadership.
1 http://www.library.utronto.ca/g7/governance/index.htm./
2 John Kirton,“The Diplomacy of Concert:Canadc,the G7 and the Halifax Summit”,Canadian Foreign Policy, Vol.3,No.1,1995,pp.63-80.
3 John Kirton,“A Summit of Significant Success:the G8 at St.Petersburg 2006”,p.6.Http:www.g8.utoronto.ca/ evaluations/2006tspetersburg/kirton_perf_060719.pdf.
1 Tom Barry,“G8/G7 and Global Governance”,Foreign Policy In Focus July 2000.Vol. 5,No.23.
1 [美]曼瑟尔·奥尔森:《集体行动的逻辑》,陈郁等译,上海人民出版社2004年版。
2 Nicholas Bayne.“Changing Patterns at the G7 Summit”,G7 Governance,No.l(May l997) http://www.library utoronto.ca/g7/governance.
3关于“新兴大国”(emerging powers)、“形成中的大国”(would-be great powers)、“金砖四国”(BRICs)即巴西、俄罗斯、印度和中国,或者加上南非和墨西哥的“B(R)ICSAM”的全球影响的文献不断增多(参见Hook 2001;Wilson and Purushothaman 2003;hurrell 2006;Shaw et al.2007;Cooper et al.2006;Kaplinsky and Messner 2008;Subacchi 2008)。
1 John J.Kirton,Ella Kokotsis,and Diana Juricevic,The 2001 G8 ComPliance Report,July7,2001,P4;John J.Kirton,Ella KOkotsis,and the University of Toronto G8 Research Group,Keeping Genoa’s Commitments:The 2002 G8 Research Group Compliance Report[R].June 2002,p.2:Ella Kokotsis,John J.Kirton and The G8 Research Group, 2002 Kananaskis Final Compliance Report[R].May 2003,p.4;吕有志,林小芳,查君红:《八国集团与中国》,浙江大学出版社2006版,第50～51页。
2 Injoosohn,“Asian Finaneial Cooperation:The Problem of Legality,many in Global Financial Governance”,Global Governance II,2005,PP.487。
1尤尔根·哈贝马斯.合法性危机[M].上海人民出版社,2000,第6O-64页。
2门洪华.论国际机制的合法性[J].国际政治研究,2002(1)。
3 Wang Zaibang.“Principal Contradictions and Changes.”Contemporary International Relations (September , 2006).
1 G22,Summary of Reports on the International Financial Architecture,Washington,D.C.,1998,p.1,www.inf.org/external/np/g22/summary.pdf.
1 International Monetary Fund,A Guide to Committees,Groups,and Clubs:Factsheet,IMF,Washing,DC,2006,www. imf,org/external/np/exr/facts/groups.htm.
2 Roy Culpeper,“Systemic Reform at a Standstill: A Flock of‘Gs’in Search of Global Financial Stability”, in Albert Berry and Gustavo Indart,eds.,Critical Issues in International FinancialReform, London , New Brunswick : Transaction Publishers, pp.203-236;Gerald Helleiner,“Market,Politics and Globalization:Can the Global Economy Be Civilized?”, Global Governance,VOL. , 7 No.3,2001,pp. 243-263; Jhon Kirton,“From G7 to G20: Capacity, Leadership and Normative Diffusion in Global Financial Governance”, Paper presented for the annual convention of the International Studies Association, Honolulu, March 1-5, www.g8.utoronto.ca/scholar/kirton 2005/kirton_isa 2005.pdf; Tony porter,‘The G7, the Financial Stability Forum, the G20, and the Politics of International Financial Regulation’, paper prepared for the International Studies Association Annual Convention, Los Angeles, March 15,2000,www.g8.utoronto.ca/g20/g20porter/index.html.
3 G20由美国、英国、日本、法国、德国、加拿大、意大利、俄罗斯、澳大利亚、中国、巴西、阿根廷、墨西哥、韩国、印度尼西亚、印度、沙特阿拉伯、南非、土耳其等19个国家以及欧盟组成。
1一种既不过冷也不过热的平衡的增长态势,是所有经济体努力追求的理想增长状态,表现为“高增长、低通胀”。经济学家曾以“金发经济”(Goldilocks Economy)来形容美国1990年代经历的这种健康经济状态。
1 Georg S.rensen, What kind of world order? The international system in the new millennium, American Political Science Association Annual Meeting, Chicago September 2-5, 2004.
