麦都思的翻译、学术与宣教研究
摘要
麦都思是新教来华传教士中一位承前启后的人物。他上承马礼逊、米怜,继续其文字、出版事功,翻译圣经、设立印刷所、编纂字典、创办报刊,同时又能有所开创。本文的目的,是以麦都思的著述为基础,结合十九世纪的历史资料以及现代学者的研究成果,分析麦都思的宣教、出版、圣经汉译与汉学研究活动。
麦都思采用适应性的宣教策略。他非常注重宣教的灵活性和策略性,这既有对马礼逊和米怜宣教策略的继承,也有因应具体历史文化语境的创新之举。他一方面通过广泛游历、巡游传教以传播基督教义。另一方面他撰写了一些世俗的和宗教的作品,他的世俗作品旨在提高中国人心目中西方文明的地位,塑造传教士的儒师形象,以为宣教铺平道路,但客观上起到了传播西学、启蒙民众的作用；而他的宗教作品或借用儒家典籍的文本形式来装载宗教的内容,以期把宗教文本经典化,或融儒家哲学词汇于布道文本之中,以减少宣教阻力。麦都思是一位集学术传教与巡游传教于一身的典型的学者型巡游传教士,他的宣教方式及作品对后来的传教士有着深远的影响。
麦都思在十九世纪的中文出版印刷史上几乎是一位无所不在的人物。他参与《察世俗每月统计传》的撰稿及发行,创办《特选撮要每月纪传》,照管《东西洋考每月统记传》的停刊,创建、运营墨海书馆,主编《遐迩贯珍》。他还对推动西方印刷术在中国的早期传播作出了重要贡献。
麦都思还是十九世纪圣经汉译史上的一位重要的人物。他前后共主译了四个译本。每一译本都渗透着他的殊异于同时代人的翻译理念；这种翻译理念是他睿智而富有远见的判断与思考的产物,同时也是他理性回应具体历史文化场域的结果。正因为他的超前的翻译理念,他的每一译本都能引领时代对圣经译本之需求。1837年出版的圣经译本《新遗诏书》,名义上是对马礼逊《神天圣书》新约部分的修订,但实际上是对新约的重译；此译本经稍加修改后就直接为太平天国所刊印。虽未获大英圣经公会赞助,但此译本仍在相当一段时间为在华传教士所采用,并对后来译本的术语影响很大。而“委办译本”则是中国历史上最为广传的文理译本,也是在“官话和合译本”出版之前最有影响力的译本。此译本优于《新遗诏书》,很大程度上是由于与麦都思前后期合作译经的中方译者的中文修养和所享有的翻译自由度不同所致。1856年刊印的麦都思所译的“南京官话译本”是中国近代第一本圣经官话译本,是麦都思在继《新遗诏书》和“委办译本”之后的另一体现其翻译理念的译本。此译本系由文理译本转写成官话译本,这种方法开辟了圣经汉译的新路径。“南京官话译本”是麦都思先见性的看到了官话译本价值的结果,同时其广传也和太平天国起义有关。此译本刊行后引起其他一些官话译本的仿效,在历史上曾一度大量发行,并为后来一些译本用作底本或参考译本。
麦都思是十九世纪前中期颇有影响的汉学家。他不仅有着非凡的语言才能,还是一位出色的语言学家。他编纂字典多部,在语言学,尤其是方言学领域表现出突出的才华,取得了很高的成就,对后来的语言研究贡献很大。而且,他致力于翻译中国的典籍、方志等作品,为中国文化的西传做出了贡献。他的《书经》译本是第一本直接由中文翻译成英文的译本,并为随后的理雅各《书经》译本及1904年欧尔德(Walter Gorn Old)的《书经》译本做出了铺垫。
麦都思对中国文化的态度倾向调和,这一调和态度既是对耶稣会士传教策略的赞同和继承,又是对中国文化及现实深刻了解、体认的产物。他在圣经汉译、语言研究、典籍翻译、文字宣教等方面皆取得了不菲的成绩,为中国了解西方及西方了解中国做出了卓有成效的努力和一定的贡献,在中西文化交流史上留下了清晰的印记。
Among the protestant missionaries to China, W. H. Medhurst is one linking the past and the future. On the one hand, he continues the cause pioneered by Robert Morrison and William Milne through writings and publication—the translation of the Bible, the setting up of the printing office, the compiling of the dictionaries, and the founding and managing the periodicals. On the other hand, he carries these enterprises forward and initiates something new. The purpose of the dissertation is to take his works as the basis to make an analysis of Medhurst's mission, publication, translation of the Bible into Chinese and his studies in sinology by adopting the historical materials and research findings of modern scholars.
Medhurst adopts an adaptive missionary strategy. He puts much emphasis on the flexibiliby and tactic of spreading the Christian docrine, which are partly the legacy inherited by him from the missionary strategy of Morrion and Milne and partly the result of his innovation in response to the concrete historical and cultural context. He disseminates the chritian doctrine by extensive travelling; meanwhile, he writes some secular and religious works. The aim of his secular works is to raise the status of the western civilization among the Chinese and to create an image of Confucian scholar out of the missionaries, with an ultimate aim to pave the way for the mission, which, however, objectively serves the purpose of spreading the western knowledge and enlightening the public. His religious works either borrows the text form of Confucian classics to convey the religious content in hope of canonizing those religious works, or blend the words with Confucian connotations in the sermons with a view to reducing the obstacles of mission. Medhurst is a typical combination of a scholar missionary and itinerant preacher, whose works and ways of spreading Christian doctrine produce a far-reaching influence upon the later missionaries.
Medhurst is one nearly omnipresent in the history of publishing and printing Chinese in the19th century. He contributes to Chinese Monthly Magazine and participates in its issuance, founds A Monthly Record of Important Selections, attends to the cease of the publication of Eastern Westerm Monthly Magazine, establishes and manages the Mission Press in Shanghai, and supervises the Chinese Serial. He also makes the important contributions to the early spread of western printing in China.
Medhurst is also an important figure in the history of the translation of the Bible into Chinese in the19th century. He is the main translator of the four versions of the Bible, each one of which is fused with his concept of translation different from his comtempories. His concept of translation is a result of his sensible judgment and visionary thinking, as well as a product of his rational response to the concrete historical and cultural field. Just because of his advanced concept of translation, each version of the four can meet and lead the needs of the era for the Chinese version of the Bible. Xin Yizhao Shu, published in1837, ostensibly a revison of New Testament of Shentian Shengshu of Robert Morrison, is in fact a completely new version, which, undergoing a few alterations, is published by Taiping Heavenly Kingdom. Although the version fails to be sponsored by BFBS, it is adopted by the missionarie in China for a considerable period of time, and it is very influential on the later Chinese versions of the Bible, especially in terminology.
The Delegates' Version is the most widespread wen-li version, as well as the most influential version before the publication of Mandarin Union Version. Delegates' Version is superior to Xin Yizhao Shu, and the reason, to a large extent, lies in the proficiency in Chinese of the Chinese translators cooperating with Medhurst and the scope of freedom in translation enjoyed by these Chinese translators. The Nanking Mandarin Version published in1856, the first mandarin Bible in modern China, is another version that demonstrates his concept of translation, following Xin Yizhao Shu and the Delegates'Version. The version is transcribed from the Delegates' Version, thus pioneering the new method of translating the Bible into Chinese. The version comes from Medhust's forecasting the value of the mandarin version and its widespreadness is connected with Taiping rebellion. With its publication, it stimulates the imitation of other mandarin versions and is adopted by some later versions as a master version or reference version, and a large number are issued in history.
Medhurst is an influential sinologist in the early and middle period of the19th century. Besides having an unusual talent for language, he is also a distinguished linguist. He compiles not a few dictionaries. He displays quite a genius in linguistics, especially in dialectology and makes great achievements, contributing much to the later linguistic studies. Furthermore, he is devoted to the translation of Chinese classics and local topography into English, making contributions to the spread of Chinese culture to the west. The Shoo King, translated by him, is the first version translated from Chinese to English, paving the way for James Legge's version and Walter Gorn Old's version in1904.
His attidutes towards the Chinese culture is inclined to be accomodationist, a missionary strategy he inherits from the Jesuits, and the attitude is also the product of his in-depth understanding of the Chinese culture. He achieves much in the Chinese translation of the Bible, linguistic studies, the translation of Chinese classics, and his missionary writing. The great achievements and fruitful efforts he makes contribute to the mutual understanding of China and the west, leaving the impressive imprint in the history of cultural exchange between China and the west.
麦都思采用适应性的宣教策略。他非常注重宣教的灵活性和策略性,这既有对马礼逊和米怜宣教策略的继承,也有因应具体历史文化语境的创新之举。他一方面通过广泛游历、巡游传教以传播基督教义。另一方面他撰写了一些世俗的和宗教的作品,他的世俗作品旨在提高中国人心目中西方文明的地位,塑造传教士的儒师形象,以为宣教铺平道路,但客观上起到了传播西学、启蒙民众的作用；而他的宗教作品或借用儒家典籍的文本形式来装载宗教的内容,以期把宗教文本经典化,或融儒家哲学词汇于布道文本之中,以减少宣教阻力。麦都思是一位集学术传教与巡游传教于一身的典型的学者型巡游传教士,他的宣教方式及作品对后来的传教士有着深远的影响。
麦都思在十九世纪的中文出版印刷史上几乎是一位无所不在的人物。他参与《察世俗每月统计传》的撰稿及发行,创办《特选撮要每月纪传》,照管《东西洋考每月统记传》的停刊,创建、运营墨海书馆,主编《遐迩贯珍》。他还对推动西方印刷术在中国的早期传播作出了重要贡献。
麦都思还是十九世纪圣经汉译史上的一位重要的人物。他前后共主译了四个译本。每一译本都渗透着他的殊异于同时代人的翻译理念；这种翻译理念是他睿智而富有远见的判断与思考的产物,同时也是他理性回应具体历史文化场域的结果。正因为他的超前的翻译理念,他的每一译本都能引领时代对圣经译本之需求。1837年出版的圣经译本《新遗诏书》,名义上是对马礼逊《神天圣书》新约部分的修订,但实际上是对新约的重译；此译本经稍加修改后就直接为太平天国所刊印。虽未获大英圣经公会赞助,但此译本仍在相当一段时间为在华传教士所采用,并对后来译本的术语影响很大。而“委办译本”则是中国历史上最为广传的文理译本,也是在“官话和合译本”出版之前最有影响力的译本。此译本优于《新遗诏书》,很大程度上是由于与麦都思前后期合作译经的中方译者的中文修养和所享有的翻译自由度不同所致。1856年刊印的麦都思所译的“南京官话译本”是中国近代第一本圣经官话译本,是麦都思在继《新遗诏书》和“委办译本”之后的另一体现其翻译理念的译本。此译本系由文理译本转写成官话译本,这种方法开辟了圣经汉译的新路径。“南京官话译本”是麦都思先见性的看到了官话译本价值的结果,同时其广传也和太平天国起义有关。此译本刊行后引起其他一些官话译本的仿效,在历史上曾一度大量发行,并为后来一些译本用作底本或参考译本。
麦都思是十九世纪前中期颇有影响的汉学家。他不仅有着非凡的语言才能,还是一位出色的语言学家。他编纂字典多部,在语言学,尤其是方言学领域表现出突出的才华,取得了很高的成就,对后来的语言研究贡献很大。而且,他致力于翻译中国的典籍、方志等作品,为中国文化的西传做出了贡献。他的《书经》译本是第一本直接由中文翻译成英文的译本,并为随后的理雅各《书经》译本及1904年欧尔德(Walter Gorn Old)的《书经》译本做出了铺垫。
麦都思对中国文化的态度倾向调和,这一调和态度既是对耶稣会士传教策略的赞同和继承,又是对中国文化及现实深刻了解、体认的产物。他在圣经汉译、语言研究、典籍翻译、文字宣教等方面皆取得了不菲的成绩,为中国了解西方及西方了解中国做出了卓有成效的努力和一定的贡献,在中西文化交流史上留下了清晰的印记。
Among the protestant missionaries to China, W. H. Medhurst is one linking the past and the future. On the one hand, he continues the cause pioneered by Robert Morrison and William Milne through writings and publication—the translation of the Bible, the setting up of the printing office, the compiling of the dictionaries, and the founding and managing the periodicals. On the other hand, he carries these enterprises forward and initiates something new. The purpose of the dissertation is to take his works as the basis to make an analysis of Medhurst's mission, publication, translation of the Bible into Chinese and his studies in sinology by adopting the historical materials and research findings of modern scholars.
Medhurst adopts an adaptive missionary strategy. He puts much emphasis on the flexibiliby and tactic of spreading the Christian docrine, which are partly the legacy inherited by him from the missionary strategy of Morrion and Milne and partly the result of his innovation in response to the concrete historical and cultural context. He disseminates the chritian doctrine by extensive travelling; meanwhile, he writes some secular and religious works. The aim of his secular works is to raise the status of the western civilization among the Chinese and to create an image of Confucian scholar out of the missionaries, with an ultimate aim to pave the way for the mission, which, however, objectively serves the purpose of spreading the western knowledge and enlightening the public. His religious works either borrows the text form of Confucian classics to convey the religious content in hope of canonizing those religious works, or blend the words with Confucian connotations in the sermons with a view to reducing the obstacles of mission. Medhurst is a typical combination of a scholar missionary and itinerant preacher, whose works and ways of spreading Christian doctrine produce a far-reaching influence upon the later missionaries.
Medhurst is one nearly omnipresent in the history of publishing and printing Chinese in the19th century. He contributes to Chinese Monthly Magazine and participates in its issuance, founds A Monthly Record of Important Selections, attends to the cease of the publication of Eastern Westerm Monthly Magazine, establishes and manages the Mission Press in Shanghai, and supervises the Chinese Serial. He also makes the important contributions to the early spread of western printing in China.
Medhurst is also an important figure in the history of the translation of the Bible into Chinese in the19th century. He is the main translator of the four versions of the Bible, each one of which is fused with his concept of translation different from his comtempories. His concept of translation is a result of his sensible judgment and visionary thinking, as well as a product of his rational response to the concrete historical and cultural field. Just because of his advanced concept of translation, each version of the four can meet and lead the needs of the era for the Chinese version of the Bible. Xin Yizhao Shu, published in1837, ostensibly a revison of New Testament of Shentian Shengshu of Robert Morrison, is in fact a completely new version, which, undergoing a few alterations, is published by Taiping Heavenly Kingdom. Although the version fails to be sponsored by BFBS, it is adopted by the missionarie in China for a considerable period of time, and it is very influential on the later Chinese versions of the Bible, especially in terminology.
The Delegates' Version is the most widespread wen-li version, as well as the most influential version before the publication of Mandarin Union Version. Delegates' Version is superior to Xin Yizhao Shu, and the reason, to a large extent, lies in the proficiency in Chinese of the Chinese translators cooperating with Medhurst and the scope of freedom in translation enjoyed by these Chinese translators. The Nanking Mandarin Version published in1856, the first mandarin Bible in modern China, is another version that demonstrates his concept of translation, following Xin Yizhao Shu and the Delegates'Version. The version is transcribed from the Delegates' Version, thus pioneering the new method of translating the Bible into Chinese. The version comes from Medhust's forecasting the value of the mandarin version and its widespreadness is connected with Taiping rebellion. With its publication, it stimulates the imitation of other mandarin versions and is adopted by some later versions as a master version or reference version, and a large number are issued in history.
Medhurst is an influential sinologist in the early and middle period of the19th century. Besides having an unusual talent for language, he is also a distinguished linguist. He compiles not a few dictionaries. He displays quite a genius in linguistics, especially in dialectology and makes great achievements, contributing much to the later linguistic studies. Furthermore, he is devoted to the translation of Chinese classics and local topography into English, making contributions to the spread of Chinese culture to the west. The Shoo King, translated by him, is the first version translated from Chinese to English, paving the way for James Legge's version and Walter Gorn Old's version in1904.
His attidutes towards the Chinese culture is inclined to be accomodationist, a missionary strategy he inherits from the Jesuits, and the attitude is also the product of his in-depth understanding of the Chinese culture. He achieves much in the Chinese translation of the Bible, linguistic studies, the translation of Chinese classics, and his missionary writing. The great achievements and fruitful efforts he makes contribute to the mutual understanding of China and the west, leaving the impressive imprint in the history of cultural exchange between China and the west.
引文
① Jost Oliver Zetzsche. The Bible in China:History of the Union Version, or the Culmination of Protestant Missionary Bible Translation in China. Nettetal:Steyler Verlag,1999, p.66.
① T. S. Foley. Biblical Translation in Chinese and Greek. Leiden:Brill,2009, p.20.
② T. S. Foley, Biblical Translation in Chinese and Greek, p.21.
③ T. S. Foley, Biblical Translation in Chinese and Greek, p.21.
④学者段怀清已把此文译成中文,见[美]韩南著,段怀清译：《作为中国文学之<圣经>：麦都思、王韬与“<圣经>委办本”》,《浙江大学学报》,第40卷第2期,2010年3月,第16-37页。
⑤已有中文译本,见[英]海恩波(Marshall Broomhall)著,蔡锦图译：《道在神州——中文圣经的翻译与流传》,香港：汉语圣经协会,2000年。
①杨森富编著：《中国基督教史》,台北：台湾商务印书馆,1968年,第378页。
①吴义雄：《译名之争与早期的<圣经>中译》,《近代史研究》,2000年第2期,第216-217页。
②李炽昌：《圣号论衡：晚清<万国公报>基督教“圣号论争”文献汇编》,上海：上海古籍出版社,2008年,前言,11。而黄文江(2004)则认为《万国公报》中华人的论争文章观点新颖,长期看来价值非凡,见Wong, Timothy Man-kong. "The Rendering of God in Chinese by the Chinese:Chinese Responses to the Term Question in the Wanguo gongbao," in Michael Lackner and Natascha Vittinghoff, eds. Mapping Meanings:the Field of New Learning in Late Qing China. Leiden:Brill,2004, pp.589-613.
①洪惟仁：《台湾文献书目解题：语言类》,台北：“国立中央图书馆”台湾分馆,1996,第197页。
①《麦都思行略》,载沈国威编著：《六合丛谈：附题解·索引》,上海：上海辞书出版社,2006年,1857年一卷四号,第580页。
① W. C. M. "The Late Rev. Dr. Medhurst," in John Campbell, ed. The Christian Witness, and Church Members Magazine. Vol. ⅩⅣ. London:John Snow,1857.
①钱乘旦、许洁明：《英国通史》,上海：上海社会科学出版社,2002年,第212页。
①[美]保罗·肯尼迪著,蒋葆英等译：《大国的兴衰》,北京：中国经济出版社,1989年,第188-189页。
②[美]保罗·肯尼迪：《大国的兴衰》,第189页。
③[美]保罗·肯尼迪：《大国的兴衰》,第198页。
④[美]威利斯顿·沃尔克著,孙善玲、段琦、朱代强译：《基督教会史》,北京：中国社会科学出版社,1991年,第575页。
①钱乘旦、许洁明：《英国通史》,第210-211页。
②[英]约翰·麦克曼勒斯主编,张景龙等译：《牛津基督教史(插图本)》,贵州：贵州人民出版社,1995年,第284页。
③1977年伦敦传道会与英联邦传道会(Commonwealth Society)及英国长老会差传委员会(Foreign Missions Committee of the Presbyterian Church of England)合并为世界传道会(Council for World Mission),总部位于伦敦。
①《行略》刊于《六合丛谈》1卷4号(咸丰七年五月初一,即1857年4月24日),从行文看明显经儒士润饰过,其上载麦都思去世时间为丙辰年十二月二十九日,即公历1857年1月24日,和《纪念录》所载一致。《行略》和《纪念录》大致相同,都是略述麦都思来华前的经历,而详介其来华后的事迹。《行略》中的记载明显依照中国给死者写墓志铭或生平时的传统,不吝溢美之词,而《纪念录》对于其生平记载则要详细客观一点。《行略》提及一条新信息,即在他离开圣保罗教堂学校后,“继回哥罗斯的乃祖父之故邑也”,说明他的祖籍地为格罗斯特(Gloucester)。
② Alexander Wylie. Memorials of Protestant Missionaries to the Chinese, Giving a List of Their Publications, and Obituary Notices of the Deceased. Shanghai:American Presbyterian Mission Press,1867, p.25.
③主日学校是英美等国在星期日为儿童及没有机会接受正规教育的成人开办的初等教育机构,主要教授圣经、拼音、识字。第一所主日学校是由英国慈善家罗伯特·雷克斯(Robert Raikes)于1780年创办于格罗斯特。到19世纪上半叶时风行于英国,后为公立学校取代。许多主日学校是在教堂和小教堂的基础上建立起来的,宗教教育和道德教育被置于重要地位,详见[英]奥尔德里奇著,诸惠芳等译：《简明英国教育史》,北京：人民教育出版社,1987年,第73页;任钟印、李文奎编：《外国教育通史》第三卷,济南：山东教育出版社,1990年,第21-22页。
④ W. C. M."The Late Rev. Dr. Medhurst," p.163.
⑤奥尔德里奇：《简明英国教育史》,第74-75页。
① Alexander Wylie, Memorials of Protestant Missionaries to the Chinese, pp.36-40.
② Walter Henry Medhurst. China:its State and Prospects, with Special Reference to the Spread of the Gospel: Containing Allusions to the Antiquity, Extent, Population, Cultivation, Literature, and Religion of the Chinese. London:John Snow,1838, introduction, v.
③大象出版社于2008年推出此书的中文版《新教在华传教前十年回顾》,作为“马礼逊文集”系列丛书之一,由北京外国语大学中国海外汉学研究中心翻译组翻译。
④ Samuel Kidd(1804-1843)：英国传教士,1828到1832年被伦敦传道会派往马六甲任英华书院校长。1832年返英,任伦敦大学学院(University College London)中国语言教授。
⑤马礼逊和米怜似乎也没有很强的教育背景。马礼逊1802年成为长老会牧师,1803年在位于伦敦的霍克斯顿神学院(Hoxton Academy)接受神学训练,这所学院是给那些不信奉国教(nonconformi st)从而不能进入剑桥大学或牛津大学接受教育的学生提供大学层次的教育。此时,马礼逊决定成为一名传教士。1804年,马礼逊加入伦敦传道会,此年5月即入位于汉普郡的戈斯波特传教学院(a missionary academy at Gosport)学习。在此学习约一年零三个月之后,1805年回到伦敦,又接受了十六个月的集中学习,以医药、天文和中文为主修。米怜少年艰难,六岁时父亲去世,牧羊、耕种为生,25岁时加入伦敦传道会,在戈斯波特传教学院学习了约两年后被派往中国传教。
⑥ Medhurst, China, introduction, v.
①据http://www.1911encyclopedia.org/Walter_Henry_Medhurst。
②《麦都思行略》,载沈国威编著：《六合丛谈：附题解·索引》,1857年一卷四号,第576页。
③ W. C. M. "The Late Rev. Dr. Medhurst," p.163.
④出自《旧约·阿摩司书》4：11。
⑤W. C. M. "The Late Rev. Dr. Medhurst," p.163.
⑥ W. C. M. "The Late Rev. Dr. Medhurst," p.163.
① W. C. M. "The Late Rev. Dr. Medhurst" p.163.
② W. C. M. "The Late Rev. Dr. Medhurst," p.162.
①[美]威利斯顿·沃尔克：《基督教会史》,第481页。
②顾卫民：《基督教与近代社会》，上海：上海人民出版社,2010年,第30页。[美]威利斯顿·沃尔克：《基督教会史》,第478-479页。
①[美]费正清编,中国社会科学院历史研究所编译室译：《剑桥中国晚清史1800-1911年》(上卷),北京：中国社会科学出版社,1985年,第586-587页。
②一般以马礼逊1807年来华为始点,但也有以新教国家荷兰占领台湾并传教为初始的。荷兰于1624年入侵台湾,两年后从巴达维亚派遣传教士抵台。1662年,郑成功克复台湾,驱走荷兰人,新教传教势力也随之瓦解,见顾卫民：《基督教与近代社会》,第80页,注1；当时荷兰当局采取非常务实的方式推行新教,详见[英]约翰·麦克曼勒斯：《牛津基督教史(插图本)》,第273页。
③王治心撰,徐以骅导读：《中国基督教史纲》,上海：上海古籍出版社,2004年,第127页。
①[清]王之春著、赵春晨点校：《清朝柔远记》,北京：中华书局,1989年,第65页。
②[清]王之春著、赵春晨点校：《清朝柔远记》,第103页。
③洪任辉(James Flint),东印度公司职员,曾在广州学习中文,通晓中国语言,在广州长期担任翻译之职,被认为是英国第一个中文翻译。早在1755年(乾隆二十年),洪任辉来到宁波,请求互市,并得到允许。因宁波关税杂费低于粤海关,这造成到广州口岸贸易的船只减少,关税锐减。两年后,乾隆帝欲赴浙贸易船只返回广东,令浙海关提高关税税率一倍,使外商无利可图,自动返粤贸易。岂知这一策略无效,清廷于是关闭浙江口岸。身为东印度公司雇员的洪任辉赴宁波贸易被拒,便直航天津,上书乾隆,控诉粤海关苛捐杂税、敲诈勒索。结果相关人员受到惩处,洪任辉被圈禁于澳门。
④[清]王之春著、赵春晨点校：《清朝柔远记》,第110页。
⑤[清]王之春著、赵春晨点校：《清朝柔远记》,第149页。
①[清]王之春著、赵春晨点校：《清朝柔远记》,第152页。
②[清]王之春著、赵春晨点校：《清朝柔远记》,第163页。
③[清]王之春著、赵春晨点校：《清朝柔远记》,第163页。
④[清]王之春著、赵春晨点校：《清朝柔远记》,第165页。
⑤ W. H. Medhurst, China, pp.242-243.
⑥ W. H. Medhurst, China, pp.283-290.
⑦ Eliza Morrison, Robert Morrison, Samuel Kidd. Memoirs of the Life and Labours of Robert Morrison, D.D.: with Critical Notices of his Chinese Works, by Samuel Kidd, and an Appendix Containing Original Documents. Vol. Ⅰ. London:Longman, Orme, Brown, Green, and Longmans,1839, pp.365-366.
① Eliza Morrison, Robert Morrison. Samuel Kidd, Memoirs, I, pp.366-367.
②摈榔屿(Penang)曾一度成为伦敦传道会首选的东南亚传教地区。槟榔屿自1786年归东印度公司管辖后,来自中国、印度等地区的移民迅速增加。到这里开教不会遭致东印度公司的反对,在新加坡1819年开埠以前槟榔屿被视为马来群岛贸易和影响的新中心,潜力巨大,伦敦传道会在其1805年的报告中即把摈榔屿列为中国传教计划之一部分,欲在那建立传教基地。1806年时,伦敦会原打算把马礼逊派往槟榔屿,在此地区的中国人中传教,第二年,传道会的理事们改变初衷,认为要在中国人中获得传教的成功,关键要把圣经翻译成地道的中文,而东南亚显然不是最佳选择,所以决定把马礼逊派往中国本土,见Brian Harrison. Waiting for China:the Anglo-Chinese College at Malacca,1818-1843, and Early Nineteenth-Century Missions. Hong Kong:Hong Kong University Press,1979, pp.3-4.
③马六甲,位于马来半岛西南端,与印尼苏门答腊相对,古老的港口,始建于约1403年,曾为马六甲王国的都城,先后沦为葡萄牙(1511-1641)、荷兰(1641-1795)及英国(1826-1946)的殖民地。曾为重要的贸易和文化中心,荷兰统治时期,逐渐丧失了其贸易中心地位。在1795年到1818年英国东印度公司占领期间,英方认为只会暂时占有马六甲,拆毁其防御工事,倾力弱化其战略地位。1818年9月21日,英国东印度公司把马六甲移交给荷兰,见Brian Harrison, Waiting for China, pp.11-12.
④ Brian Harrison, Waiting for China, p.7.
⑤ Eliza Morrison, Robert Morrison, Samuel Kidd, Memoirs, I, p.367.
⑥ William Milne. A Retrospect of the First Ten Years of the Protestant Mission to China. Malacca:the Anglo-Chinese Press,1820, p.112.
① Brian Harrison, Waiting for China, p.12.
② Brian Harrison, Waiting for China, pp.16-17.
③ Eliza Morrison, Robert Morrison, Samuel Kidd, Memoirs, I, p.355.
④ Eliza Morrison, Robert Morrison, Samuel Kidd, Memoirs, I, p.355.
⑤ Eliza Morrison, Robert Morrison, Samuel Kidd, Memoirs, I, p.384; Brian Harrison, Waiting for China, p.20.
① Eliza Morrison, Robert Morrison, Samuel Kidd, Memoirs, I, pp.385-387; William Milne, A Retrospect of the First Ten Years of the Protestant Mission to China, pp.137-140;李志刚：《基督教早期在华传教史》,台北：台湾商务印书馆,1985年,第169-170页。
②恒河外方指印度东岸以外的南洋群岛及马来半岛。
① Brian Harrison, Waiting for China, p.28.
② William Milne, A Retrospect of the First Ten Years of the Protestant Mission to China, p.195.
③ Alexander Wylie, Memorials of Protestant Missionaries to the Chinese, pp.21-25; W. H. Medhurst, China, pp.307-310;李志刚：《基督教早期在华传教史》,第175页；卓南生：《中国近代报业发展史(1815-1874)》(增订版),北京：中国社会科学出版社,2002,第18-19页。
④ William Milne, A Retrospect of the First Ten Years of the Protestant Mission to China, p.154.
⑤ William Milne, A Retrospect of the First Ten Years of the Protestant Mission to China, p.155.
⑥ William Milne, A Retrospect of the First Ten Years of the Protestant Mission to China, pp.154-156.
① William Milne, A Retrospect of the First Ten Years of the Protestant Mission to China, pp.190-191.
② William Milne, A Retrospect of the First Ten Years of the Protestant Mission to China, pp.191-192; Eliza Morrison, Robert Morrison, Samuel Kidd, Memoirs, I, p.500.
③见第三章第一节。
④ William Milne, A Retrospect of the First Ten Years of the Protestant Mission to China, p.157.
⑤ Brian Harrison, Waiting for China, p.24.
⑥ Brian Harrison, Waiting for China, p.26.
①1818年,马礼逊在写给传道会的信中,尽力弱化筹建中书院世俗教育的一面,而强调其培训传教士、传播教义的一面,“请求您慎重对待新生的神学院(seminary),英华书院。其最终目标……是基督统治世界。文学只是手段,而不是目的。”Letter of Morrison to Directors,30 Jan.1818, cited from Brian Harrison, Waiting for China, p.35.
② Eliza Morrison, Robert Morrison, Samuel Kidd, Memoirs, I, p.426.
③此时,麦都思此时正以印刷工的身份在马六甲代米怜管理基地一切事务,1819年4月27日,才被按立为牧师。恒河外方传道会临时委员会决议概述如下Ⅰ我们建议在马六甲或其他传教站制定一同就餐(PublicTable)制度：Ⅱ建议到马六甲的传教士在熟悉语言后,到临近国家传教,建议他们遵从当地传教会的定制；Ⅲ鉴于马来人基本不识文字,分发布道书籍手册作用不大,我们建议针对他们以口头宣教和学校教育为主；Ⅳ对中国人传教为主,建筑的主体部分供对中国人传教之用；Ⅴ建议宗教仪式由年长传教士主持：Ⅵ印刷所可承担盈利项目；Ⅶ《印支搜闻》由现任主编负责继续发行；Ⅷ如情况和设施允许,要教授年轻的同工学习本地语言,如有必要,也传授神学和其他门类的知识；Ⅸ我们年轻的同工要尽早到摈榔屿、爪哇和其他定居点巡游,分发圣经和布道手册,再行返回；Ⅹ在中国本土和马六甲要留有期刊和给传道会的信件副本；成本计入总账；Ⅺ对1818年,9月1日关账；总站将来所需的建筑继续修建；Ⅷ我们尽力完成未译的旧约;ⅩⅣ已完成翻译、修订或到今年年底将要完成翻译、修订的旧约,会在中国本土雇佣工人并派到马六甲进行印刷；ⅩⅤ搜集日本岛的信息,以备到那传教。马礼逊米怜恒河外方传道会临时委员会成员,1817年11月2日中国广州决议见William Milne, A Retrospect of the First Ten Years of the Protestant Mission to China, pp.199-201; Eliza Morrison, Robert Morrison, Samuel Kidd, Memoirs, I, pp.503-06.
①麦都思何时到巴达维亚传教,观点不一,一般认为他到巴达维亚的时间为1821年底,见李志刚：《基督教早期在华传教史》,第170页；Brian Harrison, Waiting for China, p.92但根据麦都思的《中国：现状与展望》,其到巴达维亚时间为1822年初,见W. H. Medhurst, China, P.331.