2 Dreaming with BRICS: The path to 2050, Global Economics Paper No. 99.
3黄卫平、李娇:《存在变数的世界经济与中国的应对》,《江苏行政学院学报》2008年第5期。
1将IMF的可用资金从2500亿美元提高至7500亿美元,支持2500亿美元的最新特别提款权配额,支持多边发展银行至少1000亿美元的额外贷款,确保为贸易融资提供2500亿美元的支持。
1 Eduard Helmore,‘Peer review’breakthrough expected from G20.
2 Leaders' Statement: The Pittsburgh Summit, September 24– 25, 2009.
1 Daniel McDowell, Pittsburg G20 summit favor“the Rest”over the West, World Politics Review, September 29 , 2009.
2 Regaining their balance:A new chapter for the world economy, maybe,The Economist, September 26, 2009.
1在我们对一些国家本可以有更多的最新信息的同时,眼下我们不是有选择地修正IMF数据以保证数量上的一致。这些新数据不影响我们任何有意义的结论。
1 G20由这里列出的除西班牙以外的19个国家组成,第20个位置由欧盟作为一个整体占据,无论是在2008年11月会议还是在2009年4月会议,西班牙有一个单独的“谈判席位”因为法国和后来的英国放弃了额外的席位,他们中的每一个本将作为欧盟代表团的领导各自出席会议。
1这并不是一个完全准确的描述,因为G7协调有时重点在结构改革,但这些改革大多是留给了国家决策。
1 Jae-Young Lee, "Korea: Growth Recovery and Exit Strategy".
1从1920年代到二战,这种转移的日期仍然十分具有争议,参与Barry Eichengreen, "The Rise and Fall of the Dollar, or When Did the Dollar Replace Sterling as the Leading International Currency?", National Bureau of Economic Research (NBER), working paper 14154, July 2008.
2参见A. Benassy-Quere (2009), "The Dollar: Unsafe Haven", La Lettre du CEPII, No 989, July.
3参见查尔斯?金德尔伯格:《1929年—1939年世界经济萧条》,承先、洪文达译,上海译文出版社1986年版;B. Eichengreen (1987), "Hegemonic Stability Theories of the International monetary system", NBER Working Paper 2193.
1 J. Pisani-Ferry (2009), "China and the world economy", Bruegel.
2 Eichengreen,B., and F.Ghironi, 1996.European Monetary Unification and International Monetary Co-operation, University of California at Berkeley,April.Photocopy.
1当然,这简单化了,有相互交叉重叠的地方。
1陈东晓:《试论全球政治的新发展和中国多边外交的新思考》,载《国际展望》2009年第2期。
1 2009年4月G20部长级会议公报的非抱负性特点正说明了这方面的事实。
1 David Vines (Oxford University and CEPR),“The Financial Crisis, Global Imbalances, and the International Monetary System”.
2 Gian-Maria Milesi-Ferretti (IMF, with Olivier Blanchard),“Global Imbalances: Past, Present and Future”; Ted Truman (Peterson Institute for International Economics, Washington),“Comments on Milesi-Ferretti and Vines”.
3 He Fan(CASS, Beijing),“Comments on David Vines and Gian-Maria Milesi-Ferretti”.
1 Min Tang ,“Emerging Trade Protectionism: A Case in China”;Natalya Volchkova (New Economic School and Center for Economic and Financial Research, Moscow),“Cross-Border Trade and Finance: Emerging Protectionism”.
2 Jean-Joseph Boillot (CEPII’s Business Club, Paris and Euro-India Economic Business Group),“Economic Balance of Powers after the crisis”.
2自2009年3月1日起,发展中国家宣布的贸易及贸易相关的措施约占总数的78%。参见Peter Draper (South African Institute of International Affairs),“Cross-border trade and emerging protectionism”.
1 Shigeo Kashiwagi (Policy Research Institute, Japanese Ministry of Finance),“Don’t let globalization go into reverse”.
1 1974年2月22日,毛泽东在会见赞比亚总统卡翁达时全面提出了划分“三个世界”的观点。
1王逸舟主编:《磨合中的建构:中国与国际组织的多视角透视》,中国发展出版社2003版。
1 Wang Yizhou, ed., Construction within Contradiction, (Beijing: China Development Publishing House, 2003).
2 Li Dongyan《,A Chinese Perspective of UN Security Council Reform》,in Wang Yizhou, ed., Construction within Contradiction, (Beijing: China Development Publishing House, 2002), p. 101.
1 Wang Jisi(2005),“China’s Search for Stability with America.”Foreign Affairs(September/October,2005).
1 John Kirton,“The G7 and China in the Management of the International Financial System”, Department of Political Science, Centre for International Studies, University of Toronto.