① Brian Harrison, Waiting for China, pp.22-23.
② William Milne, A Retrospect of the First Ten Years of the Protestant Mission to China, p.163.
③卡迪尔(Abdullah bin Abdul Kadir,1797-1854),马来人,生于马六甲,1815年始入马六甲的传道学校学习英语,和伦敦会的马六甲传教基地关系密切,曾为米怜、谭信及后来多位传教士的马来语教师,也在英华书院图书馆帮过忙,曾辅助马来语的翻译、印刷出版等事务。著有自传《阿卜杜拉的故事》(Hikayat Abdullah),书中提及过多位传教士,如称麦都思为“一位非常热情的老师,思维很有逻辑性,大脑聪慧,学东西很快”。Brian Harrison, Waiting for China, pp.118-19.
④ W. H. Medhurst, China, p.311.
⑤ W. H. Medhurst. A Dictionary of the Hok-Keen Dialect of the Chinese Language. Macao:Printed at the Honorable East India Company's Press,1832, p.ⅵ.
① William Milne, A Retrospect of the First Ten Years of the Protestant Mission to China, p.195.
② W. H. Medhurst, China, p.311.
③ William Milne, A Retrospect of the First Ten Years of the Protestant Mission to China, p.196.
④ William Milne, A Retrospect of the First Ten Years of the Protestant Mission to China, p.196.
⑤ Brian Harrison, Waiting for China, p.13.
⑥ W. H. Medhurst, China, p.314.
① W. H. Medhurst, China, pp.311-12.
② "Penang:Descriptions of the Island; its Population,&c.; Christian Missions, Their Establishment, Progress, and Present State," in the Chinese Repository, Vol.3, Sep.1834, p.223.
③ Letter of Milne to Directors, from Malacca, Aug.23,1821, LMS, cited from Brian Harrison, Waiting for China, pp.62-63.
④在米怜从澳门来广州之前,马礼逊在他的1813年7月4日的日记中记载：“实在不行,就让他到爪哇或 马六甲去”。同时马礼逊写信给伦敦传道会的理事,报告说他自己也认为“在爪哇的中国人中传教大有可为”。随后米怜被派往爪哇和马六甲做了实地考察,见Eliza Morrison, Robert Morrison, Samuel Kidd, Memoirs, I, p.367; William Milne, A Retrospect of the First Ten Years of the Protestant Mission to China, p. 112; Brian Harrison, Waiting for China, pp.13-14.米怜在爪哇的考察历时近五个月,1814年3月10日到达,8月3日离开。收集了当地居民,特别是中国定居者的信息,并在全岛广泛游历,曾到爪哇的中东部和马都拉(Madura)岛游览了六周,还去了大多数中国人居住的大型城镇和村庄。当时爪哇的英国战时副长官拉弗尔斯(Stramford Raffles)也给他提供了当地大量有用的信息,见Brian Harrison, Waiting for China, pp.15-16.
① W. H. Medhurst, China, p.330; William Milne,A Retrospect of the First Ten Years of the Protestant Mission to China, p.219.
② Letter of Medhurst to LMS, from Batavia, Aug.23,1823麦都思1823年8月报告伦敦会史赖德买卖、虐待奴隶的事件引起伦敦会的极大关注,伦敦会理事随后于1823年9月29日和10月23日连发两封信询问麦都思情况,麦都思于1823年5月4日回信证实所言属实,并提供了大量的细节,见Letter of Medhurst to LMS, from Batavia, May.4th,1824.
③几位当地的英国人建立了一个委员会募集捐款,以为麦都思的宗教服务提供资助,捐款在1,500西班牙币以内的部分按季支付给麦都思,超过的部分由委员会处置,见Resolutions of the Meeting, Jan.29th,1823.
④ Letter of Medhurst to LMS, from Batavia, Sept.1,1824.
⑤ W. H. Medhurst, China, pp.331-32.
⑥ W. H. Medhurst, China, p.333.
① William Milne, A Retrospect of the First Ten Years of the Protestant Mission to China, p.158.
② "Religious Intelligence, Java," in the Chinese Repository, Vol.2, March 1834, p.518;给马来裔犯人布道,见W. H. Medhurst, China, p.357.
③安息日早晨来听英语布道的大约有二、三十人,安息日中午来听马来语布道的大概有四十人,周五晚在学校里听布道的大概有二、三十个本地出生的基督徒,在德波有学生二十人、教友四十人以及二十位新信徒来听布道。其他时间来听布道的人数要少一些。"Religious Intelligence, Java," in the Chinese Repository. Vol.2, March 1834, p.518.
① William Milne, A Retrospect of the First Ten Years of the Protestant Mission to China, p.161.
② Letter of Medhurst to LMS, from Batavia, Sept.1st,1824; W. H. Medhurst, China, pp.333-34; "Religious Intelligence, Java," in the Chinese Repository, Vol.2, March 1834, pp.519-20; Jane Kate Leonard. "W. H. Medhurst:Rewriting the Missionary Message," in Suzanne W. Barnett and John K. Fairbank, eds. Christianity in China:Early Protestant Missionary Writings. Cambridge, MA. Harvard University Press,1985, pp.48-55.
③ Jessie Gregory Lutz. Opening China:Karl F. A. Gutzlaff and Sino-We stern Relations,1827-1852. Michigan: Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing Co.2008, p.39.
① "Reisverhaal van Zendeling Gutzlaff,11 Sept 1826-12 Feb 1827,'"entry for 6 January 1827, Nederlandsch Zendeling Genootschap Archives, Kast.19, No.1, Doss.G, cited from Jessie Gregory Lutz, Opening China: Karl F. A. Gutzlaff and Sino-Western Relations,1827-1852, p.39.
② W. H. Medhurst, China, p.335.
③ W. H. Medhurst, China, pp.343-44.
④ Letter of Medhurst to LMS, from Batavia, June 3,1825.
⑤ W. H. Medhurst, China, p.357-360.
⑥ Letter of Medhurst to LMS, from Batavia, Aug 23,1823.
⑦ Letter of Medhurst to LMS, from Batavia, Sept.1st,1824.
⑧ Letter of Medhurst to LMS, from Batavia, Sept.7,1825.
① Letter of Medhurst to LMS, from Batavia, Oct.1st,1833.
② Letter of Medhurst to LMS, from Batavia, Jan.28,1828.
③ First Annual Report of the Committee of the Parapattan Orphan Asylum, March 13,1834, Batavia:the Parapattan Press,1834.
④ Letter of Medhurst to LMS, from Batavia, April 18,1841. Letter of Medhurst to LMS, from Batavia, Oct.4, 1842.
⑤ Eliza Morrison, Robert Morrison, Samuel Kidd, Memoirs, I, p.355.
⑥ Brian Harrison, Waiting for China, pp.19=20.
⑦ Letter of Medhurst to LMS, from Batavia, Oct.26,1840.
⑧书名为The Catechism of Nature for the Use of Children
⑨ W. H. Medhurst. "Report of the Chinese Seminary, Parapattan, Batavia", in the Chinese Repository, Vol.11, April 1842,p.231.
①Brian Harrison,Waiting for China,p.86.
② Brian Harrison,Waiting for China,pp.86-87.
③[美]费正清编:《剑桥中国晚清史1800-1911年》(上卷),第599-600页.
① W. H. Medhurst, China, p.335.
② W. H. Medhurst, China, p.339.
③ W. H. Medhurst, China, p.340.
④ W. H. Medhurst, China, p.341.
⑤麦都思可能是第一位考虑到访泰国的新教传教士,据W. H. Medhurst, "Journal of a Tour through the Settlements on the Eastern side of the Peninsula of Malacca,1828," in A collection of journals of the Ultra-Ganges missions and of travels, etc. by various individuals:vol. Ⅰ, August 1828 to Jan.1832, Singapore/Malacca, n.d.; reprinted in the Chinese Repository, I, Oct.1832, pp.226-28; Brian Harrison, Waiting for China, pp.92-4.
① W. H. Medhurst, China, pp.347-348.
② W. H. Medhurst, China, p.349.
③ W. H. Medhurst, China, p.349.
④ W. H. Medhurst, China, p.350.
⑤ W. H. Medhurst, "Journal of a Tour through the Settlements on the Eastern side of the Peninsula of Malacca, 1828," pp.226-28; Brian Harrison, Waiting for China, pp.92-4.
⑥ W. H. Medhurst, China, p.350.
⑦ W. H. Medhurst, China, pp.352-353.
① W. H. Medhurst, China, p.356.
② Charles Gutzlaff. Journal of Three Voyages along the Coast of China, in 1831,1832, & 1833, with Notices of Siam, Corea, and the Loo-Choo Islands. London:Frederick Westley and A. H. Davis,1834, p.133.
③ Charles Gutzlaff, Journal of Three Voyages along the Coast of China,1834, p.135.
① Charles Gutzlaff, Journal of Three Voyages along the Coast of China,1834, p.413.
② Annual Report of the American Bible Society,18th report, New York:Daniel Fanshaw,1834, p.47.
③ W. H. Medhurst, China, pp.362-364.
④郭实腊曾写道：“在巴达维亚,因为麦都思这位不屈不挠的传教士,传教工作进展非常顺利。他的宣教和手册派发遍及全岛。作者(郭实腊)是他不知疲倦之热忱的见证者。他深入巴厘岛,远赴婆罗洲坤甸的金矿矿山,那里有中国人建的小型团体。他还广播福音于马来半岛东海岸……”见Charles Gutzlaff. A Sketch of Chinese History, Ancient and Modern:Comprising a Retrospect of the Foreign Intercourse and Trade with China. Illustrated by a New Corrected Map of the Empire. Vol. Ⅱ. London:Smith, Elder and Co., Cornhill.1834. p.175.
⑤李志刚：《基督教早期在华传教史》,第288页,注十七。
⑥ W. H. Medhurst, China, pp.364-65.
①俞强：《鸦片战争前传教士眼中的中国》,济南：山东大学出版社,2010年,第82、109-110页。
② W. H. Medhurst, China, p.367.
③ W. H. Medhurst, China, p.359(2B).
④ W. H. Medhurst, China, p.360.
⑤ W. H. Medhurst, China, p.361(2B2).
① W. H. Medhurst, China, p.366.
② W. H. Medhurst, China, p.370.
③ W. H. Medhurst, China, pp.499-500.
④ W. H. Medhurst, China, pp.499-500.
⑤ W. H. Medhurst, China, p.501.
① W. H. Medhurst, China, pp.524,534.
② W. H. Medhurst, China, p.497; Evangelical Magazine and Missionary Chronicle,14th Volume, London: Frederick Westley and A. H. Davis,1836, p.318.
③ J W. H. Medhurst, China, p.393 (2D2))
④ W. H. Medhurst, China, p.495.
① W. H. Medhurst, China, pp.441-445.
② W. H. Medhurst, China, p.404.
③ W. H. Medhurst, China, p.412.
④ W. H. Medhurst, China, p.456.
①麦都思在1842年初就和伦敦会商讨移驻中国本土传教及巴达维亚传教基地的后续安排等事宜,开始,麦都思向伦敦会提出到澳门宣教的想法,但伦敦会1842年7月30日的回信建议暂时搁置此事：1842年8月,《南京条约》签订,麦都思一得到消息,即写信给伦敦会理事告知五口通商一事,因自己熟悉福建方言,提出到福州开教的建议,见Letter of Medhurst to LMS, from Batavia, Feb.19,1842; Oct.4,1842; Oct.28,1842.
② Letter of Medhurst to LMS, from Shanghai, Dec.26,1843.苏精：《马礼逊与中文印刷出版》,台北：台湾学生书局,2000,第203页。
③ Letter of Medhurst to LMS, from Shanghai, Dec.26,1843.
④ Richard Lovett. History of the London Missionary Society 1795-1895. Vol. Ⅱ. London:Henry Frowde,1899, pp. 508-509.
⑤ Letter of Medhurst to LMS, from Shanghai, May 1st,1844.
⑥ Marshall Broomhall. The Chinese Empire:a General & Missionary Survey. London:Morgan & Scott,1907, p. 86.
①熊月之认为墨海书馆的这块地是麦都思于1846年租得的,见熊月之著：《西学东渐与晚清社会》,北京：中国人民大学出版社,2011年修订版,第145页。详细讨论参见本论文的第三章第二节。
②苏精：《马礼逊与中文印刷出版》,台北：台湾学生书局,2000,第206页。麦都思在1846年4月的信中谈到,所获得的土地花费160元,可建成容纳300人的教堂,建筑成本需约1,600元,总共约需2,000元,见Letter of Medhurst, Lockhart to LMS, April 10,1846.到1846年8月前,小教堂就已经竣工,8月24日就使用来举行了公共礼拜仪式,见The Missionary Magazine and Chronicle, April 1847, Vol. Ⅺ, p.57.
③苏精：《马礼逊与中文印刷出版》,第207页。
① Samulel Couling and George Lanning. The Hisotry of Shanghai. London Missionary Society Archives, CWMLs139v1,1921.到1845年,各差会传教士陆续来到上海,麦都思主持领事馆宗教仪式的工作也就停止了,见Letter of Medhurst, Fairbrother, and Lockhart to LMS, Dec.7,1845.
② School of Oriental and African Studies, MS 380645 Lockhart Folder 1, W. Lockhart to his father and sister, Shanghai, March 18,1844.
③ Letter of Medhurst, Lockhart to LMS, from Shanghai, Dec.27,1845.
④ School of Oriental and African Studies, MS 380645 Lockhart Folder 1, W. Lockhart to his friends, Shanghai, April 1st,1844; Letter of Medhurst, Lockhart to LMS, from Shanghai, May 1,1844.
⑤ School of Oriental and African Studies, MS 380645 Lockhart Folder 1, W. Lockhart to the unidentified person, Shanghai, April 13,1844.
⑥ School of Oriental and African Studies, MS 380645 Lockhart Folder 1, W. Lockhart to his father and sister, Shanghai, July 2,1844.
⑦ School of Oriental and African Studies, MS 380645 Lockhart Folder 1, W. Lockhart to his father and sister, Shanghai, July 25,1844; Letter of Medhurst to LMS, from Shanghai, March 31,1845.
⑧ School of Oriental and African Studies, MS 380645 Lockhart Folder 1, W. Lockhart to his father and sister, Shanghai, May 14,1844.
① Letter of Medhurst to LMS, from Shanghai, Dec.26,1843.
② Letter of Medhurst, Fairbrother, and Lockhart to LMS, Dec.7,1845.
③ Letter of Medhurst, Lockhart to LMS, April 10,1846.
④ Letter of Medhurst, Lockhart and William C. Milne to LMS, April 10,1847;苏精,《马礼逊与中文印刷出版》,第213页。
⑤ Medhurst' letter to LMS, April 19,1853;苏精,《马礼逊与中文印刷出版》,第213页。
⑥苏精,《马礼逊与中文印刷出版》,第218页。
⑦ The Evangelical Magazine and Missionary Chronicle, April,1856, Vol. ⅩⅩⅩⅣ, p.228.⑧苏精,《马礼逊与中文印刷出版》,第218页。
①苏精,《马礼逊与中文印刷出版》,第221页。
② Letter of Medhurst to LMS, from Shanghai, March 19,1853.
③ Letter of Medhurst to LMS, from Shanghai, March 31,1845.
④ Medhurst's letter to LMS, from Shanghai, November 10,1850.
⑤苏精：《马礼逊与中文印刷出版》,第239页。
① J. K. Leonard, "W. H. Medhurst:Rewriting the Missionary Message," p.49.
①熊月之：《近代西学东渐的序幕——早期传教士在南洋等地活动史料钩沉》,《史林》,1992年第4期,第21页。
②吴义雄,《在宗教与世俗之间——基督教新教传教士在华南沿海的早期活动研究》,广州：广东教育出版社,2000年,第433页。
③熊月之：《西学东渐与晚清社会》,第74页。
① Robert Morrison. Horae Sinicae:Translations from the Popular Literature of the Chinese. London:Black and Parry,1812.
②《印支搜闻》的当时的主要撰稿人只有米怜、马礼逊、麦都思及梁阿发少数几个,从行文看,此文可能为初学中文的麦都思所写。
③ William Milne. The Indo-Chinese Gleaner. No. Ⅲ. April,1819, p.90.
④ William Milne. Robert Morrison. Memoirs of the Rev. William Milne, D.D., Late Missionary to China and Principal of the Anglo-Chinese College. The Mission Press,1824, p.100.
③裨治文的《三字经》译文刊载于1835年7月的《中国丛报》。
⑥ William Milne. The Indo-Chinese Gleaner. No. Ⅲ. April,1819, p.89.
① E. C. Bridgeman, "Santsze King, or Trimetrical Classic; its Form, Size, Author, Object, and Style; a Translation with Notes; the Work Ill Adapted to the Purposes of Primary Education," in the Chinese Repository, Vol.4, July 1835, p.118.
②郭红：《从幼童启蒙课本到宣教工具——1823至1880年间基督教<三字经>的出版》,《史学集刊》,2009年第6期,第52页。
③ Alexander Wylie. Memorials of Protestant Missionaries to the Chinese, p.27.
④据邹颖文,此版本为麦都思所撰,为何作者会成为“欧适子”?邹颖文认为,“麦都思或书坊当时乃借用一个以《解元三字经》为名的蒙学版本以宣传耶教仿本,而此蒙学《解元三字经》作者正是‘顺德欧适子’。’见邹颖文：《晚清<三字经>英译本及耶教仿本<解元三字经>概述》,《图书馆论坛》,2009年第2期,178页。
①邹颖文根据香港中文大学所藏的夏察理(Charles Hartwell,1825-1905)1875年著福州美华书局本《真理三字经》推断,此1913年版的《三字经》为麦都思所作,见邹颖文：《晚清<三字经>英译本及耶教仿本<解元三字经>概述》,第177页。
②据郭红的研究,麦都思的《三字经》从1823年初版到1851年彻底修订,经历了一个不断修订的过程,文字有更加典雅、押韵的趋势,见郭红：《从幼童启蒙课本到宣教工具-1823至1880年间基督教<三字经>的出版》,第54页。
③郭红：《从幼童启蒙课本到宣教工具——1823至1880年间基督教<三字经>的出版》,《史学集刊》,2009年第6期,第55页。
④麦都思：《三字经》,福州：亚比丝喜美总会,麦都思185?年。香港大学图书馆目录所注时间为185?笔者认为,此《三字经》仍用“神”来称呼上帝,应和1843年英华书院修订出版的《三字经》出版时间大致相同。
⑤麦都思： 《三字经》,上海：墨海书馆,1856年。
①后又帮助麦都思润饰重写了《野客问难记》(1854;1863)和《宗主诗篇》(1856)
② Evelyn S. Rawski. "Elementary Education in the Mission Enterprise," in Suzanne W. Barnett and John K. Fairbank, eds. Christianity in China:Early Protestant Missionary Writings. Cambridge, MA. Harvard University Press,1985, p.148.
③郭红：《从幼童启蒙课本到宣教工具——1823至1880年间基督教<三字经>的出版》,第55页。
①此处引一段太平《三字经》以示其和麦都思《三字经》的不同：1853年,天平太国《三字经》皇上帝,造天地。造山海,万物备。六日间,尽造成。人宰物,得光荣。七日拜,报天恩。普天下,把心虔。说当初。讲番国。敬上帝,以色列。十二子,徙麦西。帝眷顾,子孙齐。后狂出,鬼入心。忌兴旺,苦害侵。命养女,莫害男。烦役苦,实难堪。皇上帝,垂悯他。命摩西,还本家。命亚伦,迎摩西。同启奏,神迹施。狂硬心,不肯释。见《三字经》,太平天国癸好三年(1853)镌刻。郭红进一步指出,天平《三字经》和1850年的《绣像真理三字经注释》(开头为：皇上帝,造天地,造山海)以及广州出版的《真理三字经》(开头为：造天地,山与海)有些渊源,见郭红：《从幼童启蒙课本到宣教工具——1823至1880年间基督教<三字经>的出版》,第57页。
②黄时鉴：《<三字经>与中西文化交流》,载黄时鉴：《黄时鉴文集》Ⅲ,上海：中西书局,2011年,第54页。
③黄时鉴：《<三字经>与中西文化交流》,第54-55页。
④据Pamphlets Issued by the Chinese Insurgents at Nan-King中的序言所载,Pamphlets所收的《三字经》的中文底本来自文翰。见W. H. Medhurst. Pamphlets Issued by the Chinese Insurgents at Nan-King, to Which is Added a History of the Kwang-Se Rebellion, Gathered from Public Documents, and a Sketch of the Connection Between Foreign Missionaries and the Chinese Insurrection. Shanghae:Printed at the Office of the "N.-G. Herald" 1853(香港大学馆藏缩微).笔者未曾见到1852年的《北华捷报》,如据熊月之所载,那么有可能麦都思已先于1852年得到太平《三字经》,并译之为英文,刊登在1852年8月7日的《北华捷报》。
① W. H. Medhurst, Pamphlets Issued by the Chinese Insurgents at Nan-King, pp.3-5.
② Letter of Medhurst to LMS, from Batavia, Sept.1st,1824.
③基督教《三字经》约于1823年7、8月份完成,首次印了200册,深受中文学校的学生喜爱,见Letter of Medhurst to LMS, from Batavia, Aug.23,1823.
④《麦都思行略》,载沈国威编著：《六合丛谈：附题解·索引》,第577页。
⑤ W. H. Medhurst, China, p.333.
⑥ Evelyn S. Rawski, "Elementary Education in the Mission Enterprise," p.146.
① Records of the General Conference of the Protestant Missionaries of China, Held at Shanghai, May 7-20,1890. Shanghai:Presbyterian Mission Press,1890, p.486.
② Evelyn S. Rawski, "Elementary Education in the Mission Enterprise," p.146.
③ Evelyn S. Rawski, "Elementary Education in the Mission Enterprise," pp.144-145.
④ Letter of Medhurst to LMS, from Batavia, Sept.1st,1824.
①《麦都思行略》,载沈国威编著：《六合丛谈：附题解·索引》,第576页。
②William Milne, A Retrospect of the First Ten Years of the Protestant Mission to China, p.219.
③苏精：《马礼逊与中文印刷出版》,第167页注。
④沈国威：《1819年的两本西方地理书》,《或问》,2004年第8号,第164页。
①德国柏林国家图书馆所藏麦都思著《地理便童略传》中文单行本,转引自邹振环：《麦都思及其早期中文史地著述》,《复旦学报》,2003年第5期,第100页。
②德国柏林国家图书馆所藏麦都思著《地理便童略传》中文单行本,转引自邹振环：《麦都思及其早期中文史地著述》,第100页。
①德国柏林国家图书馆所藏麦都思著《地理便童略传》中文单行本,转引自邹振环：《麦都思及其早期中文史地著述》,第101页。
②德国柏林国家图书馆所藏麦都思著《地理便童略传》中文单行本,转引自邹振环：《麦都思及其早期中文史地著述》,第101页。
③德国柏林国家图书馆所藏麦都思著《地理便童略传》中文单行本,转引自邹振环：《麦都思及其早期中文史地著述》,第101页。
④邹振环：《麦都思及其早期中文史地著述》,第99页。
⑤沈国威：《1819年的两本西方地理书》,第165页。
①爱汉者等编,黄时鉴整理：《东西洋考每月统记传》,北京：中华书局,1997年影印版,道光癸巳年六月,第4页。
②《麦都思行略》,载沈国威编著：《六合丛谈：附题解·索引》,第577-578页。
③ W. H. Medhurst, China, p.345.
④ W. H. Medhurst, China, p.345.
①W.H.Medhurst,China,pp.6-7.
②《麦都思行略》,载沈国威编著：《六合丛谈：附题解·索引》,第576页。
①爱汉者等编,黄时鉴整理：《东西洋考每月统记传》,第87页。
②爱汉者等编,黄时鉴整理：《东西洋考每月统记传》,第89页。
③爱汉者等编,黄时鉴整理：《东西洋考每月统记传》,第125页。
④爱汉者等编,黄时鉴整理：《东西洋考每月统记传》,第4页。
⑤爱汉者等编,黄时鉴整理：《东西洋考每月统记传》,第4页。
①爱汉者等编,黄时鉴整理：《东西洋考每月统记传》,第64页。
②爱汉者等编,黄时鉴整理：《东西洋考每月统记传》,第87页。
③爱汉者等编,黄时鉴整理：《东西洋考每月统记传》,导言。
④邹振环：《西方传教士与晚清西史东渐：以1815至1911年西方历史译著的传播与影响为中心》,上海：上海古籍出版社,2007年版,第57页。
① William Milne, A Retrospect of the First Ten Years of the Protestant Mission to China, pp.153-154; Eliza Morrison, Robert Morrison, Samuel Kidd, Memoirs,1, pp.500-501.
② Alexander Wylie. Memorials of Protestant Missionaries to the Chinese, p.19.
③ William Milne, A Retrospect of the First Ten Years of the Protestant Mission to China, p.56.
① William Milne, A Retrospect of the First Ten Years of the Protestant Mission to China, p.155
② William Milne, A Retrospect of the First Ten Years of the Protestant Mission to China, p.270.
③ Alexander Wylie. Memorials of Protestant Missionaries to the Chinese, p.19.但因《察世俗》所载文章皆不署名,麦都思具体撰写了哪些文章,我们还不能确知。
④据叶再生考证,《察世俗每月统记传》的停刊时间应为1822年,并非戈公振的《中国报学史》所载的1821年,见叶再生：《中国近代现代出版通史》(第一卷),北京：华文出版社,2002年,第141页。
⑤ W. H. Medhurst, China, pp.331-32.
⑥《特选撮要序》,《特选撮要每月纪传》道光癸未年六月号,第2-3页。
①William Milne, A Retrospect of the First Ten Years of the Protestant Mission to China, p.154.
②《特选撮要序》,《特选撮要每月纪传》道光癸未年六月号。
③苏精：《马礼逊与中文印刷出版》,第33页。
① W. H. Medhurst, China, p.336; Alexander Wylie. Memorials of Protestant Missionaries to the Chinese, p.29.
②尚德者纂：《神天之十条诫注明》,马六甲,英华书院,1832。
③尚德者纂：《神天之十条诫注明》,马六甲,英华书院,1832。
④ Philip Doddridge (1702-1751),生于伦敦,英国不从国教派(nonconformist)领袖,教育家,圣歌作家。Philip Doddridge. The Rise and Progress of Religion in the Soul, Illustrated in a Course of Serious and Practical Addresses, Suited to Persons of Every Character and Circumstance, with a Devout Meditation or Prayer Added to each Chapter. Boston:Timothy Bedlington,1822.
⑤ Alexander Wylie, Memorials of Protestant Missionaries to the Chinese, p.28.
①《亚勒大门特之死》,《特选撮要选集》卷一,香港中文大学图书馆缩微资料。
②尚德纂：《上帝生日之论》,新加坡书院藏板,183?
①尚德者纂：《神天之十条诫注明》,马六甲,英华书院,1832。香港大学图书馆缩微资料。
②《麦都思行略》,载沈国威编著：《六合丛谈：附题解·索引》,第577页。
①尚德：《清明扫墓之论》,新加坡书院藏板,183?第2-3页。香港大学图书馆缩微资料。
② W.H.Medhurst,China,p.336.
① Translation of a paper written by the Chinese in Batavia,附在1825年11月9日麦都思致伦敦会信件之后,见Letter of Medhurst to LMS, from Batavia, Nov.9,1825; W. H. Medhurst, China, p.339.
② W. H. Medhurst, China, p.333.
③ Alexander Wylie. Memorials of Protestant Missionaries to the Chinese, p.28.
①《咬畱吧总论第一回》,《特选撮要选集》道光癸未年六月号。香港中文大学图书馆缩微资料。
② Letter of Medhurst to LMS, from Batavia, Aug 23,1823.
③ Letter of Medhurst to LMS, from Batavia, Sept.1st,1824.
④ J. K. Leonard, "W. H. Medhurst:Rewriting the Missionary Message," p.57.
①《咬畱吧总论第一回》《第二回》《第三回》,《特选撮要选集》卷一,第1-12页。香港中文大学图书馆缩微资料。
②马光仁：《<特选撮要每月纪传>介绍》,《新闻大学》,1982年第5期,第75页。
③《咬畱吧总论第九回》,《特选撮要选集》卷一,第34页。香港中文大学图书馆缩微资料。
④据黄时鉴《<东西洋考每月统记传>影印本导言》,爱汉者等编,黄时鉴整理：《东西洋考每月统记传》,第18页。笔者并未在《特选撮要选集》中找到新闻。但也有学者认为第一篇新闻是刊载于《察世俗每月统计传》第一卷的《月食》一文：“照查天文,推算今年十一月十六日晚上,该有月食。始蚀于酉时约六刻,复原于亥时约初刻之间。若是此晚天色晴明,呷地诸人可见之。”见赵晓兰、吴潮：《传教士中文报刊史》,上海：复旦大学出版社,2011年,第50页。
①《咬畱吧总论第八回》,《特选撮要选集》卷一,第12页。香港中文大学图书馆缩微资料。
②《咬畱吧总论第八回》,《特选撮要选集》卷一,第33页。香港中文大学图书馆缩微资料。
③《咬畱吧总论第十回》,《特选撮要选集》卷一,第42页。香港中文大学图书馆缩微资料。
④《特选撮要选集》卷一,香港中文大学图书馆缩微资料。
⑤《特选撮要序》,《特选撮要每月纪传》道光癸未年六月号。
⑥ List of Books Printed at Batavia Written by W. H. Medhurst in the Chinese Language, in W. H. Medhurst, China, p.579.
① Letter of Medhurst to LMS, from Batavia, Sept.1,1824.
② Letter of Medhurst to LMS, from Batavia, Aug.23,1823.
③ Letter of Medhurst to LMS, from Batavia, Sept.1,1824.
④ Alexander Wylie, Memorials of Protestant Missionaries to the Chinese, pp.28-32.
① W. H. Medhurst, China, pp.341-342.
②赵晓兰、吴潮： 《传教士中文报刊史》,第46页。
③方汉奇：《中国新闻事业通史》(第一卷),北京：中国人民大学出版社,1992年版,第266页。
④ Letter of Medhurst to LMS, from Shanghai, June 24,1843.
①熊月之著：《西学东渐与晚清社会》,第144页。麦都思称,此房子租金合理(moderate),能容下两家人居住,并将在26日搬入此民宅,见letter of Medhurst to LMS, from Shanghai, Dec.26,1843.
②熊月之：《墨海书馆与<六和丛谈>》(未刊),转引自叶斌：《上海墨海书馆的运作及其衰落》,《史学月刊》,1999年第11期,第92页。
③苏精：《马礼逊与中文印刷出版》,第205页。据熊月之,麦都思于1846年1月,在英租界山东路租到一块业户徐彩章等的地基,面积13.31亩,年租金每亩1500文,共19546文,见熊月之著：《西学东渐与晚清社会》,第145页。
④苏精：《马礼逊与中文印刷出版》,第205页。
⑤王韬、李圭、黎庶昌、徐建寅：《漫游随录·环游地球新录·西洋杂志·欧游杂录》,长沙：岳麓书社,1985年版,第58-59页。
①陈昌文：《墨海书馆起讫时间考》,《史学月刊》,2002年第5期,第122-124页。
② Letter of Medhurst, Lockhart to LMS, May 1,1844据苏精,一同随麦都思到上海的两名助手为费罗柏(William Veloberg)和邱添生(K'hew T'heen-sang),见苏精：《马礼逊与中文印刷出版》,第229页。再据叶斌,Theen-sang即为王韬日记所载之“天生”,见叶斌：《上海开埠初期伦敦会发展的基督教徒分析》,《史林》,1998年第4期,第45页。但K'hew对应的汉语姓氏为“邱”还是“裘”,已不可考。另,费罗柏与邱天生都为麦都思在巴达维亚收留的孤儿,在巴达维亚的教会学校长大,一同随麦都思来沪。费罗柏在巴达维亚时已受洗。而邱天生和江永哲同于1845年受洗,他会说英文,性格温和而谦卑。关于邱天生,见Letter of Medhurst, Lockhart to LMS, Shanghai, Dec.27,1845.
③ Letter of Medhurst to LMS, from Shanghai, May 1st,1844;苏精：《马礼逊与中文印刷出版》,第230页。
④ W. H. Medhurst. English and Chinese Dictionary. Vol. Ⅰ. Shanghai:the Mission Press,1847, Preface, ⅲ.