2 John Kirton,“The G7 and China in the Management of the International Financial System”, Department of Political Science, Centre for International Studies, University of Toronto.
1 Yu Yongding(2005).“The G20 and China:A Chinese Perpective.”China and World Economy 13(1): 3-14.
2 Nina Hachigan,Winny Chen and Christopher Beddor.“China’s New Engagement in the International System”, Center for American Progress,November 6,2009,available at:http://www.americanprogress.org/issues/2009/11/pdf/ chinas_new_engagement.pdf.
1从历次G20会议上中国的发言可以得到明确的信号。
1 G4(四国集团财经论坛)始于2003年,是由中国、印度、巴西和南非组成的国际经济论坛。该机制是一个背靠背(Back to Back)的论坛,是在G20召开之际进行对话的机制,用以协调四国集团在某些议题中的立场。在中国,G4是由财政部主导、中国人民银行共同参与的机制,已经成为中国积极参与全球经济议题讨论的一个比较重要的机制。
2何帆:《中国是否需要加入七国集团?》,《国际经济评论》2004年第5期。
1克里斯蒂娜·拉森:《中国和美国:不可或缺的轴心》,《参考消息》2010年3月13日第1版。
1谭喆：《张宇燕：G20是世界与中国的转折点》,《中国社会科学院报》,2009年4月16日第2版。
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1 Freemantle,Simon/Simon Stevens(2010):BRIC and Africa:BRIC summit underlines change global architecture, 19 April,Johannesburg:Standard Bank.
1 Heine,Jorge(2010):Will they have table manners?The G20,emerging powers and global responsibility,in:South African Journal of International Affairs,17:1,1-11.
1 Dyer,Geoff(2010):Big developing states can fill the gap between the US and China,in:Finance Times,28 April.
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1余永定:《崛起的中国与七国集团、二十国集团》,《国际经济评论》2004年第9-10期。
2程杰、武拉平:《G20集团多哈回合农业谈判的最新立场》,《世界农业》2008年第3期。
3倪权生、潘英丽:《G20国家资本账户开放度比较研究——基于改进的约束式测度法》,《世界经济研究》2009年第2期。
4程实:《G20会议的欧美博弈》,《国际融资》2005第1期。
5单之卉:《全球经济失衡中国求解》,《数据》2005年第11期。
6黄瑛、梅玫:《20国集团会议与世界经济失衡》,《银行家》2005年11期。
7参会的有中央部委和解放军的相关研究单位以及北京、上海一些知名高校和科研院所的20多位知名专家学者。这次会议的主要成果后来在《现代国际关系》2009第11期形成G20专辑,主要包括:崔立如:《G20开启了探索“全球治理”新路径的机会之窗》;金灿荣:《G20的缘起与前景》;吴洪英:《全球化与G20》;唐久胜:《G20背后的权力积聚与分散》;陈凤英:《G20与国际秩序大变局》;傅梦孜:《国际秩序走向何方?》;李永辉:《“G时代”的国际新秩序:变局与变数》;王湘穗:《世界格局多极化的雏形》;赵晓春:《G20峰会与世界新秩序的演进》;袁鹏:《G20的时代意义与现实启示》;时殷弘:《美国权势、“西方模式”和相关的信心问题》;黄仁伟:《新兴大国参与全球治理的利弊》;刘江永:《发展中国家兴起改变了时代与世界格局》;季志业:《俄罗斯是20国机制不可或缺的成员》;杨伯江:《国际权力转移与日本的战略回应》;林宏宇:《国际金融危机、G20的崛起与中国》;李兴:《国际秩序新变局与中国对策的思考》;蔡拓:《中国在国际秩序转型中要有所作为》;何兰:《国际局势变化与中国话语权势提升》;门洪华:《世界转型与中国的战略取向》;林利民:《G20崛起是国际体系转型的起点——仅仅是起点!》;袁鹏:《国际体系变迁与中国的战略选择》等。
1参会学者来自中国现代国际关系研究院、国务院发展研究中心、国家发改委对外经济研究所、商务部研究院、中国人民银行上海总部、财政部国际司、香港特别行政区政府中央政策组、香港金融管理费用局研究部、上海金融办、上海财经大学、上海社会院世经所、上海浦东美国研究中心、天大研究院(香港)、中国银行(澳大利亚)有限公司以及上海国际问题研究院等。
2参会专家学者主要来自上海外国语大学、中国社会科学院、上海社会科学院、上海国际问题研究院、上海交通大学、对外经济贸易大学、广东外语外贸大学、中国人民大学和加拿大渥太华大学、多伦多大学、不列颠哥伦比亚大学、英国圣安德鲁斯大学、德国发展研究所等国内外大学与研究机构。
3张明:《G20背后的大国博弈》,中国社会科学院世界经济与政治研究所国际金融研究中心研究论文。
4王歧山:《G20应具有超出20国本身的视野》,《第一财经日报》2009年3月30日。
5余翔:《从G20峰会看世界经济秩序新动向》,《当代世界》2009年第5期。
6黄范章:《当今国际金融危机要求宏观经济政策的国际合作及世界货币体系革新》,《东南大学学报》(哲社版)2009年第7期。
7陈素权:《八国集团、二十国集团与中国》,《东南亚纵横》2009年第8期。
8朱杰进:《低制度化与G20制度建设的方向》,《国际观察》2010年第1期。