⑤麦都思就急需一部滚筒印刷机一事几次致信伦敦会,要求伦敦会而不是大英圣书公会出资,因麦都思认为后者办事拖沓,会延误使用,但最后印刷机还是由大英圣书公会出资购得,见Letter of Medhurst to LMS, from Shanghai, Dec.27,1845; Dec.29,1845; April 10,1846.
①苏精：《马礼逊与中文印刷出版》,第231-232页。
② The Missionary Magazine and Chronicle, October,1853, ⅩⅦ. pp.229-230.
③ Letter of Medhurst to LMS, from Shanghai, June 27,1854; Letter of Medhurst to LMS, from Shanghai, September 6,1855.
④熊月之著：《西学东渐与晚清社会》,第146页。
⑤ Alexander Wylie, Memorials of Protestant Missionaries to the Chinese, p.32.
⑥1855年前来墨海书馆的伦敦会传教士：William Fairbrother (1845)、美魏茶(1846)、幕维廉(1847)、Benjamin Southwell (1847)、施敦力约翰(1847)、伟烈亚力(1847)、艾约瑟(1848)、杨格非(1855)、韦廉臣(1855)
①熊月之著：《西学东渐与晚清社会》,第160-164页。
②此书后经其子麦华佗修订后于1863年再版,再版中省去了1844年版的序言。
①Alexander Wylie, Memorials of Protestant Missionaries to the Chinese, p.38.
① The Encyclopedia Britannica, or Dictionary of Arts, Sciences, and General Literature. Vol. XX. Edinburgh: Adam and Charles Black,1860, p.287.
② Frederic Moore. "Synopsis of the Known Asiatic Species of Silk-producing Moths, with Descriptions of some New Species from India." The Proceedings of the Zoological Society of London,1859, Part Ⅰ. January-March, pp.238-242.
③ Joseph Needham. Science and Civilization in China: Vol.Ⅴ, Chemistry and Chemical Technology. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,1988. p.479.再如Catherine Jami, Peter Engelfriet, & Gregory Blue. Statecraft & Intellectual Renewal in Late Ming China:the Cross-Cultural Synthesis ofXu Guangqi (1562-1633). Leiden: Brill, p.453.
④王大海著、姚楠、吴琅璇校注：《海岛逸志》,香港：学津书店,1992年,“校注者序”。
⑤王大海著、姚楠、吴琅璇校注：《海岛逸志》,“校注者序”。
⑥王大海著、姚楠、吴琅璇校注：《海岛逸志》,“校注者序”。
⑦ W. H. Medhurst. Trans. The Chinaman Abroad:or a Desultory Account of the Malayan Archipelago, Particularly of Java:by Ong-tae-hae. Shanghae:the Mission Press,1849, Translator's Preface.
①W. H. Medhurst, The Chinaman Abroad, Translator's Preface.
②苏精：《马礼逊与中文印刷出版》,第210页。
③叶斌：《上海墨海书馆的运作及其衰落》,第94页。
①麦都思到上海后首先给他的两个女儿施洗,见Letter of Medhurst, Lockhart to LMS, Shanghai, Dec.27,1845；稍后给江永哲和他从巴达维亚带来的华裔邱天生施洗。
② Letter of Medhurst, Lockhart to LMS, Shanghai, Dec.27,1845.
③ Letter of Medhurst, Lockhart to LMS, April 10,1846.
④ Letter of Medhurst, Lockhart to LMS, April 10,1846.
⑤ Letter of Medhurst to LMS, March 31,1845; The Missionary Magazine and Chronicle, April 1847, Vol. XI, p.58.叶斌：《上海开埠初期伦敦会发展的基督教徒分析》,《史林》,1998年第4期,第48页。
⑥ The Evangelical Magazine and Missionary Chronicle, April,1856, Vol. ⅩⅩⅩⅣ, p.228.
⑦苏精：《马礼逊与中文印刷出版》,第219页。这个潘哲清可能就是叶斌所考证的潘恂如(潘益群Pwan-e-chun),受洗时间也并非是1855年,而是1856年3月2日,他1859年和王韬一道去昆山参加了岁考,未能入围,见叶斌：《上海开埠初期伦敦会发展的基督教徒分析》,《史林》,1998年第4期,第51-52页。
①他的申请受洗的陈述见The Missionary Magazine and Chronicle, July 1860, Vol. ⅩⅩⅣ, pp.207-208.苏精：《马礼逊与中文印刷出版》,第220页。据叶斌,此人即沈毓桂,见叶斌：《上海开埠初期伦敦会发展的基督教徒分析》,《史林》,1998年第4期,第52-53页。
②罗香林：《香港与中西文化交流》,香港：中国学社,1961年,第68页。
③详见林启彦、黄文江主编的《王韬与近代世界》(香港：香港教育图书公司,2000年版)所收入的王尔敏《王韬在近代中国之思想先驱地位》及林启彦《王韬的中西文化观》两文。
④王韬：《弢园尺牍》,北京：中华书局,1959年版,第5页。
⑤王韬著、楚流等选注：《弢园文录外编》,沈阳：辽宁人民出版社,1994年版,第407页。
① Letter of Medhurst to LMS, Shanghai, Oct.11,1854.译文摘自苏精：《王韬的基督教信仰》,载林启彦、黄文江主编：《王韬与近代世界》,香港：香港教育图书公司,2000年版,第439页。
② Letter of Medhurst to LMS, Shanghai, Oct.11,1854.译文摘自苏精：《王韬的基督教信仰》,第439页。
③ Letter of Medhurst to LMS, Shanghai, Oct.11,1854.
④第一位明确提出王韬受洗入教的为柯文,但其依据的是传教大会的报告,而非洗礼申请原件,见Paul A. Cohen. Between Tradition and Modernity:Wang Tao and Reform in Late Ch'ing China. Cambridge, Mass, and London:Harvard University Press,1974, pp.20-21.哈佛大学韩南教授大概是最早发现这份申请的西方学者,并在其文章中引用了这份材料,见Patrick Hanan. "The Bible as Chinese Literature:Medhurst, Wang Tao, and the Delegates' Version," in Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies, vol.63, No.1 (2003), pp.197-239.台湾学者苏精早在其1998年发表的文章中就直接从伦敦会档案中引用了这封信,并把其大部分译成中文,见苏精：《王韬的基督教信仰》,载《历史与文化》(香港)第一卷,1998年1月出版,后苏精此文收入林启彦、黄文江主编：《王韬与近代世界》,第442-445页。叶斌将此信完整译为中文,并附简析,见叶斌：《王韬加入基督教文析》,《档案春秋》,1999年第4期,第65-68页。另一个中文译本为国内学者段怀清所译,原稿来自韩南,见段怀清：《论王韬的基督教信仰》,《清史研究》,2011年第2期。第28-30页。
①苏精：《王韬的基督教信仰》,载林启彦、黄文江主编：《王韬与近代世界》,第442-445页。
②W. H. Medhurstm, China, p.227.
③《送麦西士回国》,《蘅华馆诗录》卷二,《续修四库全书》,上海：上海古籍出版社,1995年,第456页,转引自王宏志：《“卖身事夷”的王韬：当传统文士当上了译者》,《复旦学报》,2011年第2期,第29-30页。
①王韬：《弢园尺牍》,第75页。
②[美]柯文著、雷颐、罗检秋译：《在传统与现代性之间——王韬与晚清改革》,南京：江苏人民出版社,1998年,第21-22页。
③柯文把王韬写给理雅各的信件的已刊本和原件做了对比,发现王韬在努力掩盖他与教会的关系。信的原件称理雅各为“牧师”,但出版时却改为“君”。而且,在原件的另一处,王韬称道理雅各：“其大旨所尚,则以福音诫人为先,欲跻一世于仁寿之域,而俾圣道之光无乎不烛。”在刊本中则为另一句与教会无关的话所替代。见[美]柯文著、雷颐、罗检秋译：《在传统与现代性之间——王韬与晚清改革》,第22页。
④王韬：《弢园尺牍》,第16页。
⑤王韬：《衡华馆日记》,原稿本,中央研究院历史语言研究所藏,转引自王尔敏：《王韬在近代中国之思想先驱地位》,载林启彦、黄文江主编：《王韬与近代世界》,第33页。
⑥理雅各此时已经完成并出版《中国经典》的前两卷,即《四书》的译文。王韬到港后助理雅各翻译《诗经》。
①这两部作品经修订后分别更名为《野客问难记》(1854；1863)和《宗主诗篇》(1856)。
②费乐仁著,尹凯荣译：《王韬与理雅各对新儒家优惠意识的回应》,载林启彦、黄文江主编：《王韬与近代世界》,香港：香港教育图书公司,2000年版,第135页。
①戈公振：《中国报学史》,上海：上海书店,1990年版,第70页。
② Alexander Wylie, Memorials of Protestant Missionaries to the Chinese, pp.48-49.
③卓南生：《中国近代报业发展史(1815-1874)》(增订版),第43页。
④《东西洋考》的版本情况及起讫时间,见黄时鉴《<东西洋考每月统记传>影印本导言》,载爱汉者等编,黄时鉴整理：《东西洋考每月统记传》,第5-9页。
⑤方汉奇：《中国新闻事业通史》(第一卷),第270页。
①爱汉者等编,黄时鉴整理：《东西洋考每月统记传》,第11-12页。
②方汉奇：《中国新闻事业通史》(第一卷),第270页；叶再生：《中国近代现代出版通史》(第一卷),第155页；卓南生：《中国近代报业发展史(1815-1874)》(增订版),第62页；赵晓兰、吴潮：《传教士中文报刊史》,第88-89页。
③奚礼尔(Charles Batten Hillier,1820-1856),前香港政府官员,曾任助理裁判司、首席裁判司、死因裁判官、定例局议员。1856年5月,获委任为首任英国驻暹罗领事,但不久即于同年10月18日去世。奚礼尔精通中文,曾接替麦都思担任香港第一份中文报刊《遐迩贯珍》的主编,1846年与麦都思的女儿结婚。
④麦都思和伦敦会商定于1836年3月启程,但因事耽搁一月,4月才出发,见Letter of Medhurst to LMS, from Batavia, Feb.27,1836.
⑤ Alexander Wylie, Memorials of Protestant Missionaries to the Chinese, p.26.
⑥ The Missionary Magazine and Chronicle, September 1838, Vol. ⅩⅩⅧ, pp.140-41.
⑦“大英圣书公会已决定不给与新版圣经以资助。你们的理事会正询问此事,看他们自己是否可以尽到职责(资助新版圣经)。麦都思先生现在英国,预期他会很快来美国,关于是否资助新版圣经的事先拖后再议。”见Annual Report of the American Bible Society,22nd report, New York:Daniel Fanshaw,1838, p.59.
⑧潘贤模：《南洋萌芽时期的报纸——近代中国报史初编》,载中国社会科学院新闻研究所编《新闻研究资料》(总第九辑),新华出版社,1981年版,第240页：赵晓兰、吴潮：《传教士中文报刊史》,第88-89页。
①赵晓兰、吴潮：《传教士中文报刊史》,第89页。
②Letter of Medhurst to LMS,from Batavia,Nov.17,1838.
③《麦都思行略》,载沈国威编著：《六合丛谈：附题解·索引》,第577页。
①转引自卓南生：《中国近代报业发展史(1815-1874)》(增订版),第62页。
②宗教文章在《六合丛谈》中每期都有刊载,但不管从文章数目还是篇幅看都占比较小,详见沈国威编著：《六合丛谈：附题解·索引》,第24页。《遐迩贯珍》以传播西学为宗旨,但宗教还是其必备的内容,如1855年第二号载《新旧约书为天示论》,介绍新、旧约,长达5页；1856年第二号载《崇信耶稣教略》,宣传基督教义。
③赵晓兰、吴潮：《传教士中文报刊史》,第103-117页。
④其资料价值详见(日)松浦章《序说：<遐迩贯珍>的世界》,载(日)松浦章、(日)内田庆市、沈国威编著：《遐迩贯珍——附解题·索引》,上海：上海辞书出版社,2005年版,第5页-64页。
①陈镐汶：《<从遐迩贯珍>到<六合丛谈>》,《新闻研究资料》,1993年02期,第210-211页。
②Alexander Wylie, Memorials of Protestant Missionaries to the Chinese, p.120.
③卓南生：《中国近代报业发展史(1815-1874)》(增订版),第69-70页。
④郭嵩焘：《郭嵩焘日记》,第一卷,长沙：湖南人民出版社,1981,第33页。
①陈镐汶：《<从遐迩贯珍>到<六合丛谈>》,第209-210页。
② http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Walter Henry Medhurst (consul)
③ Royal Asiatic Society. Proceedings of the Sixty-Third Anniversary Meeting of the Society, Held on the 17th of May,1886. The Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland, p. ⅩⅩⅢ of I-CLXIX.
④《麦都思行略》,载沈国威编著：《六合丛谈：附题解·索引》,第576页。
⑤英军侵占舟山时充当翻译以及南京条约后担任上海领事馆翻译的皆是麦华陀,而并非麦都斯。多处著述都把这些行为归为麦都斯所为。如“1841年他(指麦都思—笔者加)被聘任为英军通事乘坐军舰进入定海”。(见熊文华：《英国汉学史》,北京：学苑出版社,2007年,第45页。)1840、1841,英军两次入侵舟山定海,随军翻译皆是麦华佗。两次入侵时,麦都思都在巴达维亚。麦都思于1840年7月28、10月26日及1841年4月12日分别从巴达维亚致信伦敦会,汇报寄宿学校及传道站经费事宜。书信内容皆无涉英军入侵；且从时间上看,麦都思也无随英军侵华可能。
⑥ School of Oriental and African Studies, MS 380645 Lockhart Folder 1, W. Lockhart to his father and sister, Shanghai, April 13,1844.
⑦ Royal Asiatic Society. Proceedings of the Sixty-Third Anniversary Meeting of the Society, Held on the 17th of May,1886. The Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland, p. ⅩⅩⅢ.
① W. H. Medhurst, China, pp.186,546; Robert Morrison. Chinese Miscellany; Consisting of Original Extracts from Chinese Authors, in the Native Character; with Translations and Philosophical Remarks. London:Printed by S. McDowall, Leadenhall Street, for the London Missionary Society,1825, p.52; Samuel Kidd. China or, illustrations of the Symbols, Philosophy, Antiquities, Customs, Superstitions, Laws, Government, Education, and Literature of the Chinese. Derived from Original Sources, and Accompanied with Drawings from Native Works. London:Printed for Taylor & Walton,1841, pp.163-166.
②石印术即石版印刷术,是平版印刷的一种技术,1796年由奥匈帝国人施纳菲尔德发明。此法是以天然多微孔的石材为版材,利用油水不相容的原理创制。
①苏精：《马礼逊与中文印刷出版》,第174-177页。
②苏精：《马礼逊与中文印刷出版》,第182页。
③ Alexander Wylie, Memorials of Protestant Missionaries to the Chinese, p.30.
④ W. H. Medhurst, China, pp.344-45.此处作者可能记忆有误,实际上他本人的第一本石印书籍为Chinese School Book,刊印于1828年,详见Alexander Wylie, Memorials of Protestant Missionaries to the Chinese, p.30及苏精：《马礼逊与中文印刷出版》,第183页。
⑤苏精：《马礼逊与中文印刷出版》,第183-184页。
①韩琦：《晚清西方印刷术在中国的早期传播——以石印术的传入为例》,载韩琦、(意)米盖拉编：《中国和欧洲：印刷术与书籍史》,2008年版,第116页。
② The Chinese Repository,Vol.1,Feb,1833,p.422.
③苏精：《马礼逊与中文印刷出版》,第176页。
④ The Chinese Repository,Vol.3,Oct,1834,pp.249.250;W H.Medhurst,China,pp.552-563.
① W. H. Medhurst, China, p.564.
②台约尔(Samuel Dyer),1827年被伦敦传道会派往马六甲,负责印刷工作。他于1827年8月8日抵达槟榔屿,由于身体原因,他滞留在槟榔屿研究中文金属活字。1835年,到达马六甲后,采用先刻好雕版,再利用雕版制成铅版,将铅版锯开,从而获得一副铅活字。后经过长期试验,在1838年发明了用钢冲压制造中文字模的方法,见叶再生：《中国近代现代出版通史》(第一卷),第93-94页。
③张秀民、韩琦：《中国活字印刷史》,北京：中国书籍出版社,1998年版,第187页。
④王韬撰：《瀛壖杂志》,台北：文海出版社,年代?第274-275页。
⑤张秀民、韩琦：《中国活字印刷史》,第187页。
①张星娘编注,朱杰勤校订：《中西交通史料汇编》第一册,北京：中华书局,1977年,第114-115页。
②李志刚：《基督教早期在华传教史》,第156-157页。
③孙尚扬、(比利时)钟鸣旦：《1840前的中国基督教》,北京：学苑出版社,2004年版,第401-402页。
④贺清泰生平及所译《古新圣经》细目见[法]费赖之著,冯承钧译：《在华耶稣会士列传及书目》,北京：中华书局,1995年,第1033-1034页。
①李志刚：《基督教早期在华传教史》,第]74页。
②赵晓阳：《二马圣经译本与白日升圣经译本关系考辨》,《近代史研究》,2009年第4期,第42页。
③马礼逊译本和马士曼译本有着惊人的相似之处,这早已为他人所注意,如圣经深文理和合译本的主席惠志道(J. Wherry)就曾说过：“马士曼译本与马礼逊译本,在字句上相合之处的数目是多得可惊,这不得不使人揣测到他们有一册相同的蓝本,而这蓝本想必就是大英博物院的那册稿本。”贾保罗(Robert P. Kramers)编：《圣经汉译论文集》,香港：基督教辅侨出版社,1964年,第6页。
④曾阳晴：《白日升<四史攸编耶稣基利斯督福音之会编>之编辑原则研究》,《成大宗教与文化学报》,2008年12月,第十一期,第2页。
⑤赵晓阳：《二马圣经译本与白日升圣经译本关系考辨》,第42页。
⑥ Eliza Morrison, Robert Morrison, Samuel Kidd, Memoirs, I, p.68.
①[美]韩南著,段怀清译：《作为中国文学之<圣经>：麦都思、王韬与“<圣经>委办本”》,《浙江大学学报》,第40卷第2期,2010年3月,第16-37页,原载于Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies, vol.63, No.1 (2003), pp.197-239.
②游斌：《王韬、中文圣经翻译及其解释学策略》,《圣经文学研究》,2007年第1辑,第348-368页。
③《新遗诏书》名义上是麦都思、郭实腊、裨治文和马儒翰四人翻译小组合作之成果,但实际上可以理解为麦都思一人之译作,见Alexander Wylie, Memorials of Protestant Missionaries to the Chinese, p.31.此外,在巴达维亚发行的《新遗诏书》独署“尚德者纂”,且《新遗诏书》的福音书明显脱胎于麦都思早期编译作品《福音调和》,皆为明证。
④如惠志道说：“此译本有趣之处在于不论从风格上讲还是术语上看它标志着从旧秩序向新秩序的转变。”见John Wherry. "Historical Summary of the Different Versions of the Scriptures," in Records of the General Conference of the Protestant Missionaries of China, Held at Shanghai, May 7-20,1890. Shanghai:Presbyterian Mission Press,1890, p.50.
⑤贾立言、冯雪冰著：《汉文圣经译本小史》,上海：广学会,1934年,第29页。
⑥[美]韩南著,段怀清译：《作为中国文学之<圣经>：麦都思、王韬与“<圣经>委办本”》,第19页。
① W. H. Medhurst, "Memorial Addressed to the British & Foreign Bible Society on a New Version of the Chinese Scriptures," Oct.28,1836, in Documents relating to the proposed New Chinese translation of the Holy Scriptures, London,1836, p.5.(港大缩微)
② W. H. Medhurst, China, p.547.
③[美]韩南著,段怀清译：《作为中国文学之<圣经>：麦都思、王韬与“<圣经>委办本”》,第20页。
④麦都思：《福音调和》(下),巴达维亚,1834年,澳大利亚国立图书馆藏。
⑤ W. H. Medhurst, "Memorial Addressed to the British & Foreign Bible Society on a New Version of the Chinese Scriptures," Oct.28,1836, p.5.(港大缩微)
①麦金华：《大英圣书公会与官话<和合本>圣经翻译》,香港：基督教中国宗教文化研究社,2010年,第10页。
②麦都思以自己及其他初到马来群岛的传教士为例,来说明传教士喜读欧洲人以亚洲语言写作或翻译的作品,并深受这些作品的影响,指出这些作品表面上易于理解但实际上偏离了地道的本地语言,而马礼逊的译文受巴设译本所影响也属于此种情况。见W. H. Medhurst, "Memorial Addressed to the British & Foreign Bible Society on a New Version of the Chinese Scriptures," Oct.28,1836, p.2.
① W. H. Medhurst, "Memorial Addressed to the British & Foreign Bible Society on a New Version of the Chinese Scriptures," Oct.28,1836, p.5.
② "Copy of a Letter from the Rev. Messrs. Evans and Dyer to the Rev. Joseph Jowetf", Nov.15th,1836, in Documents relating to the proposed New Chinese translation of the Holy Scriptures, London,1836, p.46.
③ "Resolutions,&c. of the British and Foreign Bible Society on the Preceding Papers," in Documents relating to the proposed New Chinese translation of the Holy Scriptures, London,1836, p.54-55.
① W. H. Medhurst, "Memorial Addressed to the British & Foreign Bible Society on a New Version of the Chinese Scriptures," Oct.28,1836, p.4.
② W. H. Medhurst, "Memorial Addressed to the British & Foreign Bible Society on a New Version of the Chinese Scriptures," Oct.28,1836, p.4.
③ W. H. Medhurst, "Memorial Addressed to the British & Foreign Bible Society on a New Version of the Chinese Scriptures," Oct.28,1836, p.5.
④ W. H. Medhurst, "Memorial Addressed to the British & Foreign Bible Society on a New Version of the Chinese Scriptures," Oct.28,1836, p.6.
⑤ W. H. Medhurst, "Memorial Addressed to the British & Foreign Bible Society on a New Version of the Chinese Scriptures," Oct.28,1836, p.7.
①谭载喜编著：《新编奈达论翻译》,北京：中国对外翻译出版公司,1999年,ⅩⅩⅢ。
② W. H. Medhurst, "Memorial Addressed to the British & Foreign Bible Society on a New Version of the Chinese Scriptures," Oct.28,1836, p.7.
① W. H. Medhurst, "Memorial Addressed to the British & Foreign Bible Society on a New Version of the Chinese Scriptures," Oct.28,1836, p.10.
② W. H. Medhurst, "Memorial Addressed to the British & Foreign Bible Society on a New Version of the Chinese Scriptures," Oct.28,1836, p.11.
③ W. H. Medhurst, "Memorial Addressed to the British & Foreign Bible Society on a New Version of the Chinese Scriptures," Oct.28,1836, pp.12-13.
④ W. H. Medhurst,"Memorial Addressed to the British & Foreign Bible Society on a New Version of the Chinese Scriptures," Oct.28,1836, p.13.
⑤早在1824年,他就注意到了华人根深蒂固的文化自豪感,“外国没有任何东西可以和他们祖国的风俗、制度相提并论”,见Letter of Medhurst to LMS, from Batavia, Sept.1st,1824.
⑥ W. H. Medhurst, "Memorial Addressed to the British & Foreign Bible Society on a New Version of the Chinese Scriptures," Oct.28,1836, p.15-16.
⑦ W. H. Medhurst,"Memorial Addressed to the British & Foreign Bible Society on a New Version of the Chinese Scriptures," Oct.28,1836, p.16.
① W. H. Medhurst, "Memorial Addressed to the British & Foreign Bible Society on a New Version of the Chinese Scriptures," Oct.28,1836, p.15.
② W. H. Medhurst, "Memorial Addressed to the British & Foreign Bible Society on a New Version of the Chinese Scriptures," Oct.28,1836, p.15.
③ W. H. Medhurst, "Memorial Addressed to the British & Foreign Bible Society on a New Version of the Chinese Scriptures," Oct.28,1836, p.14.
④贾立言、冯雪冰著：《汉文圣经译本小史》,第29页。
⑤ Jost Oliver Zetzsche. The Bible in China:History of the Union Version, or the Culmination of Protestant Missionary Bible Translation in China. Nettetal:Steyler Verlag,1999, p.66.
⑥梁工：《圣经指南》,沈阳：辽宁人民出版社,1993年,第63页。
① "Remarks of Mr. Medhurst on the Letters of Messrs. Evans and Dyer, Contained in a Letter to the Rev. J. Jowett,&c.&c.," Nov.19th,1836, in Documents relating to the proposed New Chinese translation of the Holy Scriptures, London,1836, p.54.(港大缩微)
② Eliza Morrison, Robert Morrison, Samuel Kidd, Memoirs, Ⅱ, p.7.
① Eliza Morrison, Robert Morrison, Samuel Kidd, Memoirs, Ⅱ, p.8.
②“毕竟,最好的译本还是应由本族人来翻译。博学而虔诚,精擅中文而又熟稔圣经原文,所译的译文必会取代之前的我们所有的译本。"W. H. Medhurst,"emorial Addressed to the British & Foreign Bible Society on a New Version of the Chinese Scriptures," Oct.28,1836, p.16.(港大缩微)
③ Eliza Morrison, Robert Morrison, Samuel Kidd, Memoirs, Ⅱ. p.9.
④关于礼仪之争中,罗马教皇禁止耶稣会士礼仪政策及“上帝”译名,参见潘凤娟：《卫方济的经典翻译与中国书写：文献介绍》,《编译论丛》,2010年3月,第191页。
⑤ Robert Morrison. Chinese Miscellany, p.41.
⑥吴义雄：《译名之争与早期的<圣经>中译》,《近代史研究》,2000年第2期,第211页。
①《我等救世主耶稣新遗诏书》,吗六呷英华书院藏板,出版年代不详,澳大利亚国立图书馆藏。
②尚德者纂,《新遗诏书》,道光十七年(1837)石印本,巴达维亚印刷。
①[韩]李宽淑：《中国基督教史略》,北京：社会科学文献出版社,1998年,第144页。麦都思对郭实腊所译的旧约评价不高,认为译本中不准确之处颇多,见letter of Medhurst to LMS, from Shanghai, June 30, 1849.
② Alexander Wylie, Memorials of Protestant Missionaries to the Chinese, pp.62-63.
③ letter of Medhurst to LMS, June 30,1849.
④ Jost Oliver Zetzsche, The Bible in China, p.69罗存德(Wilhelm Lobscheid,1822-1874):德国传教士、医生和印刷工,1847到1852为莱茵差会传教士,1853年后为港英政府工作。
① Letter of Medhurst to LMS, from Shanghai, Dec.29,1853.
② Jost Oliver Zetzsche, The Bible in China, p.69.
③太平天国刊印的圣经底本为郭实腊译本,详细考证见赵晓阳：《太平天国刊印圣经底本源流考析》,第75-82页。
④1853年12月,法国公使布尔布隆(A. de Bourboulon)到访天京,随行的耶稣会士葛必达(Stanislas Clavelin)被赠予《新遗诏圣书》卷一《马太传福音书》等17种印书。这批书籍被葛必达赠送给上海的伦敦传道会,后被澳大利亚国家图书馆所购买,笔者所见即为澳大利亚国立图书馆所藏的《新遗诏圣书》。英国不列颠博物院、法国翁谷雷谋市立图书馆也有藏本。见罗尔纲：《<新遗诏圣书><钦定旧遗诏圣书><钦定前遗诏圣书>跋》,《广西社会科学》,1986年第1期,第1页。
①王庆成编注：《天父天兄圣旨》,沈阳：辽宁人民出版社,1986年,第110页。
②张铁宝：《关于太平天国<新遗诏圣书>》,《安徽史学》,1989年第3期,第30页。
③见珍本圣经数位典藏,http://bible.fhl.net/new/ob.php?book=19&version=&page=1。
④ Letter of Medhurst to LMS, from Shanghai, Dec.29,1853.
⑤文翰带回书籍十二种,其中就包括《创世传》前28章,见W. H. Medhurst, Pamphlets Issued by the Chinese Insurgents at Nan-King,1853, preface.
①香港大学、香港中文大学及香港浸会大学藏有另一版本的《救世主耶稣新遗诏书》缩微资料,据图书馆目录所载,年代标记为1836-1840年之间,笔者认为此版本更接近1837年的版本,发行时间约在1839年之前,1837年之后。
②郭实腊,《救世主耶稣新遗诏书》,新嘉坡坚夏书院藏板,1839年版,香港大学图书馆藏。
③珍本圣经数位典藏http:/bible.fhl.net/ob/s.php?DETAIL=1&LIMIT=id=19。
①罗尔纲：《<新遗诏圣书><钦定旧遗诏圣书><钦定前遗诏圣书>跋》,第6页。
②张铁宝：《关于太平天国<新遗诏圣书>》,第30页。另,洪秀全对新、旧遗诏圣书所做的修改详情见罗尔纲：《<新遗诏圣书><钦定旧遗诏圣书><钦定前遗诏圣书>跋》,第6-20页。
① W. H. Medhurst, "Memorial Addressed to the Directors of the Missionary Society on the Projected Revison of the Chinese Scriptures," Dec.18,1836, p.64.
① Patrick Hanan. "Chinese Christian Literature:the Writing Process," in Patrick Hanan, ed. Treasures of the Yenching:Seventy-Fifth Anniversary of the Harvard Yenching Library. Cambridge. MA:Harvard Yenching Library,2003, p.270.
②英文信件全文见The Missionary Magazine and Chronicle, September 1838, Vol. ⅩⅩⅧ, pp.139-40.
③ The Missionary Magazine and Chronicle, September 1838, Vol. ⅩⅩⅧ, pp.140-41.
④随着王韬申请洗礼文件的英文稿的发现,关于他受洗入教的证据已很坚实。“洗礼申请”及相关论证见段怀清：《论王韬的基督教信仰》,《清史研究》,2011年第2期,第22-30页。也见苏精：《王韬的基督教洗礼》,载林启彦、黄文江主编,《王韬与近代世界》,第435-452页。
⑤ Alexander Wylie, Memorials of Protestant Missionaries to the Chinese, p.40.大概因为朱德朗有信仰不够坚定之举动,回到巴达维亚的麦都思曾批评过朱德朗,并希望朱德朗能够借助上帝的荣光避免再次受到苛 责,见letter of Medurst to LMS, from Batavia, Nov.19,1838.
① Jost Oliver Zetzsche, The Bible in China, p.92.
②贾立言、冯雪冰著：《汉文圣经译本小史》,第39页。
③ John Wherry, "Historical Summary of the Different Versions of the Scriptures," p.52.
④麦都思在致大英圣书公会的信件中便是如此称呼朱德朗的,见W. H. Medhurst, "Memorial Addressed to the British & Foreign Bible Society on a New Version of the Chinese Scriptures," Oct.28,1836, p.14.
⑤见谢卫楼(Devello Zelotos Sheffield)于1908年1月12日致美部会(ABCFM)的信,North China Mission, 16.3.12,1900-1909, ABCFM Archives,转引自游斌：《王韬、中文圣经翻译及其解释学策略》,第359页。
① W. H. Medhurst, China, p.227; W. H. Medhurst, "Memorial Addressed to the British & Foreign Bible Society on a New Version of the Chinese Scriptures," Oct.28,1836, p.16.
②《新约全书》,1853年,江苏松江上海墨海书馆印,澳大利亚国立图书馆藏。
①“委办译本”主要为麦都思所译,见Alexander Wylie, Memorials of Protestant Missionaries to the Chinese, p.35.伦敦传道会在提及“委办译本”时,也认为这是麦都思的作品,见The Missionary Magazine and Chronicle, June 1866, Vol.ⅩⅩⅩⅠ, p.163.
② John Wherry, "Historical Summary of the Different Versions of the Scriptures," pp.48-49马士曼译本和马礼逊译本在新约部分相似之处很多,John Wherry(惠志文)认为这大概是两人都参考了大英博物馆所藏的巴设(Basset)手稿本。
③此译本后成为浸信会一派圣经修订的底本,如高德(Goddard)译本和胡德迈(T. H. Hudson)译本。
④ Jost Oliver Zetzsche, The Bible in China, p.96.
⑤按照这次会议决议,麦都思离开巴达维亚,转赴上海传教。见“The Movement of Protestant Missionaries in China," in the Chinese Repository, Vol.12, Oct.1843, p.550.
①美部会(American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions, ABCFM),全称为美国公理宗海外传道部,1812年正式创立,是第一个进入中国的美国差会。
② "New and Revised Edition of the Bible in Chinese," in the Chinese Repository, Vol.12, Oct.1843, p.551.