9王国兴、成靖:《G20机制化与全球经济治理改革》,《国际展望》2010年第3期。
10 Prabash Ranjan:How Long Can The G20 Hold Itself Together? A Power Analysis,Paper provided by esocialsciences.com in its series Working Papers with number id:242;Amrita Narlikar and Diana Tussie:The G20 at the Cancun Ministerial: Developing Countries and Their Evolving Coalitions in the WTO,The World Economy, 2004, vol. 27, issue 7, pages 947-966;Edward B. Barbier:Global governance: the G20 and a global green new deal,No 2009-38, Economics Discussion Papers from Kiel Institute for the World Economy;Ivanka Petkova:Attempts of the European Union to Conteina the Financial Crisis,Economic Studies journal, 2009, issue 1, pages
119-135;Marie Gabrielle Piketty and Lucie:Assessing agricultural trade policies options with the European Union: a Brazilian perspective,Agricultural Economics, 2009, vol. 40, issue 4, pages 447-457;Maria Nieto andGarry J. Schinasi:EU framework for safeguarding financial stability: Towards an analytical benchmark for assessing its effectiveness,No 801, Banco de Espana Occasional Papers from Banco de Espana.
1 John Emglish,Ramesh Thakur and Andrew Cooper,eds,Reforming from the Top:A Leaders’20 Summit,Tokyo: United Nations University Press,2005.
2 Andrew Cooper and Thomas Fues,“L20 and ECOSOC Reform:Complementary Building Blocks for Inclusive Global Goverance and a More Effective UN”,Briefing Paper 6/2005.
3 Paul Martin,Speaking Notes for the Right Honourable Paul Martin:Annual Meeting of the Development and Peace Foundation,June 8,2006,www.sef-bonn.org/download/veranstaltungen/2006_sd_drdsden_martin_speaking_ notes.pdf.
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5吕有志、查君红:《冷战后七国集团的演变及其影响》,《欧洲》2002年第6期。
1张文才、龚俸、石丁:《G7与国际经济协调》,《国际金融研究》2006年第10期。
2陈晓进:《中国与八国集团》,时事出版社2006年版;曹令军:《八国集团与当代世界格局》,人民出版社2005年版;张向晨、胡兆明:《冲突与合作:西方七国首脑会议透视》,浙江人民出版社,1990年版。
3唐永胜:《八国集团背后的历史惯性》,《世界经济与政治》2000年第4期。
4吕有志、林小芳:《八国集团与中国关系的战略思考》,《河北师范大学学报》(哲社版)2006年第6期;吕有志:《为什么中国与八国集团越走越近》,《现代国际关系》2005年第7期;吕有志、查君红:《八国集团峰会文档解读》,《世界经济与政治》2002年第7期。
5乔卫兵:《八国集团与全球发展问题的治理》,《教学与研究》2007年第6期;乔卫兵:《八国集团治理全球性发展问题的新模式》,《国际问题研究》2007年第4期;乔卫兵:《全球治理及其制度化》,《欧洲研究》2002年第6期;乔卫兵:《北约组织与八国集团左右夹击联合国》,《世界经济与政治》2000年第3期。
6朱杰进:《八国集团与全球性公共产品的供给:集体霸权的视角》,《国际政治研究》2009年第l期。
7时殷弘、张沱生、章百家、王逸舟:《中国走近八国集团》,《世界知识》2003年第13期,第21-29页。
8会议在上海外国语大学举行,有来自加拿大多伦多大学八国集团研究中心、加拿大约克大学、上海国际问题研究所、上海交通大学、浙江大学的近50位专家学者参会。
9 Kirton John J.:"The G7 and China in the Management of the International Financial System".Paper prepared for an International Think Tank Forum on "China in the 21st Century and the World,"sponsored by the China Development Institute,China International Center for Economic and Technical Exchange and the National Institute for Research. Advancement,Japan,Shenzen,China,November 11-12,1999.PP.43-66.