③采用乔伊特(J. Jowett)的希腊文《公认经文》(Textus Receptus)是大英圣书公会的意愿,但大多数传教士偏好布鲁姆菲尔德博士(Dr. Bloomfield)编辑的希腊本,因为后者汇集了两百年来的新约研究成果。见"Things in Shanghai," in the Chinese Repository, Vol.18, July,1849, p.390根据施福来(Thor Strandenaes)的研究,“委办译本”和马礼逊译本一样都是以《公认经文》为底本,但施福来似乎并不知晓大多数传教士更倾向于使用布鲁姆菲尔德的版本,所以未把后者纳入到他的研究视野当中,所以也就未能排除“委办译本”同时参考乔伊特版本和布鲁姆菲尔德版本的可能性,见Thor Strandenaes. Principle of Chinese Bible Translation:as expressed in five selected versions of the New Testament and exemplified by Mt 5:1-12 and Col 1. Stockholm:Almqvist & wiksell international,1987, pp.52-53.
④ "New and Revised Edition of the Bible in Chinese," in the Chinese Repository, Vol.12, Oct.1843, p.551.
① "New and Revised Edition of the Bible in Chinese," in the Chinese Repository, Vol.12, Oct.1843, pp.551-552.
② "New and Revised Edition of the Bible in Chinese," in the Chinese Repository, Vol.12, Oct.1843, p.553.
③ "New and Revised Edition of the Bible in Chinese," in the Chinese Repository, Vol.12, Oct.1843, pp.552-553.
①高德译本各卷译完即随时印刷出版,马太福音于1851年发行,约翰福音于1852年,四福音书于1852和使徒行传合印发行,1853年新约全书印行。见贾立言、冯雪冰著：《汉文圣经译本小史》,第42页。
② "Things in Shanghai,"in the Chinese Repository, Vol.18, July,1849, p.389.
③ Letter of Medhurst to LMS, from Shanghai, Dec.27,1845.
④ "Chinese Versions of the Holy Scriptures," in the Chinese Repository, Vol.15, Feb.1846, p.109.
⑤ "Chinese Versions of the Holy Scriptures," in the Chinese Repository, Vol.15, Feb.1846, p.109.
⑥ "Chinese Versions of the Holy Scriptures," in the Chinese Repository, Vol.15, Feb.1846, p.110.
⑦ "Things in Shanghai," in the Chinese Repository, Vol.18, July,1849, p.389.
⑧ Walter M Lowrie. Memoirs of the Rev. Walter M. Lowrie, Missionary to China. Edited by his father. Philadelphia:Presbyterian Board of Publication.1854, p.374.
① "Revision of the Chinese Versions of the New Testament," in the Chinese Repository, Vol.16, Jan.1847, p. 208; "Revision of the Chinese Version of the New Testament," in the Chinese Repository, Vol.17, Jan.1848, p.53.
② "Things in Shanghai," in the Chinese Repository, Vol.18, July,1849, pp.389-390.
③贾立言、冯雪冰著：《汉文圣经译本小史》,第36页。
④ "Death of Mr. Lowrie," in the Chinese Repository, Vol.17, Sep.1847, pp.462-463.
① Letter of Medhurst/Stronach/Milne to LMS of March 13,1851.
② Letter of Medhurst to LMS, from Shanghai, March 15,1850.
③麦都思在1850年3月致伦敦会信件中对美国传教士的懈怠态度提出批评,见Letter of Medhurst to LMS, from Shanghai, March 15,1850;麦都思随后5月份的信件中措辞更加严厉：“文惠廉博士对于新译本毫无贡献,裨治文博士虽然所有会议皆未缺席,但对眼前这本新译本的贡献微乎其微(Dr. Boones has done nothing towards it and Dr. Bridgeman though present at all the meetings has done exceedingly little towards making the version what it is),见Letter of Medhurst to LMS, from Shanghai. May 11,1850.另,麦都思翻译理念的贯彻得力于施敦力约翰和美魏茶的支持。麦都思的领导才能及其核心作用在伦敦会传教士的传记中屡有提及,如慕维廉说：“他传教的多种事功为我们树立了高贵榜样。虽然我们不能与他相提并论,但应该同心协力,接续他的事业。" William Muirhead, China and Gospel, p.162.杨格非写道：“他是教会公认的头脑,但他从未努力去统治。然而,他的确在统治着。他的愿望对我们就是律条,为什么?原因很简单,我们信任他的判断,感知到他内心的温暖。”R. Wardlaw Thompson. Griffith John:the Story of Fifty Years in China. London:the Religious Tract Society,1906, pp.47-48.
④裨治文说是7月24日完成,见the Chinese Repository, Oct.1850, Vol.19, p.544;实际上,1850年5月即已完成初步译稿,进入校订阶段,见letter of Medhurst to LMS, from Shanghai, May 11,1850.
⑤ "Revision of the S. S." in the Chinese Repository, Aug.1850, Vol.19, p.464.
⑥ D. MacGillivray, A Century of Protestant Missions in China (1807-1907), p.556.
① "Version of the Old and New Testaments in Chinese," in the Chinese Repository, Oct.1850, Vol.19, p.545.
② "Revision of the S. S." in the Chinese Repository, Vol.19, Aug.1850, p.464.
③ "Version of the Old and New Testaments in Chinese," in the Chinese Repository, Vol.19, Oct.1850, p.546.
④ "Version of the Old and New Testaments in Chinese," in the Chinese Repository, Vol.19, Oct.1850, p.547.
① "Proceedings Relating to the Chinese Version of the Bible," in the Chinese Repository, Vol.20, April, 1851, pp.216-224.
② "Proceedings Relating to the Chinese Version of the Bible," in the Chinese Repository, Vol.20, April, 1851, p.222.
③ "Proceedings Relating to the Chinese Version of the Bible," in the Chinese Repository, Vol.20. April, 1851, p.222.
④ Letter of Medhurst to LMS, from Shanghai, May 11,1850.
① Letter of Medhurst to LMS, from Shanghai, Feb.18,1851.
② Letter of Medhurst to LMS, from Shanghai, Feb.18,1851.
③ Letter of Medhurst to LMS, from Shanghai, March 22,1852.因伦敦传道会版旧约不像“委办本”新约那样有新教教派合作翻译之名,所以大英圣经公会所拨付的资金都是专门用于“委办本”新约的印刷。1853年1月19日,大英圣经公会才拨款500英镑用于印刷旧约,但这笔资金不是直接拨给伦敦会上海站,而是拨给伦敦传道会,麦都思为印刷所译旧约不得不向伦敦会总部申请这笔钱,这背后隐约可见大英圣书公会对麦都思所主译的旧约的疑虑,见Letter of Medhurst to LMS, from Shanghai, Jan.18,1854.
④ Letter of Medhurst to LMS, from Shanghai, Feb.18,1851.
⑤ "Proceedings Relating to the Chinese Version of the Bible," in the Chinese Repository, Vol.20, April, 1851, p.222.
①伦敦传道会驻上海的传教士于1851年2月19日通过的决议概述如下：1.伦敦传教会在上海的传教士退出为修订旧约而组建的新教传教士上海地方委员会;2.麦都思和美魏茶退出代表委员会；3..麦都思和美魏茶不参与任何从事旧约翻译的代表委员会;4.上述决议副本于下次会议时呈送上海地方委员会,并附送宁波、福州、厦门、香港和广州的地方委员会。‘Proceedings Relating to the Chinese Version of the Bible," in the Chinese Repository, Vol.20, April,1851, p.222.
②伦敦传道会驻上海的传教士于1851年2月20日通过的决议概述如下：1.遵照伦敦会理事的愿望,我们在伦敦会资助下成立“旧约汉译委员会”；2.旧约翻译采用和新约翻译同样之文体；3.遵照伦敦会理事的愿望,邀请理雅各博士合作译经,或者与会,如不可行,也可定期修订所完成的经文章节。4.邀请所有本会传教士以他们认为可取的方式协助译经；5.其他机构传教士的任何评价和建议都会被欣然接受并详加考虑。6.圣经译文会提供给欧美的圣经公会及在华的传教士；7.麦都思为主席,美魏茶为记录秘书,施敦力约翰为中文秘书；8.决议副本寄送伦敦会理事、本会在华传教士及相关人员。麦都思施敦力约翰 美魏茶”Proceedings Relating to the Chinese Version of the Bible," in the Chinese Repository, Vol.20, April,1851, pp.222-223.
① "Letter to the Editor of the Chinese Repository," in the Chinese Repository, July,1851, Vol.20, pp. 486-487.
② "Letter to the Editor of the Chinese Repository", in the Chinese Repository, July,1851, Vol.20, p.487;实际上,文惠廉等人曾就伦敦会传教士在代表委员会中占据多数(五席中之三席)表示过不满,提出上海和宁波两地重选代表,未果,见letter of Medhurstto LMS, from Shanghai, March 15,1850.
③ E. C. Bridgman to R. Anderson, March 13,1851, Shanghai, in ABCFM Papers,16.3.8. Vol.3.转引自吴义雄：《译名之争与早期的<圣经>中译》,第220页。
④裨治文虽然也认为不能完全直译,并想在直译与意译之间寻求一“最佳契合”(golden medium),但他的翻译实践还是偏重忠实原文。"Revision of the Chinese Version of the Bible," in the Chinese Repository, Vol.4, Jan.1,1836, p.395.麦都思1836年时也称他举凡翻译,皆务求精确(particularity and exactness).并“尤钟情于直译"(remarkable...especially for his attachment to a literal rendering),见W. H. Medhurst, "Memorial Addressed to the British & Foreign Bible Society on a New Version of the Chinese Scriptures," Oct.28,1836, p.7.
① Medhurst, W. H., John Stronach, W. C. Milne. Strictures on the Remarks Contained in "Papers Relating to the Shanghae Revision of the Chinese Scriptures. " Shanghai, June 16th,1852, pp.1-5.
②这一圣经翻译理念大概肇始于从希伯来文翻译成希腊文的《七十士译本》(公元前306年—公元前346年),哲罗姆及奥古斯丁都赞同翻译圣经要依赖上帝之感召。
③谭载喜：《西方翻译简史》,北京：商务印书馆,2004年,第162-163页。
④谭载喜：《西方翻译简史》,第162页。施福来(Thor Strandenaes)对比了“委办译本”和源本希腊《公认经文》,认为相比较马礼逊译本,“委办译本”更倾向使用功能对等的方法,具体表现在：在词汇上,着意于地道的中文文学词汇的使用；风格上,控制句子长度,注重中文的韵律；句法上,希腊原文的嵌入结构译成中文时被分解成短句；以比喻译比喻,见Thor Strandenaes, Principle of Chinese Bible Translation: as expressed in five selected versions of the New Testament and exemplified by Mt 5:1-12 and Col 1, pp.48-75.
①贾立言、冯雪冰著：《汉文圣经译本小史》,第40页。
② E. C. Bridgman to R. Anderson, March 13,1851, Shanghai, in ABCFM Papers,16.3.8. Vol.3.转引自吴义雄：《译名之争与早期的<圣经>中译》,第220页。
③贾立言、冯雪冰著：《汉文圣经译本小史》,第39-40页。
④《新约全书》(裨治文、克陛存译本),上海：美华书局,1863。
⑤《新约全书》(裨治文、克陛存译本),上海：美华书局,1863,《例言》。
① John Wherry, "Historical Summary of the Different Versions of the Scriptures," p.53.
②两位学者皆认为“委办译本”流畅而简洁,但对原文有所偏离。韩南认为,“委办译本”追求简洁明快的同时却牺牲了原文形象化的语言。而游斌比较了“委办译本”和裨治文译本,认为后者比前者更忠实原文,虽然流畅性上不如前者。[美]韩南著,段怀清译：《作为中国文学之<圣经>：麦都思、王韬与“<圣经>委办本”》,第16-37页。游斌：《王韬、中文圣经翻译及其解释学策略》,第348-368页。
③ D. MacGillivray, A Century of Protestant Missions in China (1807-1907), p.557.
④ John C. Gibson. "Review of the Various Colloquial Versions and the Comparative Advantages of Roman Letters and Chinese Characters," in Records of the General Conference of the Protestant Missionaries of China, Held at Shanghai, May 7-20,1890. Shanghai:Presbyterian Mission Press,1890, p.63.
⑤此礼物系“委办本”新约,由新教女信众捐款而得,圣经制作精美,镶以金边,并装在银匣中呈献。圣经前有慕维廉的序言。慈禧收到礼物后,又有回赠。见T. Richard. "Presentation Testament to the Empress-Dowager of China," in Chinese Recorder, vol. xxvi,1895, pp.151-161.
⑥这三本圣经,一本是作为中国男性基督徒赠送给摄政王载沣的礼物,一本是女性基督徒赠送给隆裕皇太后的礼物,第三本是教会学校的儿童赠送给年幼的宣统皇帝的礼物。见Chinese Recorder, vol. XL,1909, pp. 587-588.
① The Missionary Magazine and Chronicle, October,1853, XVII. pp.229-230.
② The Missionary Magazine and Chronicle, October,1853, XVII. p.251.
③ Letter of Medhurst to LMS, from Shanghai, Dec.19,1853.
④ D. MacGillivray, A Century of Protestant Missions in China (1807-1907), p.558.
⑤ D. MacGillivray, A Century of Protestant Missions in China (1807-1907), p.558.
⑥ D. MacGillivray, A Century of Protestant Missions in China (1807-1907), p.559.
⑦ D. MacGillivray, A Century of Protestant Missions in China (1807-1907), p.559.
① Letter of Medhurst to LMS, from Shanghai, March 22,1852.
② D. MacGillivray, A Century of Protestant Missions in China (1807-1907), p.557.
③ S. F. Woodin. "Review of the Various Colloquial Versions and the Comparative Advantages of Roman Letters and Chinese Characters," in Records of the General Conference of the Protestant Missionaries of China, Held at Shanghai, May 7-20,1890. Shanghai:Presbyterian Mission Press,1890, p.90.
④ S. F. Woodin, "Review of the Various Colloquial Versions and the Comparative Advantages of Roman Letters and Chinese Characters," p.92.
⑤ S. F. Woodin, "Review of the Various Colloquial Versions and the Comparative Advantages of Roman Letters and Chinese Characters," pp.92-93.
⑥ William Muirhead. "Historical Summary of the Different Versions of the Scriptures," in Records of the General Conference of the Protestant Missionaries of China, Held at Shanghai, May 7-20,1890. Shanghai:Presbyterian Mission Press,1890, p.36.
① John Wherry, "Historical Summary of the Different Versions of the Scriptures," p.52.
② John C. Gibson, "Review of the Various Colloquial Versions and the Comparative Advantages of Roman Letters and Chinese Characters," p.63.
③ Jost Oliver Zetzsche, The Bible in China, p.186.
④ Irene Eber. Chinese and Jews:Encounters Between Cultures. London-Portland:Vallentine Mitchell,2008, p. 111.
⑤ John Wherry, "Historical Summary of the Different Versions of the Scriptures," p.52.
⑥贾立言、冯雪冰著：《汉文圣经译本小史》,第39页。
⑦见第一节《新遗诏书》的论述
⑧ Jost Oliver Zetzsche. The Bible in China, p.92.
① S. I. J. Schereschewsky. "Translation of the Scriptures into Chinese," in Records of the General Conference of the Protestant Missionaries of China, Held at Shanghai, May 7-20,1890. Shanghai:Presbyterian Mission Press, 1890, pp.42-43.
② John C. Gibson, "Review of the Various Colloquial Versions and the Comparative Advantages of Roman Letters and Chinese Characters," in Records of the General Conference of the Protestant Missionaries of China, Held at Shanghai, May 7-20,1890, p.63.
③ John C. Gibson, "Review of the Various Colloquial Versions and the Comparative Advantages of Roman Letters and Chinese Characters," p.63.
④ John Shaw Burdon. "Colloquial Versions of the Chinese Scriptures," in Records of the General Conference of the Protestant Missionaries of China, Held at Shanghai, May 7-20,1890. Shanghai:Presbyterian Mission Press, 1890, p.104.
① Jost Oliver Zetzsche, The Bible in China, p.103.
② Bernard Jean Bettelheim. St. Luke s Gospel in Luchu and Chinese. Hong Kong,1858; repr., Tokyo:Classical Japonica Facsimile Series in the Tend Central Library,1977, cited from Foley, T. S. Biblical Translation in Chinese and Greek. Leiden:Brill,2009, p.22.
③汲约翰以《箴言》九章第一节为例来说明这一点。厦门白话本把“WWisdom has builded her house, she hath hewn out her seven pillars'一句中的wisdom翻译为“智慧的人”,这是因为受“委办译本”“智者建室,彤其七柱“译文中“智者”二字所影响。见John C. Gibson, "Review of the Various Colloquial Versions and the Comparative Advantages of Roman Letters and Chinese Characters," p.72.
④ John C. Gibson, "Review of the Various Colloquial Versions and the Comparative Advantages of Roman Letters and Chinese Characters," p.75-76.
⑤ Marshall Broomhall, The Chinese Empire:a General & Missionary Survey, p.384.
⑥ Records of the General Conference of the Protestant Missionaries of China, Held at Shanghai, May 7-20,1890. Shanghai:Presbyterian Mission Press,1890, p. xli.
① Letter from John Chambers to LMS of Feb.28,1894, cited from Jost Oliver Zetzsche, The Bible in China, p. 242.
②和“委办译本”相比,两人的译本更改了专有名词的音译,并采取直译,所以比“委办译本”要忠实,但也因此被其他传教士批评为风格粗俗、行文蹩脚。下面眷录《路加福音》第一章1-13节以与“委办译本“相比较。盖有多人已操笔,以陈述我中足征诸事。乃犹自始亲见而为道役者,已授我侪焉。我因推其原以寻诸事详,自谓亦当此地书之,达提阿非罗阁下。四俾尔真知所学之确然也。五当犹太王希律诸日,有亚比亚班祭司,名塞加利亚及其妻,亚伦之裔,名以利沙拔。六两人在上帝前,义者也,悉遵主诫命仪端而行,无间然也。七但无子,盖以利沙伯不妊,而二人年又迈。八塞加利亚于其班列,行祭司事于上帝前。九依祭司规,入主殿掣签得焚香。+香时,众民在外祈祷。十一主之使者见,立香坛右。十二塞加利亚见之,愕然而惧。十三使者谓之曰：塞加利亚勿惧,尔祈祷既闻之矣,尔妻以利沙拔将生子于尔,尔将称其名曰约翰。湛约翰、韶玛亭译：《新约全书》(文理和合本),香港：文裕堂,1897年。
③ John Wherry. "The Ideal Translation of the Bible into Chinese," in China Mission Year Book 3 (1912):279, cited from Jost Oliver Zetzsche, The Bible in China, p.253.
① Jost Oliver Zetzsche, The Bible in China, p.253.
②《新约全书》(杨格非浅文理译本),汉口：汉镇英汉书馆铅板印,1886。
③《新约全书》(文理和合本),上海：大英圣书公会,1906。
①中西礼仪之争的详细论述见[美]赖德烈著：《基督教在华传教史》,香港：道风书社,2009年,第113-132页。
② Marshall Broomhall. The Bible in China, pp.36-39; William A Smalley. Translation as Mission:Bible translation in the Modern Missionary Movement. Macon:Mercer University Press,1991,173.
③1700年,索邦神学院的神学家谴责利玛窦派耶稣会士有关中国道德、礼仪及上帝等方面的观点和做法。1704年,罗马教皇克莱孟十一世(Clement Ⅺ, 1700-1721)正式禁止耶稣会士的礼仪政策和上帝译名,并于1715年重申此禁令,违者开除教籍。1742年,新任教皇本笃十四世(Benedict ⅩⅣ,1740-1758)再次严申禁令,礼仪之争被完全禁止。见潘凤娟：《卫方济的经典翻译与中国书写：文献介绍》,《编译论丛》,2010年3月,第191页。
④ Walter Medhurst. An Inquiry into the Proper Mode of Rendering the Word God in Translating the Sacred Scriptures into the Chinese Language. Shanghae:the Mission Press,1848, p.158.
①在《中国丛报》所登载的这篇关于God等术语译名的文章可看作是译名之争的序幕,见Revision of the Chinese Version of the Bible; Remarks on the Words for God, Father, Spirit, Soul, Prophet, Baptism and Sabbath," in the Chinese Repository, Vol.15, April,1846, pp.161-165.
② "New and Revised Edition of the Bible in Chinese," in the Chinese Repository, Vol.12, Oct.1843, p.551.
③ "New and Revised Edition of the Bible in Chinese," in the Chinese Repository, Vol.12, Oct.1843, p.553.
④文惠廉在当初看到麦都思的《新遗诏书》及郭实腊的修订版时,为他们所影响,接受“上帝”之译名,但后来又受到马礼逊、米怜及马士曼的影响转而赞同“神”。见William J. Boone, "An Essay on the Proper Rendering of the Words Elohim and Theos into Chinese Language," in the Chinese Repository, Vol.17, Jan. 1848, pp.64-65.
⑤ Walter M Lowrie, Memoirs of the Rev. Walter M. Lowrie, pp.375-376.
⑥书面论辩采取一方立论,另一方辩驳,开始一方再自辩的方式,1847年7月16日,“神”派先提交了己方的辩文,“帝”派于8月17日作出回应并辩驳,“神”派又于9月10日提交自辩文。“帝”派于9月28日提交己方的辩文,“神”派于10月4日批驳,“帝”派于11月4日提交辩护文,双方在委员会内部的书面论辩达600页,广征中西方经典。随后,11月的11日和22日,双方又各自陈述了自己的观点,分歧还是 未能弥合,见letter of Medhurst/Stronach to the Members of the Local Committee of the London Society Mission at Shanghai, Dec.11,1847.
① Walter M Lowrie, Memoirs of the Rev. Walter M. Lowrie, p.376.
②贾立言、冯雪冰著：《汉文圣经译本小史》,第36页；letter of Medhurst/ Stronach to the Members of the Local Committee of the London Society Mission at Shanghai, Dec.11,1847.
③ W. H. Medhurst, "Memorial Addressed to the British & Foreign Bible Society on a New Version of the Chinese Scriptures," Oct.28,1836, p.10.
④此文赞同译God为“神”,很可能出自裨治文之手,可能是他因自己为《中国丛报》主编,不便在他自己主编的刊物中表明身份,见“Revision of the Chinese Version of the Bible; Remarks on the Words for God, Father, Spirit, Soul, Prophet, Baptism and Sabbath," in the Chinese Repository. Vol.15, April,1846, pp. 161-165.
⑤ Walter M Lowrie, Memoirs of the Rev. Walter M. Lowrie, p.361.
①惠志道曾这样夸奖娄理华：“如果他不是年纪轻轻便命断海盗之手,以他的才华和对书面中文快速的学习能力,即使在这些杰出的传教士中也会凸显出来。”见John Wherry, "Historical Summary of the Different Versions of the Scriptures," p.51.
② Letter of Medhurst/ Stronach to the Members of the Local Committee of the London Society Mission at Shanghai, Dec.11,1847; Letter of Medhurst to LMS, from Shanghai, Jan.14,1848.
③ Walter M Lowrie, Memoirs of the Rev. Walter M. Lowrie, p.349.
① Walter M Lowrie, Memoirs of the Rev. Walter M. Lowrie, p.361.
②[美]卫斐烈著,顾钧、江莉译：《卫三畏生平及书信——一位美国来华传教士的心路历程》,桂林：广西师范大学出版社,2004年,第101页。
③ Walter M Lowrie, Memoirs of the Rev. Walter M. Lowrie, p.375.
④ Walter M Lowrie, Memoirs of the Rev. Walter M. Lowrie, p.379.
⑤ William J. Boone, "An Essay on the Proper Rendering of the Words Elohim and Theos into Chinese Language", in the Chinese Repository, Vol.17, Jan.1848, p.20.
⑥文中圣经英译文除特别标明外都引自King James Version.
⑦《旧约全书》,上海：美华书馆藏版,1865年。
⑧《旧约圣书》(委办本),香港：英华书院,1855年。
⑨后来“上帝”版圣经在此处译文更加灵活,如当代中文译本把此两节译为：“我是耶和华你们的上帝,我曾经把你们从埃及释放出来,使你们不再受奴役。除了我以外,你们不可拜别的神。
① William J. Boone, "An Essay on the Proper Rendering of the Words Elohim and Theos into Chinese Language," in the Chinese Repository, Vol.17, Jan.1848, p.18.
② William J. Boone, "An Essay on the Proper Rendering of the Words Elohim and Theos into Chinese Language," in the Chinese Repository, Vol.17, Jan.1848, p.19
③ William J. Boone, "An Essay on the Proper Rendering of the Words Elohim and Theos into Chinese Language," in the Chinese Repository, Vol.17, Jan.1848, pp.19-20.
④ "Remarks on the Words and Phrases Best Suited to Express the Names of God in Chinese," in the Chinese Repository, Nov.1846. Vol.15. p.568.
⑤[美]卫斐烈著,顾钧、江莉译：《卫三畏生平及书信——一位美国来华传教士的心路历程》,第101页。
①[美]卫斐烈著,顾钧、江莉译： 《卫三畏生平及书信——一位美国来华传教士的心路历程》,第101页。
② Walter M Lowrie, Memoirs of the Rev. Walter M. Lowrie, p.374.
③ Walter Medhurst. English and Chinese Dictionary. Vol. Ⅰ. Shanghae:the Mission Press,1847, p.558.
④为明晰他词典中God和god二词的不同,现把god这一词条的释义眷录如下：God, the Supreme Being,上帝shang te,天帝t'heen; the most high God,皇皇上帝hwang hwang shang te; according to the Romanist,天主t'heen choo; according tp the Mohammedans,主choo,真主chin choo; some Protestant writers have used,神shin,神天shin theen,神主shin choo,真活神chin hwo shin; the Chinese themselves, for gods, or invisible beings in general, use神shin神祗shin te,鬼神kwei shin神明shin ming,神仙shin seen;the gods of the hills,山神san shin; the gods of the rivers,河神ho shin; the gods of the heavens,山神shan shin;the gods of the rivers,河神ho shin;the gods of the land and grain,社稷shaytseih; the gods of the heavens.天神t'heen shin; the gods of the earth地祗te ke; the god of learning,魁星kwei sing; the god of the winds,十八姨shi pa e; the god of water,司寒sze han; the god of rain,屏翳pine e;the eves of the eods are like lightning.神目如电shin muh ioo teen; to swear before the gods,神前发誓shin tseen fa she; the mercy of the gods,神之慈悲shin che tsze pei;the protection of the gods,鬼神之助佑kwei shin che tsoo yew; may the gods protect you,神灵庇佑shin ling pe yew; respect the gods, but keep them at a distance,敬鬼神而远之king kwei shin urh yuen che; the gods are like men神与人同shin yu jin tung; to regulate the gods and men菩萨poo sa; the god Buddha,神佛shin fuh; the god of the furnace,鼂神tsaou shin;local gods,土地神t'hoo te shin; sacrifice to the gods, as though present,祭神如在tse shin joo tsae; names of gods伽蓝kee Ian,句芒kow mang,句龙kow lung,鼂幺tsaou yaou,天愚t'heen yu. Walter H. Medhurst. English and Chinese Dictionary. Vol. Ⅰ. Shanghae:the Mission Press,1847, p.631.文惠廉也引用此词条,尤其其中的"the Chinese themselves, for gods, or invisible beings in general, use神shin”来说明中国作者使用“神”来作为God的通用词,以此来驳斥麦都思,详见William J. Boone, "An Essay on the Proper Rendering of the Words Elohim and Theos into Chinese Language," in the Chinese Repository, Vol.17, Jan.1848, p.60.
① Walter M Lowrie, Memoirs of the Rev. Walter M. Lowrie, p.377.
② William J. Boone, "An Essay on the Proper Rendering of the Words Elohim and Theos into Chinese Language," in the Chinese Repository, Vol.17, Jan.1848, p.18.
③ William J. Boone, "An Essay on the Proper Rendering of the Words Elohim and Theos into Chinese Language," in the Chinese Repository, Vol.17, Jan.1848, p.60.
④ Walter H. Medhurst, "An Inquiry into the Proper Mode of Rendering the Word God in Translating the Sacred Scriptures into the Chinese Language," in the Chinese Repository, Vol.17. Mar.1848, p.106.
⑤ Walter H. Medhurst, "An Inquiry into the Proper Mode of Rendering the Word God in Translating the Sacred Scriptures into the Chinese Language," in the Chinese Repository, Vol.17. Mar.1848, p.107.
⑥ Walter H. Medhurst, "Remarks in Favor of Shangti and against Shin, as the Proper Term to Denote the True God, Addressed to the Editor of the Chinese Repository," in the Chinese Repository, Vol.16. Jan.1847, p.35.
⑦ Walter H. Medhurst, "Remarks in Favor of Shangti and against Shin, as the Proper Term to Denote the True God, Addressed to the Editor of the Chinese Repository," in the Chinese Repository, Vol.16. Jan.1847, p.35.
① Walter H. Medhurst, etc. "Remarks in Favor of Shangti and against Shin, as the Proper Term to Denote the True God, Addressed to the Editor of the Chinese Repository," in the Chinese Repository, Vol.16. Jan.1847, p.36.
②[美]卫斐烈著,顾钧、江莉译：《卫三畏生平及书信——一位美国来华传教士的心路历程》,第101页。
③ William J. Boone, "An Essay on the Proper Rendering of the Words Elohim and Theos into Chinese Language," in the Chinese Repository, Vol.17, Jan.1848, p.26.
④ Walter H. Medhurst, "An Inquiry into the Proper Mode of Rendering the Word God in Translating the Sacred Scriptures into the Chinese Language," in the Chinese Repository, Vol.17. Mar.1848, p.115.但麦都思也承认“帝”作为泛指词的缺陷,即“帝”可指死去的皇帝；“帝”并不能指代所有被崇拜的精神存在。所以在使用时则需重新定义其内涵,见W. H. Medhurst etc. To the Protestant Missionaries Laboring at Hong Kong, and the Five Ports of China. January 30th,1850, Shanghae, pp.6-7.
⑤ Walter H. Medhurst, "Remarks in Favor of Shangti and against Shin, as the Proper Term to Denote the True God, Addressed to the Editor of the Chinese Repository," in the Chinese Repository, Vol.16. Jan.1847, p.37.
① Walter Medhurst. An Inquiry into the Proper Mode of Rendering the Word God in Translating the Sacred Scriptures into the Chinese Language, pp.157-158.
② Walter Medhurst, An Inquiry into the Proper Mode of Rendering the Word God in Translating the Sacred Scriptures into the Chinese Language, pp.15-19.
③ Walter M Lowrie, Memoirs of the Rev. Walter M. Lowrie, p.376.
④[美]卫斐烈著,顾钧、江莉译：《卫三畏生平及书信——一位美国来华传教士的心路历程》,第101页。
⑤[美]卫斐烈著,顾钧、江莉译：《卫三畏生平及书信——一位美国来华传教士的心路历程》,第101页。
① Solomon Caesar Malan (1812-1894)英国神学家和东方学家,出生于一个流放到瑞士的法国家庭,其父为新教神学家。他颇富语言才能,懂梵文、阿拉伯文、中文、法语、德语、西班牙语、拉丁语、意大利语等多种语言。1839年在加尔各答主教学院(Bishop's College)任古典学讲师时,曾教授何进善神学及英文,并向何进善学习中文,见http://www.nationmaster.com/encyclopedia/S.-C.-Malan; Irene Eber. The Jewish Bishop and the Chinese Bible:S. I. J. Schereschewsky (1831-1906). Leiden:Brill,1999, p.215.
② S. C. Malan. Who is God in China, Shin or Shang-Te?:Remarks on the Etymology offelohim] and of [theos], and on the Rendering of those Terms into Chinese. London:Samuel Bagster and Sons,1855, p.7.
③ James Legge. An Argument for Shang Te as the Proper Rendering of the Words Elohim and Theos in the Chinese Language with Strictures on the Essay of Bishop Boone in Favor of the Term Shin. Hong Kong:the Hongkong Register Office,1850, p. iii.
④关于理雅各何时转而赞同“上帝”,意见未见统一。H. E. Legge认为理雅各赞同“上帝”译名始于1852年所著Notions of the Chinese Concerning God and the Spirits:with an Examination of the Defense of an Essay, on the Proper Rendering of the Words Elohim and Theos, into the Chinese Language, by William J. Boone, D. D.但实际上理雅各在其1850年的作品An Argument for Shang Te as the Proper Rendering of the Words Elohim and Theos in the Chinese Language中即已主张”上帝”为译名。其真正的态度转变应在1848年回到中国后不久发生的。这种转变可能受何进善所影响,亦可能受到麦都思所启发,见龚道运：《近世基督教和儒教的接触》,上海：上海人民出版社,2009,第147页。
① James Legge, An Argument for Shang Te as the Proper Rendering of the Words Elohim and Theos in the Chinese Language, p. iv.