10 Putnam,Robert D.and Nicholas Bayne:Hanging Together:Cooperation and Conflict in the Seven Power Summits,Harvard University Press,1987.
11 Nicholas Bayne,Hanging in There:The G7 and G8 Summit in Maturity and Renewal,Aldershot:Ashgate,2000.
12 Nicholas Bayne,Staying Together:The G8 Summit Confronts the 21st Century,Aldershot:AShgate,2005.
1 Andrew Bake,The Group of Seven:Finance Ministers,Central Banks and Global Financial Governance,London and New York:Routledge,2006.
2 C.Fred Bergsten and C.Randall Henning:Global Economic Leadership and the Group of Seven, Institute for International Economics;Washington,D.C.,1996.
3 Cesare Merlini and G.Garavoglia:The Future of the G7 Summits,Special Issue of The International Spectator 29,April-June 1994.
4 Silvestri,Stefano.:“Between Globalism and Regionalism:The Role and Composition of the G-7.”In“The Future of the G-7 Summits,”The International Spectator 29,No.2(April/June 1994),Special Issue,PP.27-48.
5 Gill Hubbard and David Miller,eds.,Arguments against G8,London:Pluto Press,2005.
6 http://www.library.utoronto.ca/g7/governance/index.htm.
7 Kirton,John J.:“New Directions in Twenty-First Century Governance:Prospects for the 2000 Okinawa Summit”. Presentation to the London School of Economics and Political Science Forum,Nippon Press Center,Tokyo,July 13,2000.
8 Von Furstenberg George M.and Jianjun Wei.:“The Chinese Crux of Monetary Union in East Asia.”Paper to be delivered at a G8 Research Group Conference Calgary,June 22,2002.
9 Garavoglia Guido and Pier Carlo Padoan:“The G-7 Agenda:Old and New Issues.”,“The Future of the G-7 Summits,”The International Spectator 29,No.2(April/June 1994),Special Issue,PP.49-45.
2 Von Furstenberg George M.,and Joseph P.Daniels.:"Can You Trust G-7 Promises?",International Economic Insights 3(September/October 1992),PP.24-27.
1 Michael Artis and Sylvia Ostry,International Economic Policy Coordination, London:Routedge and Kegan Paul,1986.
2 Steohen Krasner,“Structural Causes and Regime Consequences: Regimes as InterveningVariables”, in Stephen Krasner ed.,International Regimes, Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1983, p.2.
3 Robert Keohane,Judith Goldstein,Miles Kahler and Anne–Marie Slaughter,“Introduction:Legalization and World Polics”,International Organization,Vol.54,No.3,2000,pp.385-400;Kenneth Abbott and Duncan Snidal,“Hard Law and Soft Law in International Governance”,International Organization,Vol.54,No.3,2000,pp.421-456.
1刘宏松:《正式与非正式国际机制概念辨析》,《欧洲研究》2009年第3期。
2鲍勃·杰索普:《治理的兴起及其失败的风险:以经济发展为例的论述》,《国际社会科学杂志》1999年2月号。
1张文成:《德国学者迈尔谈西欧社会民主主义的新变化与“公民社会模式”》,《国外理论动态》2000年第7期。
2罗西瑙:《没有政府统治的治理》(Governance without Government:Order and Change in World Politics),第5页等,剑桥大学出版社,1995;《21世纪的治理》(Governance in the Twenty-first Century),《全球治理》杂志1995年创刊号。
3罗茨:《新治理:没有政府的管理》(The New Government:Governing without Government),《政治研究》1996年第154期。
1格里·斯托克:《作为理论的治理:五个论点》,《国际社会科学》杂志(中文版)1999年2月号。
1 J.N.Rosenau.Governance in the Twenty-first Century[J].Global Governance,1995,Vol 1(Winter):12-18.
2 [英]戴维·赫尔德:《全球大变革》,社会科学文献出版社2000版,第13页。
3对转型国家的腐败问题进行深入研究的非政府组织。
1马克思、恩格斯:《共产党宣言》,《马克思恩格斯选集》,第一卷,人民出版社1972年版,第254页。
1有关这方面的历史分析和精辟见解可以在世界体系分析学派的著作中找到。
1包国宪、郎玫:《治理、政府治理概念的演变和与发展》,《兰州大学学报》(社会科学版)2009年第3期。
1应克复等著:《西方民主史》,中国社会科学出版社1997年版,第1页。
2科思:《论民主》,商务印书馆1988版,第273页。
3黑格尔:《法哲学原理》,中国政治大学出版社2003年版,第46页。
4周光辉:《超越政治学》,《吉林大学学报》1999年第9期。
5王乐夫、李伟权:《国际公共事务管理主体的合法性思考》,《中山大学学报》2003年第1期。
1布雷顿森林体系崩溃后,美、英、法、西德四国(日本后来加入)的财政部长经常利用参加大型国际会议的机会举行秘密的惯例性会晤,交流观点,增进信任,推动国际货币谈判。由于他们第一次会晤是在美国白宫图书馆里进行的,因此被称为“图书馆小组”。这个小组会议的规模很小,只有财政部长及其一名助手参加,会议完全在炉边谈话式的气氛中进行,没有固定的会议程序,财长们只就共同关心的问题非正式的交换意见,没有达成协议的负担。
2 IMF的治理架构中,主要是三级:理事全——执行董事会——总裁及工作人员,理事会是最高权力机构,各成员国委派本国的财长或央行行长担任,IMF共有184个成员国,故理事会的构成有184个成员,执行董事会(简称执董会)负责处理日常业务,由24名执董组成,其中8名由份额多的国家委派,其他16名由成员国按地区选举产生,总裁是行政首脑,负责在执董会指示下处理具体事务。在这种架构中,理事会过于庞大,执董会级别又不够,因而在1972年7月,IMF理事会决定再单独成立一个“国际货币制度改革及相关问题委员会”,简称“二十国委员会”(C20)。1974年二十国集团又改革为临时委员会,由24个部长级官员组成,后来到1999年,临时委员会又改革成现在的“国际货币与金融委员会”(IMFC)。参见Peter Ken,et al.,International Economic and Financial Cooperation:New Issues,New Reponses,Center for Economic Policy Research,2004,p.20.
1 Hisashi Owada, A Japanese Perspective on the Role of the Future of the G7.
2 Hisashi Owada, A Japanese Perspective on the Role of the Future of the G7.
3 Nicholas Bayne, History Of The G-7 Summit: The Importance Of American Leadership.
1 http://www.library.utronto.ca/g7/governance/index.htm./
2 John Kirton,“The Diplomacy of Concert:Canadc,the G7 and the Halifax Summit”,Canadian Foreign Policy, Vol.3,No.1,1995,pp.63-80.
3 John Kirton,“A Summit of Significant Success:the G8 at St.Petersburg 2006”,p.6.Http:www.g8.utoronto.ca/ evaluations/2006tspetersburg/kirton_perf_060719.pdf.
1 Tom Barry,“G8/G7 and Global Governance”,Foreign Policy In Focus July 2000.Vol. 5,No.23.
1 [美]曼瑟尔·奥尔森:《集体行动的逻辑》,陈郁等译,上海人民出版社2004年版。
2 Nicholas Bayne.“Changing Patterns at the G7 Summit”,G7 Governance,No.l(May l997) http://www.library utoronto.ca/g7/governance.
3关于“新兴大国”(emerging powers)、“形成中的大国”(would-be great powers)、“金砖四国”(BRICs)即巴西、俄罗斯、印度和中国,或者加上南非和墨西哥的“B(R)ICSAM”的全球影响的文献不断增多(参见Hook 2001;Wilson and Purushothaman 2003;hurrell 2006;Shaw et al.2007;Cooper et al.2006;Kaplinsky and Messner 2008;Subacchi 2008)。
1 John J.Kirton,Ella Kokotsis,and Diana Juricevic,The 2001 G8 ComPliance Report,July7,2001,P4;John J.Kirton,Ella KOkotsis,and the University of Toronto G8 Research Group,Keeping Genoa’s Commitments:The 2002 G8 Research Group Compliance Report[R].June 2002,p.2:Ella Kokotsis,John J.Kirton and The G8 Research Group, 2002 Kananaskis Final Compliance Report[R].May 2003,p.4;吕有志,林小芳,查君红:《八国集团与中国》,浙江大学出版社2006版,第50～51页。
2 Injoosohn,“Asian Finaneial Cooperation:The Problem of Legality,many in Global Financial Governance”,Global Governance II,2005,PP.487。
1尤尔根·哈贝马斯.合法性危机[M].上海人民出版社,2000,第6O-64页。
2门洪华.论国际机制的合法性[J].国际政治研究,2002(1)。
3 Wang Zaibang.“Principal Contradictions and Changes.”Contemporary International Relations (September , 2006).
1 G22,Summary of Reports on the International Financial Architecture,Washington,D.C.,1998,p.1,www.inf.org/external/np/g22/summary.pdf.