② James Legge, An Argument for Shang Te as the Proper Rendering of the Words Elohim and Theos in the Chinese Language, p. v.为解决译名争论,麦都思给中国的传教同工写了长达二十余页的信,并做出了很大的妥协,他承认“帝”作为译名和“神”一样并非是完美的选择,“‘帝’这个词指最高存在时,并不能像耶和华一样暗示出无限完美的存在。”而且,因“帝”还可指过世的皇帝,所以使用这个字时需要给出定义,明确所指才可,见W. H. Medhurst etc. To the Protestant Missionaries Laboring at Hong Kong, and the Five Ports of China. January 30th,1850, Shanghae, pp.6,13.
③熊月之著：《西学东渐与晚清社会》,第88页。
④ Walter M Lowrie, Memoirs of the Rev. Walter M. Lowrie, p.375.
⑤ D. MacGillivray, A Century of Protestant Missions in China (1807-1907), p.495.
⑥ Irene Eber, The Jewish Bishop and the Chinese Bible:S. I. J. Schereschewsky (1831-1906), p.214.
⑦ S. C. Malan. Who is God in China, Shin or Shang-Te?:Remarks on the Etymology of [elohim] and of [theos], and on the Rendering of those Terms into Chinese, p.33.
① Dong Linfu. The Search for God in Ancient China:James Mellon Menzies, China Missionary and Archaeologist. PhD dissertation of York Universtiy, May 2001, pp.314-329.
Raymond Paul Petzholt. China's Ancient Monotheistic Religious Roots in Shang Ti and its Importance for the Evangelization of the Chinese. PhD dissertation of Fuller Theological Seminary,2000.
③或称欧美更加准确,因欧洲大陆的传教士如郭实腊大都赞同“上帝”译名。
④ Walter H. Medhurst. "Remarks in Favor of Shangti and against Shin, as the Proper Term to Denote the True God, Addressed to the Editor of the Chinese Repository." in the Chinese Repository, Vol.16. Jan.1847, p.35.
⑤ William J. Boone, "An Essay on the Proper Rendering of the Words Elohim and Theos into Chinese Language," in the Chinese Repository, Vol.17, Jan.1848, pp.20-21.
① Jost Oliver Zetzsche, The Bible in China, p.84.
②[美]卫斐烈著,顾钧、江莉译：《卫三畏生平及书信——一位美国来华传教士的心路历程》,第101页。
③吴义雄：《译名之争与早期的<圣经>中译》,第216-217页。
① Rufus Anderson, "The Theory of Missions to the Heathen:a Sermon Preached at the Ordination of Mr. Edward Webb, as a Missionary to the Heathen," in the Chinese Repository, Nov.1846. Vol.15. pp.488-489.
② S. C. Malan, Who is God in China, Shin or Shang-Te?:Remarks on the Etymology of[elohim] and of[theos], and on the Rendering of those Terms into Chinese, p.14.
③ "Testimony to the Truth of Christianity, Given by Kiying, Late Governor-General of Canton, Minister Plenipotentiary, Guardian of the Heir Apparent,&c.,&C." in the Chinese Repository, Vol.20. Jan.1851, p.46.
④ Letter of Medhurst to LMS, from Shanghai, June 30,1849.
⑤ Arthur Wright. "The Chinese Language and Foreign Ideas," in Arthur Wright, ed. Studies in Chinese Thought. Chicago:University of Chicago Press,1953, p.291.
① Walter Medhurst, Art Inquiry into the Proper Mode of Rendering the Word God in Translating the Sacred Scriptures into the Chinese Language, p.256.
② "Remarks on the Words and Phrases Best Suited to Express the Names of God in Chinese," in the Chinese Repository, Nov.1846. Vol.15, p.568.
③李炽昌：《圣号论衡：晚清<万国公报>基督教“圣号论争”文献汇编》,上海：上海古籍出版社,2008年,前言,第5页。
④ W. H. Medhurst etc. To the Protestant Missionaries Laboring at Hong Kong, and the Five Ports of China. January 30th,1850, Shanghae, p.3.
⑤ Jost Oliver Zetzsche, The Bible in China, p.86.
① Jost Oliver Zetzsche, The Bible in China, p.86.
②麦都思对此的回应是：“我初来传教时,发现我的前辈们都习惯使用‘神’来翻译God,这种观点就早早的灌输进我的头脑中。" "Reply to the Essay of Dr. Boone on the proper rendering of the words Elohim and θeos into the Chinese language," in the Chinese Repository, Nov.1848. Vol.17, p.565.
③ "Proceedings Relating to the Chinese Version of the Bible," in the Chinese Repository, April,1851, Vol.20, p.220.
① "Proceedings Relating to the Chinese Version of the Bible," in the Chinese Repository, Vol.20, April, 1851, p.220.
② Letter from Medhurst/Stronach/Milne to LMS, March 13,1851.
③ "Notes of an Interview between H. E. Su Ki-yu and Other Chinese Officers, and the Bishop of Victoria; Held at Fuhchau, Dec.7th,1850." in the Chinese Repository, Vol.20, May,1851, p.248.
④ "Notes of an Interview between H. E. Su Ki-yu and Other Chinese Officers, and the Bishop of Victoria; Held at Fuhchau, Dec.7th,1850." in the Chinese Repository, Vol.20, May,1851, pp.247-249.
⑤ "Proceedings Relating to the Chinese Version of the Bible," in the Chinese Repository, Vol.20, April, 1851, p.224.
①李炽昌：《圣号论衡：晚清<万国公报>基督教“圣号论争”文献汇编》,前言,第17页。但也有学者认为《万国公报》中华人的文章观点新颖,长期看来价值非凡,见Wong, Timothy Man-kong, "The Rendering of God in Chinese by the Chinese:Chinese Responses to the Term Question in the Wanguo gongbao", in Michael Lackner and Natascha Vittinghoff, eds. Mapping Meanings:the Field of New Learning in Late Qing China, pp. 589-613.
②吴义雄：《译名之争与早期的<圣经>中译》,第221页。
① Thomas G. Oey, "An Analysis of Bishop William J. Boone's 'Essay on the Term for Deity,'" Presented June 7-11,2006, International Symposium on the Translation and Transmission of the Bible in China, Fudan University, Shanghai, p.57.
② Jost Oliver Zetzsche, The Bible in China, p.84.
③麦都思在上海的图书馆藏书丰富,包括中国哲学、历史、小说、诗歌等方面的主要作品,“伦敦差会目录”列有麦都思和雒魏林的图书馆藏书目录,共914种中文书籍,见Irene Eber, The Jewish Bishop and the Chinese Bible:S. I. J. Schereschewsky (1831-1906), pp.230-231.
④ Thomas G. Oey, "An Analysis of Bishop William J. Boone's "Essay on the Term for Deity,'" Presented June 7-11,2006, International Symposium on the Translation and Transmission of the Bible in China, Fudan University, Shanghai, p.57.
① Marshall Broomhall, The Bible in China, pp.79-80;贺清泰采用口语化的官话翻译圣经,系受哲罗姆采用罗马平民所讲的拉丁语翻译圣经所影响,贺清泰虽获梵蒂冈赞誉,称其热情可嘉,但译本却被禁止出版,见Jost Oliver Zetzsche, The Bible in China, p.28.
②官话(Mandarin)原指清朝官吏的语言,十九世纪还有北京官话和南京官话之分,后泛指以北京方言为标准的普通用语。官话本圣经和方言本圣经都属于口语体圣经,和文理本圣经相对而言。
③ Jost Oliver Zetzsche, The Bible in China, p.141.
④ Jost Oliver Zetzsche, The Bible in China, p.141.
⑤详见苏精：《马礼逊与中文印刷出版》,第131-152页；赵晓阳：《二马圣经译本与白日升圣经译本关系考辨》,第56-57页。
⑥ Alexander Wylie, Memorials of Protestant Missionaries to the Chinese, p.36.
⑦1848年,米魏茶(W.C.Milne)发行了马太福音的上海方言本,麦丽芝(T. McClatchie)出版了路加 福音上海方言本。1850年,文惠廉(W. J. Boone)和他人合作把马太福音译成上海方言。见Jost Oliver Zetzsche, The Bible in China, p.141.
① Letter of Medhurst to LMS, from Shanghai, Jan.18,1854.
② Alexander Wylie, Memorials of Protestant Missionaries to the Chinese, p.36.
③贾立言、冯雪冰著：《汉文圣经译本小史》,第64页。
④ D. MacGillivray, A Century of Protestant Missions in China (1807-1907), p.560.
⑤麦都思、施敦力：《新约全书》(南京官话译本),上海：墨海书馆,1856。
① Marshall Broomhall, The Bible in China, p.75.
② Marshall Broomhall, The Bible in China, p.74.
③ The Missionary Magazine and Chronicle, October,1853, ⅩⅦ. pp.229-230,251.
④ Marshall Broomhall, The Bible in China, p.76.
⑤ D. MacGillivray, A Century of Protestant Missions in China (1807-1907), p.558.
⑥一说这50,000本是1856年印刷的,见letter from Medhurst to LMS of Sep.6,1855,
⑦ Jost Oliver Zetzsche, The Bible in China, p.143.
⑧ Letter of Medhurst, Stronach, and Milne to LMS, from Shanghai, March 13,1851.
① Jost Oliver Zetzsche, The Bible in China, p.141.
② D. MacGillivray, A Century of Protestant Missions in China (1807-1907), p.557.
③ John Wherry, "Historical Summary of the Different Versions of the Scriptures," p.55.
① Jost Oliver Zetzsche, The Bible in China, p.186.
② John C. Gibson, "Review of the Various Colloquial Versions and the Comparative Advantages of Roman Letters and Chinese Characters," p.72.
③麦都思、施敦力：《新约全书》(南京官话译本)，上海：墨海书馆,1857。
①“委办译本”原文为：“是非由血气,非由情欲,非由人意而生,乃由上帝也。”见《新约全书》(委办本),上海：墨海书馆,1853年
② Jost Oliver Zetzsche, The Bible in China, p.143.
① S. I. J. Schereschewsky, "Translation of the Scriptures into Chinese," p.44.
② John Wherry, "Historical Summary of the Different Versions of the Scriptures," p.55.
③ William Muirhead, "Historical Summary of the Different Versions of the Scriptures," p.36.
④ D. MacGillivray, A Century of Protestant Missions in China (1807-1907), p.557.
⑤ Jost Oliver Zetzsche, The Bible in China, p.144.
⑥ Marshall Broomhall, The Bible in China, p.83.
⑦ Darlow, T. H. and H. F. Moule. Historical Catalogue of the Printed Editions of Holy Scripture in the Library of the British and Foreign Bible Society.2 vols. London:British and Foreign Bible Society,1903, V. Ⅱ, p.211.
①“南京官话译本”还是同“委办译本”一样采用《马可传福音书》,而“北京官话译本”的译名是《马可福音》,见《新约全书》(北京官话译本),按希利尼原文翻译官话,京都东交民巷耶稣堂藏板,1872年。本文所用的“北京官话译本”为天主版。
②一说此单行本乃丁韪良所译,见John R. Hykes. Translations of the Scriptures into the Languages of China and her Dependencies. New York:American Bible Society,1916, p.9.
③ Jost Oliver Zetzsche, The Bible in China, p.149.
④麦都思、施敦力：《新约全书》(南京官话译本),上海：墨海书馆,1857。
⑤《新约全书》(北京官话译本),按希利尼原文翻译官话,京都东交民巷耶稣堂藏板,1872年。
①姚达兑指出,五四时期的白话有两个源头：“一是《圣谕广训》和圣谕拾遗作品的白话,二是来华新教传教士译述《圣经》和宣教作品的白话”,对于后者,不管是以官话还是以方言来翻译圣经,做出最早尝试的人物都是麦都思。见姚达兑：《圣书与白话——<圣谕>俗解和一种现代白话的夭折》,《同济大学学报》(社会科学版),2012年第1期,第80页。
② Marshall Broomhall, The Chinese Empire:a General & Missionary Survey, p.389.
③ Records of the General Conference of the Protestant Missionaries of China, Held at Shanghai, May 7-20,1890. Shanghai:Presbyterian Mission Press,1890, p. xliii.
④《马可福音书》(官话译本),上海：美华书馆,1867。《约翰福音书》(官话译本),上海：美华书馆,1868。见珍本圣经数位典藏。
①《新约全书》(南京官话译本),上海：墨海书馆,1857。
②《新约全书》(裨治文、克陛存译本),上海：美华书局,1863。
①《新约圣书》(委办本),香港：英华书院,1855年。
① Griffith John. "Correspondence," in Chinese Recorder, vol. xxi,1890, p.569.
①朱谦之：《中国哲学对欧洲的影响》,上海：上海人民出版社,2005年,本论之第二章。近些年,通过一些学者的努力,耶稣会士所翻译的中国经典对欧洲启蒙运动的影响渐渐明晰起来,如潘凤娟对卫方济经典翻译的研究,见潘凤娟：《卫方济的经典翻译与中国书写：文献介绍》,《编译论从》,2010年3月。
②[英]约·罗伯茨编著,蒋重跃、刘林海译：《十九世纪西方人眼中的中国》,北京：时事出版社,1999年,第1页。
③ J. Marshman. The Works of Confucius, Containing the Original Text, with a Translation. Vol. Ⅰ. Serampore:the Mission Press,1809, Dedication, ii.
④ David B. Honey. Incense at the Altar:Pioneering Sinologists and the Development of Classical Chinese Philology. New Haven:American Oriental Society,2001. p.167.⑤另一种看法认为斯当东爵士(Sir George Staunton)为英国汉学之父,详见David B. Honey. Incense at the Altar, p.172.
⑥ J. Marshman, The Works of Confucius, Vol.11, Dedication, ⅱ-ⅲ.
①王辉、叶拉美：《“直译”的政治：马礼逊<大学>译本析论》,《广东外语外贸大学学报》2008年第3期,第59页。
②也有学者认为马若瑟已译完全本《书经》。马若瑟还以法文写了《书经以前之时代及中国神话》,由德经收入宋君荣译本正文前,后被波蒂埃之《东方圣经》所转载。马若瑟认为,伏羲以下诸皇帝皆属神话故事。见[法]费赖之著,冯承钧译：《在华耶稣会士列传及书目》,第532-533、529-530页。
③[法]费赖之著,冯承钧译：《在华耶稣会士列传及书目》,第457页。
④[法]费赖之著,冯承钧译：《在华耶稣会士列传及书目》,第857页。
⑤经波蒂埃重校的译本把宋君荣所撰的序言重新置于卷首,此序曾被德经分割置于注释之中。序言述及《书经》的流传、沿革以及孔安国与伏生的今古文本篇目,也详细阐释了《书经》中星宿、日蚀等天文现象。见[法]费赖之著,冯承钧译：《在华耶稣会士列传及书目》,第697页。
①马祖毅、任荣珍著：《汉籍外译史》,武汉：湖北教育出版社,2003年,第48页。
②但德经的刻本为后来学者所诟病,如雷慕沙就曾说：”世人并责其夺人之功而矜己能：谓此博学研究员之汉文程度无论如何精通,世人颇难信其所改君荣之文,能更符原义也。”见[法]费赖之著,冯承钧译：《在华耶稣会士列传及书目》,第697页。
③马祖毅、任荣珍著：《汉籍外译史》,第48页。
④ Medhurst, W. H. Trans. The Shoo King, or the Historical Classic; Being the most Ancient Authentic Record of the Annals of the Chinese Empire:Illustrated by Later Commentators. Shanghae:The Mission Press,1846, Preface,ⅷ-ⅸ.
⑤ James Legge. The Shoo King or the Book of Documents. Taipei:SMC Publishing Inc.,1991, Preface:ⅵ.
⑥ James Legge. The Chinese Classics, Vol. Ⅰ. Taipei:SMC Publishing Inc.,1991, ⅶ.
① James Legge, The Chinese Classics, Vol.Ⅰ, Lindsay Ride's Biograhphical Note, p.10.
② "Remarks on the Philosophy of the Chinese, and the desirableness of having their Classical and Standard Authors translated into English," in the Chinese Repository, Vol.18, Jan.1849, p.44.
③ S. Wells Williams. The Middle Kingdom. Vol. Ⅰ. New York & London:Wiley and Putnam,1848, p.505.
④ "The Chinese Classics:Estimation in Which they are Held by the Chinese; Divided into Two Parts, the Sze Shoo and Woo King; Nine Subdivisions, with Remarks Concerning each," in the Chinese Repository, Vol.3, July 1834, p.104.
⑤ "The Shoo King; an Extract Containing the Astronomy of the Yaou Teen, with Explanations from the Commentary of Tase Chin. Translated by 文" The Chinese Repository, Vol.9, Dec.1840, p.573.
① William Milne, A Retrospect of the First Ten Years of the Protestant Mission to China, p.25.
② "The Chinese Classics:Estimation in Which they are Held by the Chinese; Divided into Two Parts, the Sze Shoo and Woo King; Nine Subdivisions, with Remarks Concerning each," in the Chinese Repository, Vol.3, July 1834, p.103.
③Brian Harrison, Waiting for Malacca, p.121.
④刘家和：《史学、经学与思想》,北京：北京师范大学出版社,2005年,第169-170页。
⑤这一部分的名称为：“纲鉴易知Extract from the Mirror of Chinese History, Beginning with the Reign of Yaou, Illustrative of the Facts Related in the Shoo-King."
①目录缺少《牧誓》(the Oath at Muh),但正文有此章译文,由此可知麦都思翻译此译本的确草率,理雅各的批评是恰当的。另,容新霞所说此译本共57章,看来是未核对正文。见容新霞、李新德：《从译者的主体性看麦都思的<尚书>译本翻译策略》,《牡丹江师范学院学报》(哲社版),2011年第2期,第70页。
② W. H. Medhurst, Trans, The Shoo King, pp.2-3.
③ W. H. Medhurst, Trans, The Shoo King, Preface, ix.
④欧尔德(Walter Gorn Old,1864-1929):英国占星学家,原名Walter Richard Old,以Sepharial的笔名写作时出名,研究领域包括占星学、东方学及古语言。
①蔡沈注：钱宗武、钱忠弼整理：《书集传》,第1页。
② W. H. Medhurst, Trans, The Shoo King, Preface, ⅳ.
①[清]永瑢等撰,《四库全书总目》,北京：中华书局,1965年,第101页。
② W. H. Medhurst, Trans, The Shoo King, Preface, ⅸ.
③蔡沈注;钱宗武、钱忠弼整理：《书集传》,南京：凤凰出版社,2010年,前言,第8页。
④蔡沈注；钱宗武、钱忠弼整理：《书集传》,第8页。
①W. H. Medhurst, Trans, The Shoo King, p.13.
②刘家和：《史学、经学与思想》,第125页。
① W. H. Medhurst, Trans, The Shoo King, Preface, ⅳ.
②《中国丛报》所载的这篇文章的作者依照宋君荣的译本介绍了《书经》的梗概,麦都思认为这篇文章浮躁,大概因为文章作者的观点和麦都思相反。作者怀疑《书经》为信史,认为其为孔子托古之作。“The Shoo King, or Book of Records; its Character, Antiquity, and Summary of its Contents, by a Correspondent." The Chinese Repository, Vol.8, Dec.1839, p.386.
③ W. H. Medhurst, Trans, The Shoo King, Preface, ⅳ.
④ W. H. Medhurst, Trans, The Shoo King, Preface, ⅶ.
⑤ W. H. Medhurst, Trans, The Shoo King, Preface, ⅷ.
① W. H. Medhurst, Trans, The Shoo King, pp.313-314.
② W. H. Medhurst, Trans, The Shoo King, pp.313,130.
③顾颉刚、刘起釪：《尚书校释译论》,北京：中华书局,2005年,第7-8页。理雅各的《书经》译本对此处“帝”的解释似乎更为准确：“‘帝’和天同义,确切的讲,指God。《说文》以谛释之,意为‘审判’；孔颖达解释‘帝’时,指天行使公正统治,给出更正判决;此名加于世俗君主,意谓要天的世俗代理人同样行使正义。”见James Legge, The Shoo King, p 16.
④如“上帝监民,罔有馨香德,刑发闻惟腥。“(《吕刑》)中的“上帝”在1846年译本中被译为the High Potentate,而1847年则被译为‘'the Supreme Ruler".见W. H. Medhurst. A Dissertation on the Theology of the Chinese with a view to the Elucidation of the Most Appropriate Term for Expressing the Deity in the Chinese Language. Shanghae:the Mission Press,1847, p.208.
①李约瑟指出,《尧典》所记录的这个故事很可能发生在公元前7到8世纪。羲、和二氏的名字有着神话的背景。见[英]李约瑟著,柯林·罗南改编,上海交通大学科学史系译：《中华科学文明史》,第2卷,上海：上海人民出版社,2002年,第81-83页。
②蔡沈注；钱宗武、钱忠弼整理：《书集传》,第3页。
③W. H. Medhurst, Trans, The Shoo King, p.4.
④刘朝阳著,李鉴澄、陈久金编：《刘朝阳中国天文学史论文选》,郑州：大象出版社,1999,第19页。
① "The Chinese Classics:Estimation in Which they are Held by the Chinese; Divided into Two Parts, the Sze Shoo and Woo King:Nine Subdivisions, with Remarks Concerning each," in the Chinese Repository, Vol.3, July 1834, pp.103-104.
② James Legge, The Shoo King, Prolegomena:99.
③ James Legge, The Shoo King, p.19.
① James Legge, The Shoo King, Preface:ⅵ.
② James Legge, The Shoo King, Preface:ⅵ.
③ "Remarks on the Philosophy of the Chinese, and the desirableness of having their Classical and Standard Authors translated into English," in the Chinese Repository, Vol.18, Jan.1849, p.44.
① John Minford & Joseph S. M. Lau. Classical Chinese Literature:An Anthology of Translations. Volume Ⅰ:from Antiquity to the Tang Dynasty. New York:Columbia University Press,2000, p.66.
② Walter Gorn Old. The Shu King:Or, the Chinese Historical Classic, Being an Authentic Record of the Religion, Philosophy, Customs and Government of the Chinese From the Earliest Times. New York:Theosophical Publishing Society,1904, p. ⅶ.
③ Walter Gorn Old, The Shu King, p. ⅷ.
④如李约瑟在其作品中征引麦都思英译本以辨析地名,见Joseph Needham. Science and Civilization in China:Vol. Ⅴ, Chemistry and Chemical Technology. Cambridge:Cambridge University Press,1988, p.18.
⑤[美]吉瑞德：《朝觐东方：理雅各评传》,桂林：广西师范大学出版社,2011年,第52-55页。
①一些手稿本可能对后来的新教传教士的词典编纂有所影响,如马礼逊在《字典》(201)的序中曾提及到一份罗马教会的词典手稿;麦都思也在其《英汉字典》(1847)序言中提到他曾参考过一本作者不详的拉丁语-汉语字典手稿。
② Denis Twitchett. Land Tenure and the Social Order in T'ang and Sung China,3. London:School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London,1962. Cited from David B. Honey, Incense at the Alta, p.175.
③周振鹤：《善读书者之一大助》,载《中华读书报》,1999年6月23日。
④马礼逊的这部字典(A Dictionary of the Chinese Language)多被译为《华英字典》,但这一名称有误导之嫌,让人以为他的字典中只是一部汉英对照字典,所以笔者认为最好还是译为《华英-英华字典》。
① David B. Honey, Incense at the Alta, p.176.另,15,000英镑中,12,000英镑用于印刷《汉语词典》(即马礼逊的三部字典的总称—笔者加),共出版600本,见周振鹤：《善读书者之一大助》,载《中华读书报》,1999年6月23日。
② Morrison, Robert. A Dictionary of the Chinese Language, in Three Parts. Part the First; Containing Chinese and English, Arranged According to the Radicals; Part the Second, Chinese and English Arranged Alphabetically; and Part the Third, English and Chinese. Part Ⅰ. Vol. Ⅰ. Macao:Printed at the Honorable the East India Company's Press,1815, Introduction, x.
③黄时鉴：《麦都思<汉语福建方言字典>述论》,载李国章、赵昌平：《中华文史论丛》第71辑,上海：上海古籍出版社,2003,第320页。
④马礼逊自述他的《五车韵府》是以清朝一位陈先生的著作为基础编纂而成的。这位陈先生未出版其著作即去世,他的一个学生曾给予仔细修正。另一个学生在朝廷编纂《康熙字典》时把手稿交出,从而对《康熙字典》的编写有很大的影响。谭树林：《马礼逊与中西文化交流》,北京：中国美术学院出版社,2004,第61页。
① W. H. Medhurst. Chinese and English Dictionary; Containing all the Words in the Chinese Imperial Dictionary, Arranged According to the Radicals. Vol. Ⅰ. Batavia:Parapattan,1842, preface, ⅲ.
② W. H. Medhurst, Chinese and English Dictionary, Vol. Ⅰ, preface, ⅲ.
③ S. Wells Williams. "Review of Chinese and English Dictionary by W. H. Medhurst," in the Chinese Repository, Vol.12, Sep.1843, p.497.
① W. H. Medhurst, Chinese and English Dictionary, preface, ⅳ.
② W. H. Medhurst, Chinese and English Dictionary, preface, ⅲ.
③. Wells Williams. "Review of Chinese and English Dictionary by W. H. Medhurst," in the Chinese Repository, Vol.12, Sep.1843, p.497.
④ S. Wells Williams. "Review of Chinese and English Dictionary by W. H. Medhurst," in the Chinese Repository, Vol.12, Sep.1843, pp.498-499.
① Robert Morrison. A Dictionary of the Chinese Language, in Three Parts. Part the First; Containing Chinese and English, Arranged According to the Radicals; Part the Second, Chinese and English Arranged Alphabetically; and Part the Third, English and Chinese. Part Ⅲ,1822, Preface谭树林：《马礼逊与中西文化交流》,第63页。
② Letter of Medhurst to LMS, from Batavia, Nov.17,1838.
③ W. H. Medhurst. English and Chinese Dictionary. Vol. Ⅰ. Shanghai:the Mission Press,1847, Preface, i.
④ W. H. Medhurst, English and Chinese Dictionary, Vol. Ⅰ, Preface, ⅰ.
⑤ W. H. Medhurst, English and Chinese Dictionary, Vol. Ⅰ, Preface, ⅱ.
⑥ W. H. Medhurst, English and Chinese Dictionary, Vol. Ⅰ, Preface, ⅱ.
① W. H. Medhurst, China, p.167.
② S. Wells Williams. "Review of Chinese and English Dictionary by W. H. Medhurst," in the Chinese Repository, Vol.12, Sep.1843, p.497.
③ W. H. Medhurst, English and Chinese Dictionary, Vol.Ⅰ, Preface, ⅱ.
①W. H. Medhurst, English and Chinese Dictionary, Vol. Ⅰ, p.365.此句麦都思摘引有误,原句出于《论语·学而篇第一》：“父在,观其志;父没,观其行；三年无改于父之道,可谓孝矣。”
② W. H. Medhurst, English and Chinese Dictionary, Vol. Ⅰ, Preface, ⅱ.
③ W. H. Medhurst, English and Chinese Dictionary, Vol. Ⅰ, Preface, ⅱ.
④洪惟仁认为麦都思这本字典的价值要大于此前马礼逊的广东话字典;他说,马礼逊的字典虽是创举,但其广东话字典却极其简略,连声调都没有,如果不计此本字典,麦都思可被视为近代汉语方言字典的开拓者,见洪惟仁：《台湾文献书目解题：语言类》,台北：“国立中央图书馆”台湾分馆,1996,第205页。
⑤已知的第一本中西对照的福建方言字典是1575年的《华语韵编》,编著者为西班牙奥斯定会教士、马尼拉教区主教拉达(Martin de Rada),见黄时鉴：《麦都思<汉语福建方言字典>述论》,第321页。
⑥洪惟仁：《台湾文献书目解题：语言类》,第197页。
⑦洪惟仁：《台湾文献书目解题：语言类》,第206页。
①黄时鉴：《麦都思<汉语福建方言字典>述论》,第329页。
② W. H. Medhurst. A Dictionary of the Hok-Keen Dialect of the Chinese Language. Macao:Printed at the Honorable East India Company's Press,1832, Medhurst's preface on July 29th,1831,ⅹⅷ.
③ W. H. Medhurst, A Dictionary of the Hok-Keen Dialect of the Chinese Language, Medhurst's preface on July 29th,1831, ⅹⅰ.
④ W. H. Medhurst, A Dictionary of the Hok-Keen Dialect of the Chinese Language, Medhurst's preface on July 29th,1831, ⅵ-ⅶ.
⑤ W. H. Medhurst, A Dictionary of the Hok-Keen Dialect of the Chinese Language, Medhurst's preface on July 29th,1831,ⅹ.
① W. H. Medhurst, A Dictionary of the Hok-Keen Dialect of the Chinese Language, S. Wells Williams' Advertisement on June 1,1837.
②杜晓萍：《十九世纪外国传教士所撰福建闽南方言文献语音和词汇系统研究》,福建师范大学博士论文,2011年5月,第20页。
③“闽南方言对汉字有两种读音：文读音和白话音,或称字音和话音。这两套读音几乎各自形成本身的系统,而且长期以来并存发展。”黄时鉴：《麦都思<汉语福建方言字典>述论》,第323页。
④“字头”、“字母”类似于后来的声母和韵母。
⑤ W. H. Medhurst, A Dictionary of the Hok-Keen Dialect of the Chinese Language, Medhurst's preface on July 29th,1831, ⅶ.
⑥洪惟仁：《麦都思<福建方言字典>的价值》,《台湾文献》第42卷第2期,1991年6月,第95-115页。转引自黄时鉴：《麦都思<汉语福建方言字典>述论》,第324页。
① W. H. Medhurst, A Dictionary of the Hok-Keen Dialect of the Chinese Language, Medhurst's preface on July 29th,1831,ⅸ.
② W. H. Medhurst, A Dictionary of the Hok-Keen Dialect of the Chinese Language, Medhurst's preface on July 29th,1831,ⅸ.
③ S. Wells Williams. The Middle Kingdom. Vol. Ⅰ. New York & London:Wiley and Putnam,1848, p.491-492.
④ W. H. Medhurst, A Dictionary of the Hok-Keen Dialect of the Chinese Language, p.62.
⑤杨伯峻：《论语译注》,北京：中华书局,2009年版,第59页。
①陈榕烽指出字典中汉语英译的错误有四类：一、误译,二、硬译,三、文化误读,四、断章取义,见陈榕烽：《麦都思<汉语福建方言字典>词条英译指疵》,《湖南科技学院学报》,2010年第10期,第147-149页。
②马睿颖分析了这本字典中文化负载词的翻译模式,指出该字典中文化负载词的翻译“有些不够全面,或外延太窄,仅译出了词汇的字面义,而未加上文化背景解释,仍易引发读者的误解。“但认为“麦都思能翻译到如此水平,实属难得”。见马睿颖：《双语词典文化限定词的处理一以<福建方言字典>为例》,《福建师范大学学报(哲学社会科学版)》,2011年第4期,第162页。
③黄时鉴：《麦都思<汉语福建方言字典>述论》,载第334页。
④沈国威：《理念与实践：近代汉外辞典的诞生》,《学术月刊》,2011年第4期,第123页。
⑤根据卫三畏的界定,字汇(vocabulary)为参考方便、帮助记忆而编写；词典(lexicon)为文字学研究之用,词源、用法、辨析、词根等都予以罗列；而字典(dictionary)介于两者之间,见S. Wells Williams."Review of Chinese and English Dictionary of W. H. Medhurst," in the Chinese Repository, Vol.12, Sep.1843, p.496.
⑥《麦都思行略》,载沈国威编著：《六合丛谈：附题解·索引》,第577页。
① Medhurst, China, pp.341-343.
②陈辉指出,《中朝日语对照》或《千字文》的书名都是不正确的,见陈辉：《麦都思<朝鲜伟国字汇>钩沉》,《文献》季刊,2006年第1期,第175-176页。
③《麦都思行略》,载沈国威编著：《六合丛谈：附题解·索引》,第578页,。
④ Philo Sinensis. Translation of a Comparative Vocabulary of the Chinese, Corean, and Japanese Languages:to Which is Added the Thousand Character Classic, in Chinese and Corean. Batavia:Parapattan,1835, preface.
⑤ W. H. Medhurst, Translation of a Comparative Vocabulary of the Chinese, Corean, and Japanese Languages: to Which is Added the Thousand Character Classic, in Chinese and Corean, preface.
⑥陈辉：《麦都思<朝鲜伟国字汇>钩沉》,第177-178页。
①陈辉：《麦都思<朝鲜伟国字汇>钩沉》,第178页。
② Letter of Medhurst to LMS, Jan.29th,1833.