1 International Monetary Fund,A Guide to Committees,Groups,and Clubs:Factsheet,IMF,Washing,DC,2006,www. imf,org/external/np/exr/facts/groups.htm.
2 Roy Culpeper,“Systemic Reform at a Standstill: A Flock of‘Gs’in Search of Global Financial Stability”, in Albert Berry and Gustavo Indart,eds.,Critical Issues in International FinancialReform, London , New Brunswick : Transaction Publishers, pp.203-236;Gerald Helleiner,“Market,Politics and Globalization:Can the Global Economy Be Civilized?”, Global Governance,VOL. , 7 No.3,2001,pp. 243-263; Jhon Kirton,“From G7 to G20: Capacity, Leadership and Normative Diffusion in Global Financial Governance”, Paper presented for the annual convention of the International Studies Association, Honolulu, March 1-5, www.g8.utoronto.ca/scholar/kirton 2005/kirton_isa 2005.pdf; Tony porter,‘The G7, the Financial Stability Forum, the G20, and the Politics of International Financial Regulation’, paper prepared for the International Studies Association Annual Convention, Los Angeles, March 15,2000,www.g8.utoronto.ca/g20/g20porter/index.html.
3 G20由美国、英国、日本、法国、德国、加拿大、意大利、俄罗斯、澳大利亚、中国、巴西、阿根廷、墨西哥、韩国、印度尼西亚、印度、沙特阿拉伯、南非、土耳其等19个国家以及欧盟组成。
1一种既不过冷也不过热的平衡的增长态势,是所有经济体努力追求的理想增长状态,表现为“高增长、低通胀”。经济学家曾以“金发经济”(Goldilocks Economy)来形容美国1990年代经历的这种健康经济状态。
1 Georg S.rensen, What kind of world order? The international system in the new millennium, American Political Science Association Annual Meeting, Chicago September 2-5, 2004.
2 Dreaming with BRICS: The path to 2050, Global Economics Paper No. 99.
3黄卫平、李娇:《存在变数的世界经济与中国的应对》,《江苏行政学院学报》2008年第5期。
1将IMF的可用资金从2500亿美元提高至7500亿美元,支持2500亿美元的最新特别提款权配额,支持多边发展银行至少1000亿美元的额外贷款,确保为贸易融资提供2500亿美元的支持。
1 Eduard Helmore,‘Peer review’breakthrough expected from G20.
2 Leaders' Statement: The Pittsburgh Summit, September 24– 25, 2009.
1 Daniel McDowell, Pittsburg G20 summit favor“the Rest”over the West, World Politics Review, September 29 , 2009.
2 Regaining their balance:A new chapter for the world economy, maybe,The Economist, September 26, 2009.
1在我们对一些国家本可以有更多的最新信息的同时,眼下我们不是有选择地修正IMF数据以保证数量上的一致。这些新数据不影响我们任何有意义的结论。
1 G20由这里列出的除西班牙以外的19个国家组成,第20个位置由欧盟作为一个整体占据,无论是在2008年11月会议还是在2009年4月会议,西班牙有一个单独的“谈判席位”因为法国和后来的英国放弃了额外的席位,他们中的每一个本将作为欧盟代表团的领导各自出席会议。
1这并不是一个完全准确的描述,因为G7协调有时重点在结构改革,但这些改革大多是留给了国家决策。
1 Jae-Young Lee, "Korea: Growth Recovery and Exit Strategy".
1从1920年代到二战,这种转移的日期仍然十分具有争议,参与Barry Eichengreen, "The Rise and Fall of the Dollar, or When Did the Dollar Replace Sterling as the Leading International Currency?", National Bureau of Economic Research (NBER), working paper 14154, July 2008.
2参见A. Benassy-Quere (2009), "The Dollar: Unsafe Haven", La Lettre du CEPII, No 989, July.
3参见查尔斯?金德尔伯格:《1929年—1939年世界经济萧条》,承先、洪文达译,上海译文出版社1986年版;B. Eichengreen (1987), "Hegemonic Stability Theories of the International monetary system", NBER Working Paper 2193.