③ Letter of Medhurst to LMS, Jan.29th,1833.
④陈辉：《麦都思<朝鲜伟国字汇>钩沉》,第176页。
⑤陈辉：《麦都思<朝鲜伟国字汇>钩沉》,第182页。
⑥虎尾垄语为台湾中部平埔族巴布萨族所用的台湾南岛语言,属巴布萨语族。2011年2月21日世界母语口,联合国教科文组织发表世界各地母语现状报告。报告记载,在台湾,虎尾垄语等8种语言被认定流失。
⑦ Alexander Wylie, Memorials of Protestant Missionaries to the Chinese, p.37.
① Charles Aylmer. "The Memoirs of H. A. Giles," in East Asian History, number 13/14, June/December 1997, p. 39.
② W. H. Medhurst, A Dictionary of the Hok-Keen Dialect of the Chinese Language, Medhurst's preface on July 29th,1831.
③洪惟仁：《台湾文献书目解题：语言类》,第210页;The Chinese Repository, Vol.18, Jan.1849, p.44.
④洪惟仁：《台湾文献书目解题：语言类》,第210页。
⑤洪惟仁：《台湾文献书目解题：语言类》,第210-211页。
⑥洪惟仁：《台湾文献书目解题：语言类》,第211页。
①W.H.Medhurst,China,pp.167-168.
① William Muirhead, China and Gospel, p.162.
② R. Wardlaw Thompson. Griffith John:the Story of Fifty Years in China. London:the Religious Tract Society, 1906, pp.47-48.
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[4]郭实腊：《救世主耶稣新遗诏书》,新加坡：坚夏书院,1839年。
[5]郭实腊：《救世主耶稣新遗诏书》,新加坡：坚夏书院,1836-1840年?
[6]《马可福音书》(南京官话译本),上海：美华书馆,1867年。
[7]马礼逊：《我等救世主耶稣新遗诏书》,马六甲：英华书院,18?
[8]马礼逊：《神天圣书》,马六甲：英华书院,1823年。
[9]麦都思：《新遗诏书》,巴达维亚,1837年。
[10]麦都思：《约翰书》,上海：墨海书馆,1847年。
[11]麦都思等：《新约全书》(委办本),上海：墨海书馆,1853年。
[12]麦都思等：《新约圣书》(委办本),香港：英华书院,1855年。
[13]麦都思等：《旧约圣书》(委办本),香港：英华书院,1855年。
[14]麦都思、施敦力：《马太传福音》(南京官话译本),1856?
[15]麦都思、施敦力：《新约全书》(南京官话译本：四福音及使徒行传),上海：墨海书馆,1856年。
[16]麦都思、施敦力：《新约全书》(南京官话译本),上海：墨海书馆,1857年。
[17]麦都思等：《新约全书》(委办本)(文理串珠),大英圣书公会,1899年。
[18]麦都思等：《旧约全书》(委办本),大英圣书公会,1904年。
[19]麦都思等：《新旧约全书》(委办本),大英圣书公会,1908年。
[20]麦都思等：《新约全书》(委办本),上海：美华书馆,1874年。
[21]《新旧约全书》(文理和合本),上海：大英圣书公会,1919年。
[22]《新旧约全书》(文理和合本),上海：大英圣书公会,1934年。
[23]《新遗诏圣书》(《马太传福音书》),南京,太平天国癸好三年(1853)
[24]《新遗诏圣书》,南京,18?
[25]《新约全书》(北京官话译本),京都东交民巷耶稣堂藏板,1872年。
[26]《新约全书》(文理和合本),上海：大英圣书公会,1906年。
[27]《新约全书》(文理和合本),上海：大英圣书公会,1919年。
[28]杨格非：《新约全书》(浅文理译本),汉口：汉镇英汉书馆铅板印,1886年。
[29]《约翰福音书》(南京官话译本),上海：美华书馆,1868年。
[30]湛约翰、韶玛亭译：《新约全书》(文理和合本),香港：文裕堂,1897年。
[31]Marshman, Joshua and Joannes Lassar. The New Testament in Chinese, Serampore,1822.
[1]程小娟：《“God"的翻译讨论及接受》,河南大学博士论文,2007年5月。
[2]杜晓萍：《十九世纪外国传教士所撰福建闽南方言文献语音和词汇系统研究》,福建师范大学博士论文,2011年5月。
[3]姜仁圭：《早期伦敦传道会在上海传教研究》,国立师范大学博士论文,1998年。
[4]梁跃天：《麦都思与译名之争：从翻译到建构：论概念的进入与迂回》,北京外国语大学硕士论文,2008年。
[5]罗中：《“格义”与“反向格义”——“圣号译名”论争中的中西宗教比较研究》,中央民族大学硕士论文,2010年5月。
[6]马睿颖：《<福建方言字典>中汉语借词的翻译方法研究》,福建师范大学硕士论文,2009年。
[7]赵路卫：《麦都思与<圣经>中译》,湖南大学硕士论文,2011年6月。
[8]Dong, Linfu. The Search for God in Ancient China:James Mellon Menzies, China Missionary and Archaeologist. PhD dissertation, York University,2001.
[9]Lazich, Michael C. E. C. Bridgman and the Coming of the Millennium:the America's First Missionary to China. PhD dissertation, State University of New York at Buffalo, May 1997.
[10]Petzholt, Raymond Paul. China's Ancient Monotheistic Religious Roots in Shang Ti and its Importance for the Evangelization of the Chinese. PhD dissertation, Fuller Theological Seminary,2000.
① T. S. Foley. Biblical Translation in Chinese and Greek. Leiden:Brill,2009, p.20.
② T. S. Foley, Biblical Translation in Chinese and Greek, p.21.
③ T. S. Foley, Biblical Translation in Chinese and Greek, p.21.
④学者段怀清已把此文译成中文,见[美]韩南著,段怀清译：《作为中国文学之<圣经>：麦都思、王韬与“<圣经>委办本”》,《浙江大学学报》,第40卷第2期,2010年3月,第16-37页。
⑤已有中文译本,见[英]海恩波(Marshall Broomhall)著,蔡锦图译：《道在神州——中文圣经的翻译与流传》,香港：汉语圣经协会,2000年。
①杨森富编著：《中国基督教史》,台北：台湾商务印书馆,1968年,第378页。
①吴义雄：《译名之争与早期的<圣经>中译》,《近代史研究》,2000年第2期,第216-217页。
②李炽昌：《圣号论衡：晚清<万国公报>基督教“圣号论争”文献汇编》,上海：上海古籍出版社,2008年,前言,11。而黄文江(2004)则认为《万国公报》中华人的论争文章观点新颖,长期看来价值非凡,见Wong, Timothy Man-kong. "The Rendering of God in Chinese by the Chinese:Chinese Responses to the Term Question in the Wanguo gongbao," in Michael Lackner and Natascha Vittinghoff, eds. Mapping Meanings:the Field of New Learning in Late Qing China. Leiden:Brill,2004, pp.589-613.
①洪惟仁：《台湾文献书目解题：语言类》,台北：“国立中央图书馆”台湾分馆,1996,第197页。
①《麦都思行略》,载沈国威编著：《六合丛谈：附题解·索引》,上海：上海辞书出版社,2006年,1857年一卷四号,第580页。
① W. C. M. "The Late Rev. Dr. Medhurst," in John Campbell, ed. The Christian Witness, and Church Members Magazine. Vol. ⅩⅣ. London:John Snow,1857.
①钱乘旦、许洁明：《英国通史》,上海：上海社会科学出版社,2002年,第212页。
①[美]保罗·肯尼迪著,蒋葆英等译：《大国的兴衰》,北京：中国经济出版社,1989年,第188-189页。
②[美]保罗·肯尼迪：《大国的兴衰》,第189页。
③[美]保罗·肯尼迪：《大国的兴衰》,第198页。
④[美]威利斯顿·沃尔克著,孙善玲、段琦、朱代强译：《基督教会史》,北京：中国社会科学出版社,1991年,第575页。
①钱乘旦、许洁明：《英国通史》,第210-211页。
②[英]约翰·麦克曼勒斯主编,张景龙等译：《牛津基督教史(插图本)》,贵州：贵州人民出版社,1995年,第284页。
③1977年伦敦传道会与英联邦传道会(Commonwealth Society)及英国长老会差传委员会(Foreign Missions Committee of the Presbyterian Church of England)合并为世界传道会(Council for World Mission),总部位于伦敦。
①《行略》刊于《六合丛谈》1卷4号(咸丰七年五月初一,即1857年4月24日),从行文看明显经儒士润饰过,其上载麦都思去世时间为丙辰年十二月二十九日,即公历1857年1月24日,和《纪念录》所载一致。《行略》和《纪念录》大致相同,都是略述麦都思来华前的经历,而详介其来华后的事迹。《行略》中的记载明显依照中国给死者写墓志铭或生平时的传统,不吝溢美之词,而《纪念录》对于其生平记载则要详细客观一点。《行略》提及一条新信息,即在他离开圣保罗教堂学校后,“继回哥罗斯的乃祖父之故邑也”,说明他的祖籍地为格罗斯特(Gloucester)。
② Alexander Wylie. Memorials of Protestant Missionaries to the Chinese, Giving a List of Their Publications, and Obituary Notices of the Deceased. Shanghai:American Presbyterian Mission Press,1867, p.25.
③主日学校是英美等国在星期日为儿童及没有机会接受正规教育的成人开办的初等教育机构,主要教授圣经、拼音、识字。第一所主日学校是由英国慈善家罗伯特·雷克斯(Robert Raikes)于1780年创办于格罗斯特。到19世纪上半叶时风行于英国,后为公立学校取代。许多主日学校是在教堂和小教堂的基础上建立起来的,宗教教育和道德教育被置于重要地位,详见[英]奥尔德里奇著,诸惠芳等译：《简明英国教育史》,北京：人民教育出版社,1987年,第73页;任钟印、李文奎编：《外国教育通史》第三卷,济南：山东教育出版社,1990年,第21-22页。
④ W. C. M."The Late Rev. Dr. Medhurst," p.163.
⑤奥尔德里奇：《简明英国教育史》,第74-75页。
① Alexander Wylie, Memorials of Protestant Missionaries to the Chinese, pp.36-40.
② Walter Henry Medhurst. China:its State and Prospects, with Special Reference to the Spread of the Gospel: Containing Allusions to the Antiquity, Extent, Population, Cultivation, Literature, and Religion of the Chinese. London:John Snow,1838, introduction, v.
③大象出版社于2008年推出此书的中文版《新教在华传教前十年回顾》,作为“马礼逊文集”系列丛书之一,由北京外国语大学中国海外汉学研究中心翻译组翻译。
④ Samuel Kidd(1804-1843)：英国传教士,1828到1832年被伦敦传道会派往马六甲任英华书院校长。1832年返英,任伦敦大学学院(University College London)中国语言教授。
⑤马礼逊和米怜似乎也没有很强的教育背景。马礼逊1802年成为长老会牧师,1803年在位于伦敦的霍克斯顿神学院(Hoxton Academy)接受神学训练,这所学院是给那些不信奉国教(nonconformi st)从而不能进入剑桥大学或牛津大学接受教育的学生提供大学层次的教育。此时,马礼逊决定成为一名传教士。1804年,马礼逊加入伦敦传道会,此年5月即入位于汉普郡的戈斯波特传教学院(a missionary academy at Gosport)学习。在此学习约一年零三个月之后,1805年回到伦敦,又接受了十六个月的集中学习,以医药、天文和中文为主修。米怜少年艰难,六岁时父亲去世,牧羊、耕种为生,25岁时加入伦敦传道会,在戈斯波特传教学院学习了约两年后被派往中国传教。
⑥ Medhurst, China, introduction, v.
①据http://www.1911encyclopedia.org/Walter_Henry_Medhurst。
②《麦都思行略》,载沈国威编著：《六合丛谈：附题解·索引》,1857年一卷四号,第576页。
③ W. C. M. "The Late Rev. Dr. Medhurst," p.163.
④出自《旧约·阿摩司书》4：11。
⑤W. C. M. "The Late Rev. Dr. Medhurst," p.163.
⑥ W. C. M. "The Late Rev. Dr. Medhurst," p.163.
① W. C. M. "The Late Rev. Dr. Medhurst" p.163.
② W. C. M. "The Late Rev. Dr. Medhurst," p.162.
①[美]威利斯顿·沃尔克：《基督教会史》,第481页。
②顾卫民：《基督教与近代社会》，上海：上海人民出版社,2010年,第30页。[美]威利斯顿·沃尔克：《基督教会史》,第478-479页。
①[美]费正清编,中国社会科学院历史研究所编译室译：《剑桥中国晚清史1800-1911年》(上卷),北京：中国社会科学出版社,1985年,第586-587页。
②一般以马礼逊1807年来华为始点,但也有以新教国家荷兰占领台湾并传教为初始的。荷兰于1624年入侵台湾,两年后从巴达维亚派遣传教士抵台。1662年,郑成功克复台湾,驱走荷兰人,新教传教势力也随之瓦解,见顾卫民：《基督教与近代社会》,第80页,注1；当时荷兰当局采取非常务实的方式推行新教,详见[英]约翰·麦克曼勒斯：《牛津基督教史(插图本)》,第273页。
③王治心撰,徐以骅导读：《中国基督教史纲》,上海：上海古籍出版社,2004年,第127页。
①[清]王之春著、赵春晨点校：《清朝柔远记》,北京：中华书局,1989年,第65页。
②[清]王之春著、赵春晨点校：《清朝柔远记》,第103页。
③洪任辉(James Flint),东印度公司职员,曾在广州学习中文,通晓中国语言,在广州长期担任翻译之职,被认为是英国第一个中文翻译。早在1755年(乾隆二十年),洪任辉来到宁波,请求互市,并得到允许。因宁波关税杂费低于粤海关,这造成到广州口岸贸易的船只减少,关税锐减。两年后,乾隆帝欲赴浙贸易船只返回广东,令浙海关提高关税税率一倍,使外商无利可图,自动返粤贸易。岂知这一策略无效,清廷于是关闭浙江口岸。身为东印度公司雇员的洪任辉赴宁波贸易被拒,便直航天津,上书乾隆,控诉粤海关苛捐杂税、敲诈勒索。结果相关人员受到惩处,洪任辉被圈禁于澳门。
④[清]王之春著、赵春晨点校：《清朝柔远记》,第110页。
⑤[清]王之春著、赵春晨点校：《清朝柔远记》,第149页。
①[清]王之春著、赵春晨点校：《清朝柔远记》,第152页。
②[清]王之春著、赵春晨点校：《清朝柔远记》,第163页。
③[清]王之春著、赵春晨点校：《清朝柔远记》,第163页。
④[清]王之春著、赵春晨点校：《清朝柔远记》,第165页。
⑤ W. H. Medhurst, China, pp.242-243.
⑥ W. H. Medhurst, China, pp.283-290.
⑦ Eliza Morrison, Robert Morrison, Samuel Kidd. Memoirs of the Life and Labours of Robert Morrison, D.D.: with Critical Notices of his Chinese Works, by Samuel Kidd, and an Appendix Containing Original Documents. Vol. Ⅰ. London:Longman, Orme, Brown, Green, and Longmans,1839, pp.365-366.
① Eliza Morrison, Robert Morrison. Samuel Kidd, Memoirs, I, pp.366-367.
②摈榔屿(Penang)曾一度成为伦敦传道会首选的东南亚传教地区。槟榔屿自1786年归东印度公司管辖后,来自中国、印度等地区的移民迅速增加。到这里开教不会遭致东印度公司的反对,在新加坡1819年开埠以前槟榔屿被视为马来群岛贸易和影响的新中心,潜力巨大,伦敦传道会在其1805年的报告中即把摈榔屿列为中国传教计划之一部分,欲在那建立传教基地。1806年时,伦敦会原打算把马礼逊派往槟榔屿,在此地区的中国人中传教,第二年,传道会的理事们改变初衷,认为要在中国人中获得传教的成功,关键要把圣经翻译成地道的中文,而东南亚显然不是最佳选择,所以决定把马礼逊派往中国本土,见Brian Harrison. Waiting for China:the Anglo-Chinese College at Malacca,1818-1843, and Early Nineteenth-Century Missions. Hong Kong:Hong Kong University Press,1979, pp.3-4.
③马六甲,位于马来半岛西南端,与印尼苏门答腊相对,古老的港口,始建于约1403年,曾为马六甲王国的都城,先后沦为葡萄牙(1511-1641)、荷兰(1641-1795)及英国(1826-1946)的殖民地。曾为重要的贸易和文化中心,荷兰统治时期,逐渐丧失了其贸易中心地位。在1795年到1818年英国东印度公司占领期间,英方认为只会暂时占有马六甲,拆毁其防御工事,倾力弱化其战略地位。1818年9月21日,英国东印度公司把马六甲移交给荷兰,见Brian Harrison, Waiting for China, pp.11-12.
④ Brian Harrison, Waiting for China, p.7.
⑤ Eliza Morrison, Robert Morrison, Samuel Kidd, Memoirs, I, p.367.
⑥ William Milne. A Retrospect of the First Ten Years of the Protestant Mission to China. Malacca:the Anglo-Chinese Press,1820, p.112.
① Brian Harrison, Waiting for China, p.12.
② Brian Harrison, Waiting for China, pp.16-17.
③ Eliza Morrison, Robert Morrison, Samuel Kidd, Memoirs, I, p.355.
④ Eliza Morrison, Robert Morrison, Samuel Kidd, Memoirs, I, p.355.
⑤ Eliza Morrison, Robert Morrison, Samuel Kidd, Memoirs, I, p.384; Brian Harrison, Waiting for China, p.20.
① Eliza Morrison, Robert Morrison, Samuel Kidd, Memoirs, I, pp.385-387; William Milne, A Retrospect of the First Ten Years of the Protestant Mission to China, pp.137-140;李志刚：《基督教早期在华传教史》,台北：台湾商务印书馆,1985年,第169-170页。
②恒河外方指印度东岸以外的南洋群岛及马来半岛。
① Brian Harrison, Waiting for China, p.28.
② William Milne, A Retrospect of the First Ten Years of the Protestant Mission to China, p.195.
③ Alexander Wylie, Memorials of Protestant Missionaries to the Chinese, pp.21-25; W. H. Medhurst, China, pp.307-310;李志刚：《基督教早期在华传教史》,第175页；卓南生：《中国近代报业发展史(1815-1874)》(增订版),北京：中国社会科学出版社,2002,第18-19页。
④ William Milne, A Retrospect of the First Ten Years of the Protestant Mission to China, p.154.
⑤ William Milne, A Retrospect of the First Ten Years of the Protestant Mission to China, p.155.
⑥ William Milne, A Retrospect of the First Ten Years of the Protestant Mission to China, pp.154-156.
① William Milne, A Retrospect of the First Ten Years of the Protestant Mission to China, pp.190-191.
② William Milne, A Retrospect of the First Ten Years of the Protestant Mission to China, pp.191-192; Eliza Morrison, Robert Morrison, Samuel Kidd, Memoirs, I, p.500.
③见第三章第一节。
④ William Milne, A Retrospect of the First Ten Years of the Protestant Mission to China, p.157.
⑤ Brian Harrison, Waiting for China, p.24.
⑥ Brian Harrison, Waiting for China, p.26.
①1818年,马礼逊在写给传道会的信中,尽力弱化筹建中书院世俗教育的一面,而强调其培训传教士、传播教义的一面,“请求您慎重对待新生的神学院(seminary),英华书院。其最终目标……是基督统治世界。文学只是手段,而不是目的。”Letter of Morrison to Directors,30 Jan.1818, cited from Brian Harrison, Waiting for China, p.35.
② Eliza Morrison, Robert Morrison, Samuel Kidd, Memoirs, I, p.426.
③此时,麦都思此时正以印刷工的身份在马六甲代米怜管理基地一切事务,1819年4月27日,才被按立为牧师。恒河外方传道会临时委员会决议概述如下Ⅰ我们建议在马六甲或其他传教站制定一同就餐(PublicTable)制度：Ⅱ建议到马六甲的传教士在熟悉语言后,到临近国家传教,建议他们遵从当地传教会的定制；Ⅲ鉴于马来人基本不识文字,分发布道书籍手册作用不大,我们建议针对他们以口头宣教和学校教育为主；Ⅳ对中国人传教为主,建筑的主体部分供对中国人传教之用；Ⅴ建议宗教仪式由年长传教士主持：Ⅵ印刷所可承担盈利项目；Ⅶ《印支搜闻》由现任主编负责继续发行；Ⅷ如情况和设施允许,要教授年轻的同工学习本地语言,如有必要,也传授神学和其他门类的知识；Ⅸ我们年轻的同工要尽早到摈榔屿、爪哇和其他定居点巡游,分发圣经和布道手册,再行返回；Ⅹ在中国本土和马六甲要留有期刊和给传道会的信件副本；成本计入总账；Ⅺ对1818年,9月1日关账；总站将来所需的建筑继续修建；Ⅷ我们尽力完成未译的旧约;ⅩⅣ已完成翻译、修订或到今年年底将要完成翻译、修订的旧约,会在中国本土雇佣工人并派到马六甲进行印刷；ⅩⅤ搜集日本岛的信息,以备到那传教。马礼逊米怜恒河外方传道会临时委员会成员,1817年11月2日中国广州决议见William Milne, A Retrospect of the First Ten Years of the Protestant Mission to China, pp.199-201; Eliza Morrison, Robert Morrison, Samuel Kidd, Memoirs, I, pp.503-06.
①麦都思何时到巴达维亚传教,观点不一,一般认为他到巴达维亚的时间为1821年底,见李志刚：《基督教早期在华传教史》,第170页；Brian Harrison, Waiting for China, p.92但根据麦都思的《中国：现状与展望》,其到巴达维亚时间为1822年初,见W. H. Medhurst, China, P.331.
① Brian Harrison, Waiting for China, pp.22-23.
② William Milne, A Retrospect of the First Ten Years of the Protestant Mission to China, p.163.
③卡迪尔(Abdullah bin Abdul Kadir,1797-1854),马来人,生于马六甲,1815年始入马六甲的传道学校学习英语,和伦敦会的马六甲传教基地关系密切,曾为米怜、谭信及后来多位传教士的马来语教师,也在英华书院图书馆帮过忙,曾辅助马来语的翻译、印刷出版等事务。著有自传《阿卜杜拉的故事》(Hikayat Abdullah),书中提及过多位传教士,如称麦都思为“一位非常热情的老师,思维很有逻辑性,大脑聪慧,学东西很快”。Brian Harrison, Waiting for China, pp.118-19.
④ W. H. Medhurst, China, p.311.
⑤ W. H. Medhurst. A Dictionary of the Hok-Keen Dialect of the Chinese Language. Macao:Printed at the Honorable East India Company's Press,1832, p.ⅵ.
① William Milne, A Retrospect of the First Ten Years of the Protestant Mission to China, p.195.
② W. H. Medhurst, China, p.311.
③ William Milne, A Retrospect of the First Ten Years of the Protestant Mission to China, p.196.
④ William Milne, A Retrospect of the First Ten Years of the Protestant Mission to China, p.196.
⑤ Brian Harrison, Waiting for China, p.13.
⑥ W. H. Medhurst, China, p.314.
① W. H. Medhurst, China, pp.311-12.
② "Penang:Descriptions of the Island; its Population,&c.; Christian Missions, Their Establishment, Progress, and Present State," in the Chinese Repository, Vol.3, Sep.1834, p.223.
③ Letter of Milne to Directors, from Malacca, Aug.23,1821, LMS, cited from Brian Harrison, Waiting for China, pp.62-63.
④在米怜从澳门来广州之前,马礼逊在他的1813年7月4日的日记中记载：“实在不行,就让他到爪哇或 马六甲去”。同时马礼逊写信给伦敦传道会的理事,报告说他自己也认为“在爪哇的中国人中传教大有可为”。随后米怜被派往爪哇和马六甲做了实地考察,见Eliza Morrison, Robert Morrison, Samuel Kidd, Memoirs, I, p.367; William Milne, A Retrospect of the First Ten Years of the Protestant Mission to China, p. 112; Brian Harrison, Waiting for China, pp.13-14.米怜在爪哇的考察历时近五个月,1814年3月10日到达,8月3日离开。收集了当地居民,特别是中国定居者的信息,并在全岛广泛游历,曾到爪哇的中东部和马都拉(Madura)岛游览了六周,还去了大多数中国人居住的大型城镇和村庄。当时爪哇的英国战时副长官拉弗尔斯(Stramford Raffles)也给他提供了当地大量有用的信息,见Brian Harrison, Waiting for China, pp.15-16.
① W. H. Medhurst, China, p.330; William Milne,A Retrospect of the First Ten Years of the Protestant Mission to China, p.219.
② Letter of Medhurst to LMS, from Batavia, Aug.23,1823麦都思1823年8月报告伦敦会史赖德买卖、虐待奴隶的事件引起伦敦会的极大关注,伦敦会理事随后于1823年9月29日和10月23日连发两封信询问麦都思情况,麦都思于1823年5月4日回信证实所言属实,并提供了大量的细节,见Letter of Medhurst to LMS, from Batavia, May.4th,1824.
③几位当地的英国人建立了一个委员会募集捐款,以为麦都思的宗教服务提供资助,捐款在1,500西班牙币以内的部分按季支付给麦都思,超过的部分由委员会处置,见Resolutions of the Meeting, Jan.29th,1823.
④ Letter of Medhurst to LMS, from Batavia, Sept.1,1824.
⑤ W. H. Medhurst, China, pp.331-32.
⑥ W. H. Medhurst, China, p.333.
① William Milne, A Retrospect of the First Ten Years of the Protestant Mission to China, p.158.
② "Religious Intelligence, Java," in the Chinese Repository, Vol.2, March 1834, p.518;给马来裔犯人布道,见W. H. Medhurst, China, p.357.
③安息日早晨来听英语布道的大约有二、三十人,安息日中午来听马来语布道的大概有四十人,周五晚在学校里听布道的大概有二、三十个本地出生的基督徒,在德波有学生二十人、教友四十人以及二十位新信徒来听布道。其他时间来听布道的人数要少一些。"Religious Intelligence, Java," in the Chinese Repository. Vol.2, March 1834, p.518.
① William Milne, A Retrospect of the First Ten Years of the Protestant Mission to China, p.161.
② Letter of Medhurst to LMS, from Batavia, Sept.1st,1824; W. H. Medhurst, China, pp.333-34; "Religious Intelligence, Java," in the Chinese Repository, Vol.2, March 1834, pp.519-20; Jane Kate Leonard. "W. H. Medhurst:Rewriting the Missionary Message," in Suzanne W. Barnett and John K. Fairbank, eds. Christianity in China:Early Protestant Missionary Writings. Cambridge, MA. Harvard University Press,1985, pp.48-55.
③ Jessie Gregory Lutz. Opening China:Karl F. A. Gutzlaff and Sino-We stern Relations,1827-1852. Michigan: Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing Co.2008, p.39.
① "Reisverhaal van Zendeling Gutzlaff,11 Sept 1826-12 Feb 1827,'"entry for 6 January 1827, Nederlandsch Zendeling Genootschap Archives, Kast.19, No.1, Doss.G, cited from Jessie Gregory Lutz, Opening China: Karl F. A. Gutzlaff and Sino-Western Relations,1827-1852, p.39.
② W. H. Medhurst, China, p.335.
③ W. H. Medhurst, China, pp.343-44.
④ Letter of Medhurst to LMS, from Batavia, June 3,1825.
⑤ W. H. Medhurst, China, p.357-360.
⑥ Letter of Medhurst to LMS, from Batavia, Aug 23,1823.
⑦ Letter of Medhurst to LMS, from Batavia, Sept.1st,1824.
⑧ Letter of Medhurst to LMS, from Batavia, Sept.7,1825.
① Letter of Medhurst to LMS, from Batavia, Oct.1st,1833.
② Letter of Medhurst to LMS, from Batavia, Jan.28,1828.
③ First Annual Report of the Committee of the Parapattan Orphan Asylum, March 13,1834, Batavia:the Parapattan Press,1834.
④ Letter of Medhurst to LMS, from Batavia, April 18,1841. Letter of Medhurst to LMS, from Batavia, Oct.4, 1842.
⑤ Eliza Morrison, Robert Morrison, Samuel Kidd, Memoirs, I, p.355.
⑥ Brian Harrison, Waiting for China, pp.19=20.
⑦ Letter of Medhurst to LMS, from Batavia, Oct.26,1840.
⑧书名为The Catechism of Nature for the Use of Children
⑨ W. H. Medhurst. "Report of the Chinese Seminary, Parapattan, Batavia", in the Chinese Repository, Vol.11, April 1842,p.231.
①Brian Harrison,Waiting for China,p.86.
② Brian Harrison,Waiting for China,pp.86-87.
③[美]费正清编:《剑桥中国晚清史1800-1911年》(上卷),第599-600页.
① W. H. Medhurst, China, p.335.
② W. H. Medhurst, China, p.339.
③ W. H. Medhurst, China, p.340.
④ W. H. Medhurst, China, p.341.
⑤麦都思可能是第一位考虑到访泰国的新教传教士,据W. H. Medhurst, "Journal of a Tour through the Settlements on the Eastern side of the Peninsula of Malacca,1828," in A collection of journals of the Ultra-Ganges missions and of travels, etc. by various individuals:vol. Ⅰ, August 1828 to Jan.1832, Singapore/Malacca, n.d.; reprinted in the Chinese Repository, I, Oct.1832, pp.226-28; Brian Harrison, Waiting for China, pp.92-4.
① W. H. Medhurst, China, pp.347-348.
② W. H. Medhurst, China, p.349.
③ W. H. Medhurst, China, p.349.
④ W. H. Medhurst, China, p.350.
⑤ W. H. Medhurst, "Journal of a Tour through the Settlements on the Eastern side of the Peninsula of Malacca, 1828," pp.226-28; Brian Harrison, Waiting for China, pp.92-4.
⑥ W. H. Medhurst, China, p.350.
⑦ W. H. Medhurst, China, pp.352-353.
① W. H. Medhurst, China, p.356.
② Charles Gutzlaff. Journal of Three Voyages along the Coast of China, in 1831,1832, & 1833, with Notices of Siam, Corea, and the Loo-Choo Islands. London:Frederick Westley and A. H. Davis,1834, p.133.
③ Charles Gutzlaff, Journal of Three Voyages along the Coast of China,1834, p.135.
① Charles Gutzlaff, Journal of Three Voyages along the Coast of China,1834, p.413.
② Annual Report of the American Bible Society,18th report, New York:Daniel Fanshaw,1834, p.47.
③ W. H. Medhurst, China, pp.362-364.
④郭实腊曾写道：“在巴达维亚,因为麦都思这位不屈不挠的传教士,传教工作进展非常顺利。他的宣教和手册派发遍及全岛。作者(郭实腊)是他不知疲倦之热忱的见证者。他深入巴厘岛,远赴婆罗洲坤甸的金矿矿山,那里有中国人建的小型团体。他还广播福音于马来半岛东海岸……”见Charles Gutzlaff. A Sketch of Chinese History, Ancient and Modern:Comprising a Retrospect of the Foreign Intercourse and Trade with China. Illustrated by a New Corrected Map of the Empire. Vol. Ⅱ. London:Smith, Elder and Co., Cornhill.1834. p.175.
⑤李志刚：《基督教早期在华传教史》,第288页,注十七。
⑥ W. H. Medhurst, China, pp.364-65.
①俞强：《鸦片战争前传教士眼中的中国》,济南：山东大学出版社,2010年,第82、109-110页。
② W. H. Medhurst, China, p.367.
③ W. H. Medhurst, China, p.359(2B).
④ W. H. Medhurst, China, p.360.
⑤ W. H. Medhurst, China, p.361(2B2).
① W. H. Medhurst, China, p.366.
② W. H. Medhurst, China, p.370.
③ W. H. Medhurst, China, pp.499-500.
④ W. H. Medhurst, China, pp.499-500.
⑤ W. H. Medhurst, China, p.501.
① W. H. Medhurst, China, pp.524,534.
② W. H. Medhurst, China, p.497; Evangelical Magazine and Missionary Chronicle,14th Volume, London: Frederick Westley and A. H. Davis,1836, p.318.
③ J W. H. Medhurst, China, p.393 (2D2))
④ W. H. Medhurst, China, p.495.
① W. H. Medhurst, China, pp.441-445.
② W. H. Medhurst, China, p.404.
③ W. H. Medhurst, China, p.412.
④ W. H. Medhurst, China, p.456.
①麦都思在1842年初就和伦敦会商讨移驻中国本土传教及巴达维亚传教基地的后续安排等事宜,开始,麦都思向伦敦会提出到澳门宣教的想法,但伦敦会1842年7月30日的回信建议暂时搁置此事：1842年8月,《南京条约》签订,麦都思一得到消息,即写信给伦敦会理事告知五口通商一事,因自己熟悉福建方言,提出到福州开教的建议,见Letter of Medhurst to LMS, from Batavia, Feb.19,1842; Oct.4,1842; Oct.28,1842.
② Letter of Medhurst to LMS, from Shanghai, Dec.26,1843.苏精：《马礼逊与中文印刷出版》,台北：台湾学生书局,2000,第203页。
③ Letter of Medhurst to LMS, from Shanghai, Dec.26,1843.
④ Richard Lovett. History of the London Missionary Society 1795-1895. Vol. Ⅱ. London:Henry Frowde,1899, pp. 508-509.
⑤ Letter of Medhurst to LMS, from Shanghai, May 1st,1844.
⑥ Marshall Broomhall. The Chinese Empire:a General & Missionary Survey. London:Morgan & Scott,1907, p. 86.
①熊月之认为墨海书馆的这块地是麦都思于1846年租得的,见熊月之著：《西学东渐与晚清社会》,北京：中国人民大学出版社,2011年修订版,第145页。详细讨论参见本论文的第三章第二节。
②苏精：《马礼逊与中文印刷出版》,台北：台湾学生书局,2000,第206页。麦都思在1846年4月的信中谈到,所获得的土地花费160元,可建成容纳300人的教堂,建筑成本需约1,600元,总共约需2,000元,见Letter of Medhurst, Lockhart to LMS, April 10,1846.到1846年8月前,小教堂就已经竣工,8月24日就使用来举行了公共礼拜仪式,见The Missionary Magazine and Chronicle, April 1847, Vol. Ⅺ, p.57.
③苏精：《马礼逊与中文印刷出版》,第207页。
① Samulel Couling and George Lanning. The Hisotry of Shanghai. London Missionary Society Archives, CWMLs139v1,1921.到1845年,各差会传教士陆续来到上海,麦都思主持领事馆宗教仪式的工作也就停止了,见Letter of Medhurst, Fairbrother, and Lockhart to LMS, Dec.7,1845.
② School of Oriental and African Studies, MS 380645 Lockhart Folder 1, W. Lockhart to his father and sister, Shanghai, March 18,1844.
③ Letter of Medhurst, Lockhart to LMS, from Shanghai, Dec.27,1845.
④ School of Oriental and African Studies, MS 380645 Lockhart Folder 1, W. Lockhart to his friends, Shanghai, April 1st,1844; Letter of Medhurst, Lockhart to LMS, from Shanghai, May 1,1844.
⑤ School of Oriental and African Studies, MS 380645 Lockhart Folder 1, W. Lockhart to the unidentified person, Shanghai, April 13,1844.
⑥ School of Oriental and African Studies, MS 380645 Lockhart Folder 1, W. Lockhart to his father and sister, Shanghai, July 2,1844.
⑦ School of Oriental and African Studies, MS 380645 Lockhart Folder 1, W. Lockhart to his father and sister, Shanghai, July 25,1844; Letter of Medhurst to LMS, from Shanghai, March 31,1845.
⑧ School of Oriental and African Studies, MS 380645 Lockhart Folder 1, W. Lockhart to his father and sister, Shanghai, May 14,1844.
① Letter of Medhurst to LMS, from Shanghai, Dec.26,1843.
② Letter of Medhurst, Fairbrother, and Lockhart to LMS, Dec.7,1845.
③ Letter of Medhurst, Lockhart to LMS, April 10,1846.
④ Letter of Medhurst, Lockhart and William C. Milne to LMS, April 10,1847;苏精,《马礼逊与中文印刷出版》,第213页。
⑤ Medhurst' letter to LMS, April 19,1853;苏精,《马礼逊与中文印刷出版》,第213页。
⑥苏精,《马礼逊与中文印刷出版》,第218页。
⑦ The Evangelical Magazine and Missionary Chronicle, April,1856, Vol. ⅩⅩⅩⅣ, p.228.⑧苏精,《马礼逊与中文印刷出版》,第218页。
①苏精,《马礼逊与中文印刷出版》,第221页。
② Letter of Medhurst to LMS, from Shanghai, March 19,1853.
③ Letter of Medhurst to LMS, from Shanghai, March 31,1845.
④ Medhurst's letter to LMS, from Shanghai, November 10,1850.
⑤苏精：《马礼逊与中文印刷出版》,第239页。
① J. K. Leonard, "W. H. Medhurst:Rewriting the Missionary Message," p.49.
①熊月之：《近代西学东渐的序幕——早期传教士在南洋等地活动史料钩沉》,《史林》,1992年第4期,第21页。
②吴义雄,《在宗教与世俗之间——基督教新教传教士在华南沿海的早期活动研究》,广州：广东教育出版社,2000年,第433页。
③熊月之：《西学东渐与晚清社会》,第74页。
① Robert Morrison. Horae Sinicae:Translations from the Popular Literature of the Chinese. London:Black and Parry,1812.
②《印支搜闻》的当时的主要撰稿人只有米怜、马礼逊、麦都思及梁阿发少数几个,从行文看,此文可能为初学中文的麦都思所写。
③ William Milne. The Indo-Chinese Gleaner. No. Ⅲ. April,1819, p.90.
④ William Milne. Robert Morrison. Memoirs of the Rev. William Milne, D.D., Late Missionary to China and Principal of the Anglo-Chinese College. The Mission Press,1824, p.100.
③裨治文的《三字经》译文刊载于1835年7月的《中国丛报》。
⑥ William Milne. The Indo-Chinese Gleaner. No. Ⅲ. April,1819, p.89.
① E. C. Bridgeman, "Santsze King, or Trimetrical Classic; its Form, Size, Author, Object, and Style; a Translation with Notes; the Work Ill Adapted to the Purposes of Primary Education," in the Chinese Repository, Vol.4, July 1835, p.118.
②郭红：《从幼童启蒙课本到宣教工具——1823至1880年间基督教<三字经>的出版》,《史学集刊》,2009年第6期,第52页。
③ Alexander Wylie. Memorials of Protestant Missionaries to the Chinese, p.27.
④据邹颖文,此版本为麦都思所撰,为何作者会成为“欧适子”?邹颖文认为,“麦都思或书坊当时乃借用一个以《解元三字经》为名的蒙学版本以宣传耶教仿本,而此蒙学《解元三字经》作者正是‘顺德欧适子’。’见邹颖文：《晚清<三字经>英译本及耶教仿本<解元三字经>概述》,《图书馆论坛》,2009年第2期,178页。
①邹颖文根据香港中文大学所藏的夏察理(Charles Hartwell,1825-1905)1875年著福州美华书局本《真理三字经》推断,此1913年版的《三字经》为麦都思所作,见邹颖文：《晚清<三字经>英译本及耶教仿本<解元三字经>概述》,第177页。
②据郭红的研究,麦都思的《三字经》从1823年初版到1851年彻底修订,经历了一个不断修订的过程,文字有更加典雅、押韵的趋势,见郭红：《从幼童启蒙课本到宣教工具-1823至1880年间基督教<三字经>的出版》,第54页。
③郭红：《从幼童启蒙课本到宣教工具——1823至1880年间基督教<三字经>的出版》,《史学集刊》,2009年第6期,第55页。
④麦都思：《三字经》,福州：亚比丝喜美总会,麦都思185?年。香港大学图书馆目录所注时间为185?笔者认为,此《三字经》仍用“神”来称呼上帝,应和1843年英华书院修订出版的《三字经》出版时间大致相同。
⑤麦都思： 《三字经》,上海：墨海书馆,1856年。
①后又帮助麦都思润饰重写了《野客问难记》(1854;1863)和《宗主诗篇》(1856)
② Evelyn S. Rawski. "Elementary Education in the Mission Enterprise," in Suzanne W. Barnett and John K. Fairbank, eds. Christianity in China:Early Protestant Missionary Writings. Cambridge, MA. Harvard University Press,1985, p.148.
③郭红：《从幼童启蒙课本到宣教工具——1823至1880年间基督教<三字经>的出版》,第55页。
①此处引一段太平《三字经》以示其和麦都思《三字经》的不同：1853年,天平太国《三字经》皇上帝,造天地。造山海,万物备。六日间,尽造成。人宰物,得光荣。七日拜,报天恩。普天下,把心虔。说当初。讲番国。敬上帝,以色列。十二子,徙麦西。帝眷顾,子孙齐。后狂出,鬼入心。忌兴旺,苦害侵。命养女,莫害男。烦役苦,实难堪。皇上帝,垂悯他。命摩西,还本家。命亚伦,迎摩西。同启奏,神迹施。狂硬心,不肯释。见《三字经》,太平天国癸好三年(1853)镌刻。郭红进一步指出,天平《三字经》和1850年的《绣像真理三字经注释》(开头为：皇上帝,造天地,造山海)以及广州出版的《真理三字经》(开头为：造天地,山与海)有些渊源,见郭红：《从幼童启蒙课本到宣教工具——1823至1880年间基督教<三字经>的出版》,第57页。
②黄时鉴：《<三字经>与中西文化交流》,载黄时鉴：《黄时鉴文集》Ⅲ,上海：中西书局,2011年,第54页。
③黄时鉴：《<三字经>与中西文化交流》,第54-55页。
④据Pamphlets Issued by the Chinese Insurgents at Nan-King中的序言所载,Pamphlets所收的《三字经》的中文底本来自文翰。见W. H. Medhurst. Pamphlets Issued by the Chinese Insurgents at Nan-King, to Which is Added a History of the Kwang-Se Rebellion, Gathered from Public Documents, and a Sketch of the Connection Between Foreign Missionaries and the Chinese Insurrection. Shanghae:Printed at the Office of the "N.-G. Herald" 1853(香港大学馆藏缩微).笔者未曾见到1852年的《北华捷报》,如据熊月之所载,那么有可能麦都思已先于1852年得到太平《三字经》,并译之为英文,刊登在1852年8月7日的《北华捷报》。
① W. H. Medhurst, Pamphlets Issued by the Chinese Insurgents at Nan-King, pp.3-5.
② Letter of Medhurst to LMS, from Batavia, Sept.1st,1824.
③基督教《三字经》约于1823年7、8月份完成,首次印了200册,深受中文学校的学生喜爱,见Letter of Medhurst to LMS, from Batavia, Aug.23,1823.
④《麦都思行略》,载沈国威编著：《六合丛谈：附题解·索引》,第577页。
⑤ W. H. Medhurst, China, p.333.
⑥ Evelyn S. Rawski, "Elementary Education in the Mission Enterprise," p.146.
① Records of the General Conference of the Protestant Missionaries of China, Held at Shanghai, May 7-20,1890. Shanghai:Presbyterian Mission Press,1890, p.486.
② Evelyn S. Rawski, "Elementary Education in the Mission Enterprise," p.146.
③ Evelyn S. Rawski, "Elementary Education in the Mission Enterprise," pp.144-145.
④ Letter of Medhurst to LMS, from Batavia, Sept.1st,1824.
①《麦都思行略》,载沈国威编著：《六合丛谈：附题解·索引》,第576页。
②William Milne, A Retrospect of the First Ten Years of the Protestant Mission to China, p.219.
③苏精：《马礼逊与中文印刷出版》,第167页注。
④沈国威：《1819年的两本西方地理书》,《或问》,2004年第8号,第164页。
①德国柏林国家图书馆所藏麦都思著《地理便童略传》中文单行本,转引自邹振环：《麦都思及其早期中文史地著述》,《复旦学报》,2003年第5期,第100页。
②德国柏林国家图书馆所藏麦都思著《地理便童略传》中文单行本,转引自邹振环：《麦都思及其早期中文史地著述》,第100页。
①德国柏林国家图书馆所藏麦都思著《地理便童略传》中文单行本,转引自邹振环：《麦都思及其早期中文史地著述》,第101页。
②德国柏林国家图书馆所藏麦都思著《地理便童略传》中文单行本,转引自邹振环：《麦都思及其早期中文史地著述》,第101页。
③德国柏林国家图书馆所藏麦都思著《地理便童略传》中文单行本,转引自邹振环：《麦都思及其早期中文史地著述》,第101页。
④邹振环：《麦都思及其早期中文史地著述》,第99页。
⑤沈国威：《1819年的两本西方地理书》,第165页。
①爱汉者等编,黄时鉴整理：《东西洋考每月统记传》,北京：中华书局,1997年影印版,道光癸巳年六月,第4页。
②《麦都思行略》,载沈国威编著：《六合丛谈：附题解·索引》,第577-578页。
③ W. H. Medhurst, China, p.345.
④ W. H. Medhurst, China, p.345.
①W.H.Medhurst,China,pp.6-7.
②《麦都思行略》,载沈国威编著：《六合丛谈：附题解·索引》,第576页。
①爱汉者等编,黄时鉴整理：《东西洋考每月统记传》,第87页。
②爱汉者等编,黄时鉴整理：《东西洋考每月统记传》,第89页。
③爱汉者等编,黄时鉴整理：《东西洋考每月统记传》,第125页。
④爱汉者等编,黄时鉴整理：《东西洋考每月统记传》,第4页。
⑤爱汉者等编,黄时鉴整理：《东西洋考每月统记传》,第4页。
①爱汉者等编,黄时鉴整理：《东西洋考每月统记传》,第64页。
②爱汉者等编,黄时鉴整理：《东西洋考每月统记传》,第87页。
③爱汉者等编,黄时鉴整理：《东西洋考每月统记传》,导言。
④邹振环：《西方传教士与晚清西史东渐：以1815至1911年西方历史译著的传播与影响为中心》,上海：上海古籍出版社,2007年版,第57页。
① William Milne, A Retrospect of the First Ten Years of the Protestant Mission to China, pp.153-154; Eliza Morrison, Robert Morrison, Samuel Kidd, Memoirs,1, pp.500-501.
② Alexander Wylie. Memorials of Protestant Missionaries to the Chinese, p.19.
③ William Milne, A Retrospect of the First Ten Years of the Protestant Mission to China, p.56.
① William Milne, A Retrospect of the First Ten Years of the Protestant Mission to China, p.155
② William Milne, A Retrospect of the First Ten Years of the Protestant Mission to China, p.270.
③ Alexander Wylie. Memorials of Protestant Missionaries to the Chinese, p.19.但因《察世俗》所载文章皆不署名,麦都思具体撰写了哪些文章,我们还不能确知。
④据叶再生考证,《察世俗每月统记传》的停刊时间应为1822年,并非戈公振的《中国报学史》所载的1821年,见叶再生：《中国近代现代出版通史》(第一卷),北京：华文出版社,2002年,第141页。
⑤ W. H. Medhurst, China, pp.331-32.
⑥《特选撮要序》,《特选撮要每月纪传》道光癸未年六月号,第2-3页。
①William Milne, A Retrospect of the First Ten Years of the Protestant Mission to China, p.154.
②《特选撮要序》,《特选撮要每月纪传》道光癸未年六月号。
③苏精：《马礼逊与中文印刷出版》,第33页。
① W. H. Medhurst, China, p.336; Alexander Wylie. Memorials of Protestant Missionaries to the Chinese, p.29.
②尚德者纂：《神天之十条诫注明》,马六甲,英华书院,1832。
③尚德者纂：《神天之十条诫注明》,马六甲,英华书院,1832。
④ Philip Doddridge (1702-1751),生于伦敦,英国不从国教派(nonconformist)领袖,教育家,圣歌作家。Philip Doddridge. The Rise and Progress of Religion in the Soul, Illustrated in a Course of Serious and Practical Addresses, Suited to Persons of Every Character and Circumstance, with a Devout Meditation or Prayer Added to each Chapter. Boston:Timothy Bedlington,1822.
⑤ Alexander Wylie, Memorials of Protestant Missionaries to the Chinese, p.28.
①《亚勒大门特之死》,《特选撮要选集》卷一,香港中文大学图书馆缩微资料。
②尚德纂：《上帝生日之论》,新加坡书院藏板,183?
①尚德者纂：《神天之十条诫注明》,马六甲,英华书院,1832。香港大学图书馆缩微资料。
②《麦都思行略》,载沈国威编著：《六合丛谈：附题解·索引》,第577页。
①尚德：《清明扫墓之论》,新加坡书院藏板,183?第2-3页。香港大学图书馆缩微资料。
② W.H.Medhurst,China,p.336.
① Translation of a paper written by the Chinese in Batavia,附在1825年11月9日麦都思致伦敦会信件之后,见Letter of Medhurst to LMS, from Batavia, Nov.9,1825; W. H. Medhurst, China, p.339.
② W. H. Medhurst, China, p.333.
③ Alexander Wylie. Memorials of Protestant Missionaries to the Chinese, p.28.
①《咬畱吧总论第一回》,《特选撮要选集》道光癸未年六月号。香港中文大学图书馆缩微资料。
② Letter of Medhurst to LMS, from Batavia, Aug 23,1823.
③ Letter of Medhurst to LMS, from Batavia, Sept.1st,1824.
④ J. K. Leonard, "W. H. Medhurst:Rewriting the Missionary Message," p.57.
①《咬畱吧总论第一回》《第二回》《第三回》,《特选撮要选集》卷一,第1-12页。香港中文大学图书馆缩微资料。
②马光仁：《<特选撮要每月纪传>介绍》,《新闻大学》,1982年第5期,第75页。
③《咬畱吧总论第九回》,《特选撮要选集》卷一,第34页。香港中文大学图书馆缩微资料。
④据黄时鉴《<东西洋考每月统记传>影印本导言》,爱汉者等编,黄时鉴整理：《东西洋考每月统记传》,第18页。笔者并未在《特选撮要选集》中找到新闻。但也有学者认为第一篇新闻是刊载于《察世俗每月统计传》第一卷的《月食》一文：“照查天文,推算今年十一月十六日晚上,该有月食。始蚀于酉时约六刻,复原于亥时约初刻之间。若是此晚天色晴明,呷地诸人可见之。”见赵晓兰、吴潮：《传教士中文报刊史》,上海：复旦大学出版社,2011年,第50页。
①《咬畱吧总论第八回》,《特选撮要选集》卷一,第12页。香港中文大学图书馆缩微资料。
②《咬畱吧总论第八回》,《特选撮要选集》卷一,第33页。香港中文大学图书馆缩微资料。
③《咬畱吧总论第十回》,《特选撮要选集》卷一,第42页。香港中文大学图书馆缩微资料。
④《特选撮要选集》卷一,香港中文大学图书馆缩微资料。
⑤《特选撮要序》,《特选撮要每月纪传》道光癸未年六月号。
⑥ List of Books Printed at Batavia Written by W. H. Medhurst in the Chinese Language, in W. H. Medhurst, China, p.579.
① Letter of Medhurst to LMS, from Batavia, Sept.1,1824.
② Letter of Medhurst to LMS, from Batavia, Aug.23,1823.
③ Letter of Medhurst to LMS, from Batavia, Sept.1,1824.
④ Alexander Wylie, Memorials of Protestant Missionaries to the Chinese, pp.28-32.
① W. H. Medhurst, China, pp.341-342.
②赵晓兰、吴潮： 《传教士中文报刊史》,第46页。
③方汉奇：《中国新闻事业通史》(第一卷),北京：中国人民大学出版社,1992年版,第266页。
④ Letter of Medhurst to LMS, from Shanghai, June 24,1843.
①熊月之著：《西学东渐与晚清社会》,第144页。麦都思称,此房子租金合理(moderate),能容下两家人居住,并将在26日搬入此民宅,见letter of Medhurst to LMS, from Shanghai, Dec.26,1843.
②熊月之：《墨海书馆与<六和丛谈>》(未刊),转引自叶斌：《上海墨海书馆的运作及其衰落》,《史学月刊》,1999年第11期,第92页。
③苏精：《马礼逊与中文印刷出版》,第205页。据熊月之,麦都思于1846年1月,在英租界山东路租到一块业户徐彩章等的地基,面积13.31亩,年租金每亩1500文,共19546文,见熊月之著：《西学东渐与晚清社会》,第145页。
④苏精：《马礼逊与中文印刷出版》,第205页。
⑤王韬、李圭、黎庶昌、徐建寅：《漫游随录·环游地球新录·西洋杂志·欧游杂录》,长沙：岳麓书社,1985年版,第58-59页。
①陈昌文：《墨海书馆起讫时间考》,《史学月刊》,2002年第5期,第122-124页。
② Letter of Medhurst, Lockhart to LMS, May 1,1844据苏精,一同随麦都思到上海的两名助手为费罗柏(William Veloberg)和邱添生(K'hew T'heen-sang),见苏精：《马礼逊与中文印刷出版》,第229页。再据叶斌,Theen-sang即为王韬日记所载之“天生”,见叶斌：《上海开埠初期伦敦会发展的基督教徒分析》,《史林》,1998年第4期,第45页。但K'hew对应的汉语姓氏为“邱”还是“裘”,已不可考。另,费罗柏与邱天生都为麦都思在巴达维亚收留的孤儿,在巴达维亚的教会学校长大,一同随麦都思来沪。费罗柏在巴达维亚时已受洗。而邱天生和江永哲同于1845年受洗,他会说英文,性格温和而谦卑。关于邱天生,见Letter of Medhurst, Lockhart to LMS, Shanghai, Dec.27,1845.
③ Letter of Medhurst to LMS, from Shanghai, May 1st,1844;苏精：《马礼逊与中文印刷出版》,第230页。
④ W. H. Medhurst. English and Chinese Dictionary. Vol. Ⅰ. Shanghai:the Mission Press,1847, Preface, ⅲ.
⑤麦都思就急需一部滚筒印刷机一事几次致信伦敦会,要求伦敦会而不是大英圣书公会出资,因麦都思认为后者办事拖沓,会延误使用,但最后印刷机还是由大英圣书公会出资购得,见Letter of Medhurst to LMS, from Shanghai, Dec.27,1845; Dec.29,1845; April 10,1846.
①苏精：《马礼逊与中文印刷出版》,第231-232页。
② The Missionary Magazine and Chronicle, October,1853, ⅩⅦ. pp.229-230.
③ Letter of Medhurst to LMS, from Shanghai, June 27,1854; Letter of Medhurst to LMS, from Shanghai, September 6,1855.
④熊月之著：《西学东渐与晚清社会》,第146页。
⑤ Alexander Wylie, Memorials of Protestant Missionaries to the Chinese, p.32.
⑥1855年前来墨海书馆的伦敦会传教士：William Fairbrother (1845)、美魏茶(1846)、幕维廉(1847)、Benjamin Southwell (1847)、施敦力约翰(1847)、伟烈亚力(1847)、艾约瑟(1848)、杨格非(1855)、韦廉臣(1855)
①熊月之著：《西学东渐与晚清社会》,第160-164页。
②此书后经其子麦华佗修订后于1863年再版,再版中省去了1844年版的序言。
①Alexander Wylie, Memorials of Protestant Missionaries to the Chinese, p.38.
① The Encyclopedia Britannica, or Dictionary of Arts, Sciences, and General Literature. Vol. XX. Edinburgh: Adam and Charles Black,1860, p.287.
② Frederic Moore. "Synopsis of the Known Asiatic Species of Silk-producing Moths, with Descriptions of some New Species from India." The Proceedings of the Zoological Society of London,1859, Part Ⅰ. January-March, pp.238-242.
③ Joseph Needham. Science and Civilization in China: Vol.Ⅴ, Chemistry and Chemical Technology. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,1988. p.479.再如Catherine Jami, Peter Engelfriet, & Gregory Blue. Statecraft & Intellectual Renewal in Late Ming China:the Cross-Cultural Synthesis ofXu Guangqi (1562-1633). Leiden: Brill, p.453.
④王大海著、姚楠、吴琅璇校注：《海岛逸志》,香港：学津书店,1992年,“校注者序”。
⑤王大海著、姚楠、吴琅璇校注：《海岛逸志》,“校注者序”。
⑥王大海著、姚楠、吴琅璇校注：《海岛逸志》,“校注者序”。
⑦ W. H. Medhurst. Trans. The Chinaman Abroad:or a Desultory Account of the Malayan Archipelago, Particularly of Java:by Ong-tae-hae. Shanghae:the Mission Press,1849, Translator's Preface.
①W. H. Medhurst, The Chinaman Abroad, Translator's Preface.
②苏精：《马礼逊与中文印刷出版》,第210页。
③叶斌：《上海墨海书馆的运作及其衰落》,第94页。
①麦都思到上海后首先给他的两个女儿施洗,见Letter of Medhurst, Lockhart to LMS, Shanghai, Dec.27,1845；稍后给江永哲和他从巴达维亚带来的华裔邱天生施洗。
② Letter of Medhurst, Lockhart to LMS, Shanghai, Dec.27,1845.
③ Letter of Medhurst, Lockhart to LMS, April 10,1846.
④ Letter of Medhurst, Lockhart to LMS, April 10,1846.
⑤ Letter of Medhurst to LMS, March 31,1845; The Missionary Magazine and Chronicle, April 1847, Vol. XI, p.58.叶斌：《上海开埠初期伦敦会发展的基督教徒分析》,《史林》,1998年第4期,第48页。
⑥ The Evangelical Magazine and Missionary Chronicle, April,1856, Vol. ⅩⅩⅩⅣ, p.228.
⑦苏精：《马礼逊与中文印刷出版》,第219页。这个潘哲清可能就是叶斌所考证的潘恂如(潘益群Pwan-e-chun),受洗时间也并非是1855年,而是1856年3月2日,他1859年和王韬一道去昆山参加了岁考,未能入围,见叶斌：《上海开埠初期伦敦会发展的基督教徒分析》,《史林》,1998年第4期,第51-52页。
①他的申请受洗的陈述见The Missionary Magazine and Chronicle, July 1860, Vol. ⅩⅩⅣ, pp.207-208.苏精：《马礼逊与中文印刷出版》,第220页。据叶斌,此人即沈毓桂,见叶斌：《上海开埠初期伦敦会发展的基督教徒分析》,《史林》,1998年第4期,第52-53页。
②罗香林：《香港与中西文化交流》,香港：中国学社,1961年,第68页。
③详见林启彦、黄文江主编的《王韬与近代世界》(香港：香港教育图书公司,2000年版)所收入的王尔敏《王韬在近代中国之思想先驱地位》及林启彦《王韬的中西文化观》两文。
④王韬：《弢园尺牍》,北京：中华书局,1959年版,第5页。
⑤王韬著、楚流等选注：《弢园文录外编》,沈阳：辽宁人民出版社,1994年版,第407页。
① Letter of Medhurst to LMS, Shanghai, Oct.11,1854.译文摘自苏精：《王韬的基督教信仰》,载林启彦、黄文江主编：《王韬与近代世界》,香港：香港教育图书公司,2000年版,第439页。
② Letter of Medhurst to LMS, Shanghai, Oct.11,1854.译文摘自苏精：《王韬的基督教信仰》,第439页。
③ Letter of Medhurst to LMS, Shanghai, Oct.11,1854.
④第一位明确提出王韬受洗入教的为柯文,但其依据的是传教大会的报告,而非洗礼申请原件,见Paul A. Cohen. Between Tradition and Modernity:Wang Tao and Reform in Late Ch'ing China. Cambridge, Mass, and London:Harvard University Press,1974, pp.20-21.哈佛大学韩南教授大概是最早发现这份申请的西方学者,并在其文章中引用了这份材料,见Patrick Hanan. "The Bible as Chinese Literature:Medhurst, Wang Tao, and the Delegates' Version," in Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies, vol.63, No.1 (2003), pp.197-239.台湾学者苏精早在其1998年发表的文章中就直接从伦敦会档案中引用了这封信,并把其大部分译成中文,见苏精：《王韬的基督教信仰》,载《历史与文化》(香港)第一卷,1998年1月出版,后苏精此文收入林启彦、黄文江主编：《王韬与近代世界》,第442-445页。叶斌将此信完整译为中文,并附简析,见叶斌：《王韬加入基督教文析》,《档案春秋》,1999年第4期,第65-68页。另一个中文译本为国内学者段怀清所译,原稿来自韩南,见段怀清：《论王韬的基督教信仰》,《清史研究》,2011年第2期。第28-30页。
①苏精：《王韬的基督教信仰》,载林启彦、黄文江主编：《王韬与近代世界》,第442-445页。
②W. H. Medhurstm, China, p.227.
③《送麦西士回国》,《蘅华馆诗录》卷二,《续修四库全书》,上海：上海古籍出版社,1995年,第456页,转引自王宏志：《“卖身事夷”的王韬：当传统文士当上了译者》,《复旦学报》,2011年第2期,第29-30页。
①王韬：《弢园尺牍》,第75页。
②[美]柯文著、雷颐、罗检秋译：《在传统与现代性之间——王韬与晚清改革》,南京：江苏人民出版社,1998年,第21-22页。
③柯文把王韬写给理雅各的信件的已刊本和原件做了对比,发现王韬在努力掩盖他与教会的关系。信的原件称理雅各为“牧师”,但出版时却改为“君”。而且,在原件的另一处,王韬称道理雅各：“其大旨所尚,则以福音诫人为先,欲跻一世于仁寿之域,而俾圣道之光无乎不烛。”在刊本中则为另一句与教会无关的话所替代。见[美]柯文著、雷颐、罗检秋译：《在传统与现代性之间——王韬与晚清改革》,第22页。
④王韬：《弢园尺牍》,第16页。
⑤王韬：《衡华馆日记》,原稿本,中央研究院历史语言研究所藏,转引自王尔敏：《王韬在近代中国之思想先驱地位》,载林启彦、黄文江主编：《王韬与近代世界》,第33页。
⑥理雅各此时已经完成并出版《中国经典》的前两卷,即《四书》的译文。王韬到港后助理雅各翻译《诗经》。
①这两部作品经修订后分别更名为《野客问难记》(1854；1863)和《宗主诗篇》(1856)。
②费乐仁著,尹凯荣译：《王韬与理雅各对新儒家优惠意识的回应》,载林启彦、黄文江主编：《王韬与近代世界》,香港：香港教育图书公司,2000年版,第135页。
①戈公振：《中国报学史》,上海：上海书店,1990年版,第70页。
② Alexander Wylie, Memorials of Protestant Missionaries to the Chinese, pp.48-49.
③卓南生：《中国近代报业发展史(1815-1874)》(增订版),第43页。
④《东西洋考》的版本情况及起讫时间,见黄时鉴《<东西洋考每月统记传>影印本导言》,载爱汉者等编,黄时鉴整理：《东西洋考每月统记传》,第5-9页。
⑤方汉奇：《中国新闻事业通史》(第一卷),第270页。
①爱汉者等编,黄时鉴整理：《东西洋考每月统记传》,第11-12页。
②方汉奇：《中国新闻事业通史》(第一卷),第270页；叶再生：《中国近代现代出版通史》(第一卷),第155页；卓南生：《中国近代报业发展史(1815-1874)》(增订版),第62页；赵晓兰、吴潮：《传教士中文报刊史》,第88-89页。
③奚礼尔(Charles Batten Hillier,1820-1856),前香港政府官员,曾任助理裁判司、首席裁判司、死因裁判官、定例局议员。1856年5月,获委任为首任英国驻暹罗领事,但不久即于同年10月18日去世。奚礼尔精通中文,曾接替麦都思担任香港第一份中文报刊《遐迩贯珍》的主编,1846年与麦都思的女儿结婚。
④麦都思和伦敦会商定于1836年3月启程,但因事耽搁一月,4月才出发,见Letter of Medhurst to LMS, from Batavia, Feb.27,1836.
⑤ Alexander Wylie, Memorials of Protestant Missionaries to the Chinese, p.26.
⑥ The Missionary Magazine and Chronicle, September 1838, Vol. ⅩⅩⅧ, pp.140-41.
⑦“大英圣书公会已决定不给与新版圣经以资助。你们的理事会正询问此事,看他们自己是否可以尽到职责(资助新版圣经)。麦都思先生现在英国,预期他会很快来美国,关于是否资助新版圣经的事先拖后再议。”见Annual Report of the American Bible Society,22nd report, New York:Daniel Fanshaw,1838, p.59.
⑧潘贤模：《南洋萌芽时期的报纸——近代中国报史初编》,载中国社会科学院新闻研究所编《新闻研究资料》(总第九辑),新华出版社,1981年版,第240页：赵晓兰、吴潮：《传教士中文报刊史》,第88-89页。
①赵晓兰、吴潮：《传教士中文报刊史》,第89页。
②Letter of Medhurst to LMS,from Batavia,Nov.17,1838.