1 J. Pisani-Ferry (2009), "China and the world economy", Bruegel.
2 Eichengreen,B., and F.Ghironi, 1996.European Monetary Unification and International Monetary Co-operation, University of California at Berkeley,April.Photocopy.
1当然,这简单化了,有相互交叉重叠的地方。
1陈东晓:《试论全球政治的新发展和中国多边外交的新思考》,载《国际展望》2009年第2期。
1 2009年4月G20部长级会议公报的非抱负性特点正说明了这方面的事实。
1 David Vines (Oxford University and CEPR),“The Financial Crisis, Global Imbalances, and the International Monetary System”.
2 Gian-Maria Milesi-Ferretti (IMF, with Olivier Blanchard),“Global Imbalances: Past, Present and Future”; Ted Truman (Peterson Institute for International Economics, Washington),“Comments on Milesi-Ferretti and Vines”.
3 He Fan(CASS, Beijing),“Comments on David Vines and Gian-Maria Milesi-Ferretti”.
1 Min Tang ,“Emerging Trade Protectionism: A Case in China”;Natalya Volchkova (New Economic School and Center for Economic and Financial Research, Moscow),“Cross-Border Trade and Finance: Emerging Protectionism”.
2 Jean-Joseph Boillot (CEPII’s Business Club, Paris and Euro-India Economic Business Group),“Economic Balance of Powers after the crisis”.
2自2009年3月1日起,发展中国家宣布的贸易及贸易相关的措施约占总数的78%。参见Peter Draper (South African Institute of International Affairs),“Cross-border trade and emerging protectionism”.
1 Shigeo Kashiwagi (Policy Research Institute, Japanese Ministry of Finance),“Don’t let globalization go into reverse”.
1 1974年2月22日,毛泽东在会见赞比亚总统卡翁达时全面提出了划分“三个世界”的观点。
1王逸舟主编:《磨合中的建构:中国与国际组织的多视角透视》,中国发展出版社2003版。
1 Wang Yizhou, ed., Construction within Contradiction, (Beijing: China Development Publishing House, 2003).
2 Li Dongyan《,A Chinese Perspective of UN Security Council Reform》,in Wang Yizhou, ed., Construction within Contradiction, (Beijing: China Development Publishing House, 2002), p. 101.
1 Wang Jisi(2005),“China’s Search for Stability with America.”Foreign Affairs(September/October,2005).
1 John Kirton,“The G7 and China in the Management of the International Financial System”, Department of Political Science, Centre for International Studies, University of Toronto.
2 John Kirton,“The G7 and China in the Management of the International Financial System”, Department of Political Science, Centre for International Studies, University of Toronto.
1 Yu Yongding(2005).“The G20 and China:A Chinese Perpective.”China and World Economy 13(1): 3-14.
2 Nina Hachigan,Winny Chen and Christopher Beddor.“China’s New Engagement in the International System”, Center for American Progress,November 6,2009,available at:http://www.americanprogress.org/issues/2009/11/pdf/ chinas_new_engagement.pdf.
1从历次G20会议上中国的发言可以得到明确的信号。
1 G4(四国集团财经论坛)始于2003年,是由中国、印度、巴西和南非组成的国际经济论坛。该机制是一个背靠背(Back to Back)的论坛,是在G20召开之际进行对话的机制,用以协调四国集团在某些议题中的立场。在中国,G4是由财政部主导、中国人民银行共同参与的机制,已经成为中国积极参与全球经济议题讨论的一个比较重要的机制。
2何帆:《中国是否需要加入七国集团?》,《国际经济评论》2004年第5期。
1克里斯蒂娜·拉森:《中国和美国:不可或缺的轴心》,《参考消息》2010年3月13日第1版。
1谭喆：《张宇燕：G20是世界与中国的转折点》,《中国社会科学院报》,2009年4月16日第2版。
1 [美]布鲁斯?琼斯、卡洛斯?帕斯夸尔、斯蒂尔?斯特德曼:《权力与责任:构建跨国威胁时代的国际秩序》,秦亚青、朱立群等译,世界知识出版社2009年版,第44页。
1 Freemantle,Simon/Simon Stevens(2010):BRIC and Africa:BRIC summit underlines change global architecture, 19 April,Johannesburg:Standard Bank.
1 Heine,Jorge(2010):Will they have table manners?The G20,emerging powers and global responsibility,in:South African Journal of International Affairs,17:1,1-11.
1 Dyer,Geoff(2010):Big developing states can fill the gap between the US and China,in:Finance Times,28 April.
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