③《麦都思行略》,载沈国威编著：《六合丛谈：附题解·索引》,第577页。
①转引自卓南生：《中国近代报业发展史(1815-1874)》(增订版),第62页。
②宗教文章在《六合丛谈》中每期都有刊载,但不管从文章数目还是篇幅看都占比较小,详见沈国威编著：《六合丛谈：附题解·索引》,第24页。《遐迩贯珍》以传播西学为宗旨,但宗教还是其必备的内容,如1855年第二号载《新旧约书为天示论》,介绍新、旧约,长达5页；1856年第二号载《崇信耶稣教略》,宣传基督教义。
③赵晓兰、吴潮：《传教士中文报刊史》,第103-117页。
④其资料价值详见(日)松浦章《序说：<遐迩贯珍>的世界》,载(日)松浦章、(日)内田庆市、沈国威编著：《遐迩贯珍——附解题·索引》,上海：上海辞书出版社,2005年版,第5页-64页。
①陈镐汶：《<从遐迩贯珍>到<六合丛谈>》,《新闻研究资料》,1993年02期,第210-211页。
②Alexander Wylie, Memorials of Protestant Missionaries to the Chinese, p.120.
③卓南生：《中国近代报业发展史(1815-1874)》(增订版),第69-70页。
④郭嵩焘：《郭嵩焘日记》,第一卷,长沙：湖南人民出版社,1981,第33页。
①陈镐汶：《<从遐迩贯珍>到<六合丛谈>》,第209-210页。
② http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Walter Henry Medhurst (consul)
③ Royal Asiatic Society. Proceedings of the Sixty-Third Anniversary Meeting of the Society, Held on the 17th of May,1886. The Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland, p. ⅩⅩⅢ of I-CLXIX.
④《麦都思行略》,载沈国威编著：《六合丛谈：附题解·索引》,第576页。
⑤英军侵占舟山时充当翻译以及南京条约后担任上海领事馆翻译的皆是麦华陀,而并非麦都斯。多处著述都把这些行为归为麦都斯所为。如“1841年他(指麦都思—笔者加)被聘任为英军通事乘坐军舰进入定海”。(见熊文华：《英国汉学史》,北京：学苑出版社,2007年,第45页。)1840、1841,英军两次入侵舟山定海,随军翻译皆是麦华佗。两次入侵时,麦都思都在巴达维亚。麦都思于1840年7月28、10月26日及1841年4月12日分别从巴达维亚致信伦敦会,汇报寄宿学校及传道站经费事宜。书信内容皆无涉英军入侵；且从时间上看,麦都思也无随英军侵华可能。
⑥ School of Oriental and African Studies, MS 380645 Lockhart Folder 1, W. Lockhart to his father and sister, Shanghai, April 13,1844.
⑦ Royal Asiatic Society. Proceedings of the Sixty-Third Anniversary Meeting of the Society, Held on the 17th of May,1886. The Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland, p. ⅩⅩⅢ.
① W. H. Medhurst, China, pp.186,546; Robert Morrison. Chinese Miscellany; Consisting of Original Extracts from Chinese Authors, in the Native Character; with Translations and Philosophical Remarks. London:Printed by S. McDowall, Leadenhall Street, for the London Missionary Society,1825, p.52; Samuel Kidd. China or, illustrations of the Symbols, Philosophy, Antiquities, Customs, Superstitions, Laws, Government, Education, and Literature of the Chinese. Derived from Original Sources, and Accompanied with Drawings from Native Works. London:Printed for Taylor & Walton,1841, pp.163-166.
②石印术即石版印刷术,是平版印刷的一种技术,1796年由奥匈帝国人施纳菲尔德发明。此法是以天然多微孔的石材为版材,利用油水不相容的原理创制。
①苏精：《马礼逊与中文印刷出版》,第174-177页。
②苏精：《马礼逊与中文印刷出版》,第182页。
③ Alexander Wylie, Memorials of Protestant Missionaries to the Chinese, p.30.
④ W. H. Medhurst, China, pp.344-45.此处作者可能记忆有误,实际上他本人的第一本石印书籍为Chinese School Book,刊印于1828年,详见Alexander Wylie, Memorials of Protestant Missionaries to the Chinese, p.30及苏精：《马礼逊与中文印刷出版》,第183页。
⑤苏精：《马礼逊与中文印刷出版》,第183-184页。
①韩琦：《晚清西方印刷术在中国的早期传播——以石印术的传入为例》,载韩琦、(意)米盖拉编：《中国和欧洲：印刷术与书籍史》,2008年版,第116页。
② The Chinese Repository,Vol.1,Feb,1833,p.422.
③苏精：《马礼逊与中文印刷出版》,第176页。
④ The Chinese Repository,Vol.3,Oct,1834,pp.249.250;W H.Medhurst,China,pp.552-563.
① W. H. Medhurst, China, p.564.
②台约尔(Samuel Dyer),1827年被伦敦传道会派往马六甲,负责印刷工作。他于1827年8月8日抵达槟榔屿,由于身体原因,他滞留在槟榔屿研究中文金属活字。1835年,到达马六甲后,采用先刻好雕版,再利用雕版制成铅版,将铅版锯开,从而获得一副铅活字。后经过长期试验,在1838年发明了用钢冲压制造中文字模的方法,见叶再生：《中国近代现代出版通史》(第一卷),第93-94页。
③张秀民、韩琦：《中国活字印刷史》,北京：中国书籍出版社,1998年版,第187页。
④王韬撰：《瀛壖杂志》,台北：文海出版社,年代?第274-275页。
⑤张秀民、韩琦：《中国活字印刷史》,第187页。
①张星娘编注,朱杰勤校订：《中西交通史料汇编》第一册,北京：中华书局,1977年,第114-115页。
②李志刚：《基督教早期在华传教史》,第156-157页。
③孙尚扬、(比利时)钟鸣旦：《1840前的中国基督教》,北京：学苑出版社,2004年版,第401-402页。
④贺清泰生平及所译《古新圣经》细目见[法]费赖之著,冯承钧译：《在华耶稣会士列传及书目》,北京：中华书局,1995年,第1033-1034页。
①李志刚：《基督教早期在华传教史》,第]74页。
②赵晓阳：《二马圣经译本与白日升圣经译本关系考辨》,《近代史研究》,2009年第4期,第42页。
③马礼逊译本和马士曼译本有着惊人的相似之处,这早已为他人所注意,如圣经深文理和合译本的主席惠志道(J. Wherry)就曾说过：“马士曼译本与马礼逊译本,在字句上相合之处的数目是多得可惊,这不得不使人揣测到他们有一册相同的蓝本,而这蓝本想必就是大英博物院的那册稿本。”贾保罗(Robert P. Kramers)编：《圣经汉译论文集》,香港：基督教辅侨出版社,1964年,第6页。
④曾阳晴：《白日升<四史攸编耶稣基利斯督福音之会编>之编辑原则研究》,《成大宗教与文化学报》,2008年12月,第十一期,第2页。
⑤赵晓阳：《二马圣经译本与白日升圣经译本关系考辨》,第42页。
⑥ Eliza Morrison, Robert Morrison, Samuel Kidd, Memoirs, I, p.68.
①[美]韩南著,段怀清译：《作为中国文学之<圣经>：麦都思、王韬与“<圣经>委办本”》,《浙江大学学报》,第40卷第2期,2010年3月,第16-37页,原载于Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies, vol.63, No.1 (2003), pp.197-239.
②游斌：《王韬、中文圣经翻译及其解释学策略》,《圣经文学研究》,2007年第1辑,第348-368页。
③《新遗诏书》名义上是麦都思、郭实腊、裨治文和马儒翰四人翻译小组合作之成果,但实际上可以理解为麦都思一人之译作,见Alexander Wylie, Memorials of Protestant Missionaries to the Chinese, p.31.此外,在巴达维亚发行的《新遗诏书》独署“尚德者纂”,且《新遗诏书》的福音书明显脱胎于麦都思早期编译作品《福音调和》,皆为明证。
④如惠志道说：“此译本有趣之处在于不论从风格上讲还是术语上看它标志着从旧秩序向新秩序的转变。”见John Wherry. "Historical Summary of the Different Versions of the Scriptures," in Records of the General Conference of the Protestant Missionaries of China, Held at Shanghai, May 7-20,1890. Shanghai:Presbyterian Mission Press,1890, p.50.
⑤贾立言、冯雪冰著：《汉文圣经译本小史》,上海：广学会,1934年,第29页。
⑥[美]韩南著,段怀清译：《作为中国文学之<圣经>：麦都思、王韬与“<圣经>委办本”》,第19页。
① W. H. Medhurst, "Memorial Addressed to the British & Foreign Bible Society on a New Version of the Chinese Scriptures," Oct.28,1836, in Documents relating to the proposed New Chinese translation of the Holy Scriptures, London,1836, p.5.(港大缩微)
② W. H. Medhurst, China, p.547.
③[美]韩南著,段怀清译：《作为中国文学之<圣经>：麦都思、王韬与“<圣经>委办本”》,第20页。
④麦都思：《福音调和》(下),巴达维亚,1834年,澳大利亚国立图书馆藏。
⑤ W. H. Medhurst, "Memorial Addressed to the British & Foreign Bible Society on a New Version of the Chinese Scriptures," Oct.28,1836, p.5.(港大缩微)
①麦金华：《大英圣书公会与官话<和合本>圣经翻译》,香港：基督教中国宗教文化研究社,2010年,第10页。
②麦都思以自己及其他初到马来群岛的传教士为例,来说明传教士喜读欧洲人以亚洲语言写作或翻译的作品,并深受这些作品的影响,指出这些作品表面上易于理解但实际上偏离了地道的本地语言,而马礼逊的译文受巴设译本所影响也属于此种情况。见W. H. Medhurst, "Memorial Addressed to the British & Foreign Bible Society on a New Version of the Chinese Scriptures," Oct.28,1836, p.2.
① W. H. Medhurst, "Memorial Addressed to the British & Foreign Bible Society on a New Version of the Chinese Scriptures," Oct.28,1836, p.5.
② "Copy of a Letter from the Rev. Messrs. Evans and Dyer to the Rev. Joseph Jowetf", Nov.15th,1836, in Documents relating to the proposed New Chinese translation of the Holy Scriptures, London,1836, p.46.
③ "Resolutions,&c. of the British and Foreign Bible Society on the Preceding Papers," in Documents relating to the proposed New Chinese translation of the Holy Scriptures, London,1836, p.54-55.
① W. H. Medhurst, "Memorial Addressed to the British & Foreign Bible Society on a New Version of the Chinese Scriptures," Oct.28,1836, p.4.
② W. H. Medhurst, "Memorial Addressed to the British & Foreign Bible Society on a New Version of the Chinese Scriptures," Oct.28,1836, p.4.
③ W. H. Medhurst, "Memorial Addressed to the British & Foreign Bible Society on a New Version of the Chinese Scriptures," Oct.28,1836, p.5.
④ W. H. Medhurst, "Memorial Addressed to the British & Foreign Bible Society on a New Version of the Chinese Scriptures," Oct.28,1836, p.6.
⑤ W. H. Medhurst, "Memorial Addressed to the British & Foreign Bible Society on a New Version of the Chinese Scriptures," Oct.28,1836, p.7.
①谭载喜编著：《新编奈达论翻译》,北京：中国对外翻译出版公司,1999年,ⅩⅩⅢ。
② W. H. Medhurst, "Memorial Addressed to the British & Foreign Bible Society on a New Version of the Chinese Scriptures," Oct.28,1836, p.7.
① W. H. Medhurst, "Memorial Addressed to the British & Foreign Bible Society on a New Version of the Chinese Scriptures," Oct.28,1836, p.10.
② W. H. Medhurst, "Memorial Addressed to the British & Foreign Bible Society on a New Version of the Chinese Scriptures," Oct.28,1836, p.11.
③ W. H. Medhurst, "Memorial Addressed to the British & Foreign Bible Society on a New Version of the Chinese Scriptures," Oct.28,1836, pp.12-13.
④ W. H. Medhurst,"Memorial Addressed to the British & Foreign Bible Society on a New Version of the Chinese Scriptures," Oct.28,1836, p.13.
⑤早在1824年,他就注意到了华人根深蒂固的文化自豪感,“外国没有任何东西可以和他们祖国的风俗、制度相提并论”,见Letter of Medhurst to LMS, from Batavia, Sept.1st,1824.
⑥ W. H. Medhurst, "Memorial Addressed to the British & Foreign Bible Society on a New Version of the Chinese Scriptures," Oct.28,1836, p.15-16.
⑦ W. H. Medhurst,"Memorial Addressed to the British & Foreign Bible Society on a New Version of the Chinese Scriptures," Oct.28,1836, p.16.
① W. H. Medhurst, "Memorial Addressed to the British & Foreign Bible Society on a New Version of the Chinese Scriptures," Oct.28,1836, p.15.
② W. H. Medhurst, "Memorial Addressed to the British & Foreign Bible Society on a New Version of the Chinese Scriptures," Oct.28,1836, p.15.
③ W. H. Medhurst, "Memorial Addressed to the British & Foreign Bible Society on a New Version of the Chinese Scriptures," Oct.28,1836, p.14.
④贾立言、冯雪冰著：《汉文圣经译本小史》,第29页。
⑤ Jost Oliver Zetzsche. The Bible in China:History of the Union Version, or the Culmination of Protestant Missionary Bible Translation in China. Nettetal:Steyler Verlag,1999, p.66.
⑥梁工：《圣经指南》,沈阳：辽宁人民出版社,1993年,第63页。
① "Remarks of Mr. Medhurst on the Letters of Messrs. Evans and Dyer, Contained in a Letter to the Rev. J. Jowett,&c.&c.," Nov.19th,1836, in Documents relating to the proposed New Chinese translation of the Holy Scriptures, London,1836, p.54.(港大缩微)
② Eliza Morrison, Robert Morrison, Samuel Kidd, Memoirs, Ⅱ, p.7.
① Eliza Morrison, Robert Morrison, Samuel Kidd, Memoirs, Ⅱ, p.8.
②“毕竟,最好的译本还是应由本族人来翻译。博学而虔诚,精擅中文而又熟稔圣经原文,所译的译文必会取代之前的我们所有的译本。"W. H. Medhurst,"emorial Addressed to the British & Foreign Bible Society on a New Version of the Chinese Scriptures," Oct.28,1836, p.16.(港大缩微)
③ Eliza Morrison, Robert Morrison, Samuel Kidd, Memoirs, Ⅱ. p.9.
④关于礼仪之争中,罗马教皇禁止耶稣会士礼仪政策及“上帝”译名,参见潘凤娟：《卫方济的经典翻译与中国书写：文献介绍》,《编译论丛》,2010年3月,第191页。
⑤ Robert Morrison. Chinese Miscellany, p.41.
⑥吴义雄：《译名之争与早期的<圣经>中译》,《近代史研究》,2000年第2期,第211页。
①《我等救世主耶稣新遗诏书》,吗六呷英华书院藏板,出版年代不详,澳大利亚国立图书馆藏。
②尚德者纂,《新遗诏书》,道光十七年(1837)石印本,巴达维亚印刷。
①[韩]李宽淑：《中国基督教史略》,北京：社会科学文献出版社,1998年,第144页。麦都思对郭实腊所译的旧约评价不高,认为译本中不准确之处颇多,见letter of Medhurst to LMS, from Shanghai, June 30, 1849.
② Alexander Wylie, Memorials of Protestant Missionaries to the Chinese, pp.62-63.
③ letter of Medhurst to LMS, June 30,1849.
④ Jost Oliver Zetzsche, The Bible in China, p.69罗存德(Wilhelm Lobscheid,1822-1874):德国传教士、医生和印刷工,1847到1852为莱茵差会传教士,1853年后为港英政府工作。
① Letter of Medhurst to LMS, from Shanghai, Dec.29,1853.
② Jost Oliver Zetzsche, The Bible in China, p.69.
③太平天国刊印的圣经底本为郭实腊译本,详细考证见赵晓阳：《太平天国刊印圣经底本源流考析》,第75-82页。
④1853年12月,法国公使布尔布隆(A. de Bourboulon)到访天京,随行的耶稣会士葛必达(Stanislas Clavelin)被赠予《新遗诏圣书》卷一《马太传福音书》等17种印书。这批书籍被葛必达赠送给上海的伦敦传道会,后被澳大利亚国家图书馆所购买,笔者所见即为澳大利亚国立图书馆所藏的《新遗诏圣书》。英国不列颠博物院、法国翁谷雷谋市立图书馆也有藏本。见罗尔纲：《<新遗诏圣书><钦定旧遗诏圣书><钦定前遗诏圣书>跋》,《广西社会科学》,1986年第1期,第1页。
①王庆成编注：《天父天兄圣旨》,沈阳：辽宁人民出版社,1986年,第110页。
②张铁宝：《关于太平天国<新遗诏圣书>》,《安徽史学》,1989年第3期,第30页。
③见珍本圣经数位典藏,http://bible.fhl.net/new/ob.php?book=19&version=&page=1。
④ Letter of Medhurst to LMS, from Shanghai, Dec.29,1853.
⑤文翰带回书籍十二种,其中就包括《创世传》前28章,见W. H. Medhurst, Pamphlets Issued by the Chinese Insurgents at Nan-King,1853, preface.
①香港大学、香港中文大学及香港浸会大学藏有另一版本的《救世主耶稣新遗诏书》缩微资料,据图书馆目录所载,年代标记为1836-1840年之间,笔者认为此版本更接近1837年的版本,发行时间约在1839年之前,1837年之后。
②郭实腊,《救世主耶稣新遗诏书》,新嘉坡坚夏书院藏板,1839年版,香港大学图书馆藏。
③珍本圣经数位典藏http:/bible.fhl.net/ob/s.php?DETAIL=1&LIMIT=id=19。
①罗尔纲：《<新遗诏圣书><钦定旧遗诏圣书><钦定前遗诏圣书>跋》,第6页。
②张铁宝：《关于太平天国<新遗诏圣书>》,第30页。另,洪秀全对新、旧遗诏圣书所做的修改详情见罗尔纲：《<新遗诏圣书><钦定旧遗诏圣书><钦定前遗诏圣书>跋》,第6-20页。
① W. H. Medhurst, "Memorial Addressed to the Directors of the Missionary Society on the Projected Revison of the Chinese Scriptures," Dec.18,1836, p.64.
① Patrick Hanan. "Chinese Christian Literature:the Writing Process," in Patrick Hanan, ed. Treasures of the Yenching:Seventy-Fifth Anniversary of the Harvard Yenching Library. Cambridge. MA:Harvard Yenching Library,2003, p.270.
②英文信件全文见The Missionary Magazine and Chronicle, September 1838, Vol. ⅩⅩⅧ, pp.139-40.
③ The Missionary Magazine and Chronicle, September 1838, Vol. ⅩⅩⅧ, pp.140-41.
④随着王韬申请洗礼文件的英文稿的发现,关于他受洗入教的证据已很坚实。“洗礼申请”及相关论证见段怀清：《论王韬的基督教信仰》,《清史研究》,2011年第2期,第22-30页。也见苏精：《王韬的基督教洗礼》,载林启彦、黄文江主编,《王韬与近代世界》,第435-452页。
⑤ Alexander Wylie, Memorials of Protestant Missionaries to the Chinese, p.40.大概因为朱德朗有信仰不够坚定之举动,回到巴达维亚的麦都思曾批评过朱德朗,并希望朱德朗能够借助上帝的荣光避免再次受到苛 责,见letter of Medurst to LMS, from Batavia, Nov.19,1838.
① Jost Oliver Zetzsche, The Bible in China, p.92.
②贾立言、冯雪冰著：《汉文圣经译本小史》,第39页。
③ John Wherry, "Historical Summary of the Different Versions of the Scriptures," p.52.
④麦都思在致大英圣书公会的信件中便是如此称呼朱德朗的,见W. H. Medhurst, "Memorial Addressed to the British & Foreign Bible Society on a New Version of the Chinese Scriptures," Oct.28,1836, p.14.
⑤见谢卫楼(Devello Zelotos Sheffield)于1908年1月12日致美部会(ABCFM)的信,North China Mission, 16.3.12,1900-1909, ABCFM Archives,转引自游斌：《王韬、中文圣经翻译及其解释学策略》,第359页。
① W. H. Medhurst, China, p.227; W. H. Medhurst, "Memorial Addressed to the British & Foreign Bible Society on a New Version of the Chinese Scriptures," Oct.28,1836, p.16.
②《新约全书》,1853年,江苏松江上海墨海书馆印,澳大利亚国立图书馆藏。
①“委办译本”主要为麦都思所译,见Alexander Wylie, Memorials of Protestant Missionaries to the Chinese, p.35.伦敦传道会在提及“委办译本”时,也认为这是麦都思的作品,见The Missionary Magazine and Chronicle, June 1866, Vol.ⅩⅩⅩⅠ, p.163.
② John Wherry, "Historical Summary of the Different Versions of the Scriptures," pp.48-49马士曼译本和马礼逊译本在新约部分相似之处很多,John Wherry(惠志文)认为这大概是两人都参考了大英博物馆所藏的巴设(Basset)手稿本。
③此译本后成为浸信会一派圣经修订的底本,如高德(Goddard)译本和胡德迈(T. H. Hudson)译本。
④ Jost Oliver Zetzsche, The Bible in China, p.96.
⑤按照这次会议决议,麦都思离开巴达维亚,转赴上海传教。见“The Movement of Protestant Missionaries in China," in the Chinese Repository, Vol.12, Oct.1843, p.550.
①美部会(American Board of Commissioners for Foreign Missions, ABCFM),全称为美国公理宗海外传道部,1812年正式创立,是第一个进入中国的美国差会。
② "New and Revised Edition of the Bible in Chinese," in the Chinese Repository, Vol.12, Oct.1843, p.551.
③采用乔伊特(J. Jowett)的希腊文《公认经文》(Textus Receptus)是大英圣书公会的意愿,但大多数传教士偏好布鲁姆菲尔德博士(Dr. Bloomfield)编辑的希腊本,因为后者汇集了两百年来的新约研究成果。见"Things in Shanghai," in the Chinese Repository, Vol.18, July,1849, p.390根据施福来(Thor Strandenaes)的研究,“委办译本”和马礼逊译本一样都是以《公认经文》为底本,但施福来似乎并不知晓大多数传教士更倾向于使用布鲁姆菲尔德的版本,所以未把后者纳入到他的研究视野当中,所以也就未能排除“委办译本”同时参考乔伊特版本和布鲁姆菲尔德版本的可能性,见Thor Strandenaes. Principle of Chinese Bible Translation:as expressed in five selected versions of the New Testament and exemplified by Mt 5:1-12 and Col 1. Stockholm:Almqvist & wiksell international,1987, pp.52-53.
④ "New and Revised Edition of the Bible in Chinese," in the Chinese Repository, Vol.12, Oct.1843, p.551.
① "New and Revised Edition of the Bible in Chinese," in the Chinese Repository, Vol.12, Oct.1843, pp.551-552.
② "New and Revised Edition of the Bible in Chinese," in the Chinese Repository, Vol.12, Oct.1843, p.553.
③ "New and Revised Edition of the Bible in Chinese," in the Chinese Repository, Vol.12, Oct.1843, pp.552-553.
①高德译本各卷译完即随时印刷出版,马太福音于1851年发行,约翰福音于1852年,四福音书于1852和使徒行传合印发行,1853年新约全书印行。见贾立言、冯雪冰著：《汉文圣经译本小史》,第42页。
② "Things in Shanghai,"in the Chinese Repository, Vol.18, July,1849, p.389.
③ Letter of Medhurst to LMS, from Shanghai, Dec.27,1845.
④ "Chinese Versions of the Holy Scriptures," in the Chinese Repository, Vol.15, Feb.1846, p.109.
⑤ "Chinese Versions of the Holy Scriptures," in the Chinese Repository, Vol.15, Feb.1846, p.109.
⑥ "Chinese Versions of the Holy Scriptures," in the Chinese Repository, Vol.15, Feb.1846, p.110.
⑦ "Things in Shanghai," in the Chinese Repository, Vol.18, July,1849, p.389.
⑧ Walter M Lowrie. Memoirs of the Rev. Walter M. Lowrie, Missionary to China. Edited by his father. Philadelphia:Presbyterian Board of Publication.1854, p.374.
① "Revision of the Chinese Versions of the New Testament," in the Chinese Repository, Vol.16, Jan.1847, p. 208; "Revision of the Chinese Version of the New Testament," in the Chinese Repository, Vol.17, Jan.1848, p.53.
② "Things in Shanghai," in the Chinese Repository, Vol.18, July,1849, pp.389-390.
③贾立言、冯雪冰著：《汉文圣经译本小史》,第36页。
④ "Death of Mr. Lowrie," in the Chinese Repository, Vol.17, Sep.1847, pp.462-463.
① Letter of Medhurst/Stronach/Milne to LMS of March 13,1851.
② Letter of Medhurst to LMS, from Shanghai, March 15,1850.
③麦都思在1850年3月致伦敦会信件中对美国传教士的懈怠态度提出批评,见Letter of Medhurst to LMS, from Shanghai, March 15,1850;麦都思随后5月份的信件中措辞更加严厉：“文惠廉博士对于新译本毫无贡献,裨治文博士虽然所有会议皆未缺席,但对眼前这本新译本的贡献微乎其微(Dr. Boones has done nothing towards it and Dr. Bridgeman though present at all the meetings has done exceedingly little towards making the version what it is),见Letter of Medhurst to LMS, from Shanghai. May 11,1850.另,麦都思翻译理念的贯彻得力于施敦力约翰和美魏茶的支持。麦都思的领导才能及其核心作用在伦敦会传教士的传记中屡有提及,如慕维廉说：“他传教的多种事功为我们树立了高贵榜样。虽然我们不能与他相提并论,但应该同心协力,接续他的事业。" William Muirhead, China and Gospel, p.162.杨格非写道：“他是教会公认的头脑,但他从未努力去统治。然而,他的确在统治着。他的愿望对我们就是律条,为什么?原因很简单,我们信任他的判断,感知到他内心的温暖。”R. Wardlaw Thompson. Griffith John:the Story of Fifty Years in China. London:the Religious Tract Society,1906, pp.47-48.
④裨治文说是7月24日完成,见the Chinese Repository, Oct.1850, Vol.19, p.544;实际上,1850年5月即已完成初步译稿,进入校订阶段,见letter of Medhurst to LMS, from Shanghai, May 11,1850.
⑤ "Revision of the S. S." in the Chinese Repository, Aug.1850, Vol.19, p.464.
⑥ D. MacGillivray, A Century of Protestant Missions in China (1807-1907), p.556.
① "Version of the Old and New Testaments in Chinese," in the Chinese Repository, Oct.1850, Vol.19, p.545.
② "Revision of the S. S." in the Chinese Repository, Vol.19, Aug.1850, p.464.
③ "Version of the Old and New Testaments in Chinese," in the Chinese Repository, Vol.19, Oct.1850, p.546.
④ "Version of the Old and New Testaments in Chinese," in the Chinese Repository, Vol.19, Oct.1850, p.547.
① "Proceedings Relating to the Chinese Version of the Bible," in the Chinese Repository, Vol.20, April, 1851, pp.216-224.
② "Proceedings Relating to the Chinese Version of the Bible," in the Chinese Repository, Vol.20, April, 1851, p.222.
③ "Proceedings Relating to the Chinese Version of the Bible," in the Chinese Repository, Vol.20. April, 1851, p.222.
④ Letter of Medhurst to LMS, from Shanghai, May 11,1850.
① Letter of Medhurst to LMS, from Shanghai, Feb.18,1851.
② Letter of Medhurst to LMS, from Shanghai, Feb.18,1851.
③ Letter of Medhurst to LMS, from Shanghai, March 22,1852.因伦敦传道会版旧约不像“委办本”新约那样有新教教派合作翻译之名,所以大英圣经公会所拨付的资金都是专门用于“委办本”新约的印刷。1853年1月19日,大英圣经公会才拨款500英镑用于印刷旧约,但这笔资金不是直接拨给伦敦会上海站,而是拨给伦敦传道会,麦都思为印刷所译旧约不得不向伦敦会总部申请这笔钱,这背后隐约可见大英圣书公会对麦都思所主译的旧约的疑虑,见Letter of Medhurst to LMS, from Shanghai, Jan.18,1854.
④ Letter of Medhurst to LMS, from Shanghai, Feb.18,1851.
⑤ "Proceedings Relating to the Chinese Version of the Bible," in the Chinese Repository, Vol.20, April, 1851, p.222.
①伦敦传道会驻上海的传教士于1851年2月19日通过的决议概述如下：1.伦敦传教会在上海的传教士退出为修订旧约而组建的新教传教士上海地方委员会;2.麦都思和美魏茶退出代表委员会；3..麦都思和美魏茶不参与任何从事旧约翻译的代表委员会;4.上述决议副本于下次会议时呈送上海地方委员会,并附送宁波、福州、厦门、香港和广州的地方委员会。‘Proceedings Relating to the Chinese Version of the Bible," in the Chinese Repository, Vol.20, April,1851, p.222.
②伦敦传道会驻上海的传教士于1851年2月20日通过的决议概述如下：1.遵照伦敦会理事的愿望,我们在伦敦会资助下成立“旧约汉译委员会”；2.旧约翻译采用和新约翻译同样之文体；3.遵照伦敦会理事的愿望,邀请理雅各博士合作译经,或者与会,如不可行,也可定期修订所完成的经文章节。4.邀请所有本会传教士以他们认为可取的方式协助译经；5.其他机构传教士的任何评价和建议都会被欣然接受并详加考虑。6.圣经译文会提供给欧美的圣经公会及在华的传教士；7.麦都思为主席,美魏茶为记录秘书,施敦力约翰为中文秘书；8.决议副本寄送伦敦会理事、本会在华传教士及相关人员。麦都思施敦力约翰 美魏茶”Proceedings Relating to the Chinese Version of the Bible," in the Chinese Repository, Vol.20, April,1851, pp.222-223.
① "Letter to the Editor of the Chinese Repository," in the Chinese Repository, July,1851, Vol.20, pp. 486-487.
② "Letter to the Editor of the Chinese Repository", in the Chinese Repository, July,1851, Vol.20, p.487;实际上,文惠廉等人曾就伦敦会传教士在代表委员会中占据多数(五席中之三席)表示过不满,提出上海和宁波两地重选代表,未果,见letter of Medhurstto LMS, from Shanghai, March 15,1850.
③ E. C. Bridgman to R. Anderson, March 13,1851, Shanghai, in ABCFM Papers,16.3.8. Vol.3.转引自吴义雄：《译名之争与早期的<圣经>中译》,第220页。
④裨治文虽然也认为不能完全直译,并想在直译与意译之间寻求一“最佳契合”(golden medium),但他的翻译实践还是偏重忠实原文。"Revision of the Chinese Version of the Bible," in the Chinese Repository, Vol.4, Jan.1,1836, p.395.麦都思1836年时也称他举凡翻译,皆务求精确(particularity and exactness).并“尤钟情于直译"(remarkable...especially for his attachment to a literal rendering),见W. H. Medhurst, "Memorial Addressed to the British & Foreign Bible Society on a New Version of the Chinese Scriptures," Oct.28,1836, p.7.
① Medhurst, W. H., John Stronach, W. C. Milne. Strictures on the Remarks Contained in "Papers Relating to the Shanghae Revision of the Chinese Scriptures. " Shanghai, June 16th,1852, pp.1-5.
②这一圣经翻译理念大概肇始于从希伯来文翻译成希腊文的《七十士译本》(公元前306年—公元前346年),哲罗姆及奥古斯丁都赞同翻译圣经要依赖上帝之感召。
③谭载喜：《西方翻译简史》,北京：商务印书馆,2004年,第162-163页。
④谭载喜：《西方翻译简史》,第162页。施福来(Thor Strandenaes)对比了“委办译本”和源本希腊《公认经文》,认为相比较马礼逊译本,“委办译本”更倾向使用功能对等的方法,具体表现在：在词汇上,着意于地道的中文文学词汇的使用；风格上,控制句子长度,注重中文的韵律；句法上,希腊原文的嵌入结构译成中文时被分解成短句；以比喻译比喻,见Thor Strandenaes, Principle of Chinese Bible Translation: as expressed in five selected versions of the New Testament and exemplified by Mt 5:1-12 and Col 1, pp.48-75.
①贾立言、冯雪冰著：《汉文圣经译本小史》,第40页。
② E. C. Bridgman to R. Anderson, March 13,1851, Shanghai, in ABCFM Papers,16.3.8. Vol.3.转引自吴义雄：《译名之争与早期的<圣经>中译》,第220页。
③贾立言、冯雪冰著：《汉文圣经译本小史》,第39-40页。
④《新约全书》(裨治文、克陛存译本),上海：美华书局,1863。
⑤《新约全书》(裨治文、克陛存译本),上海：美华书局,1863,《例言》。
① John Wherry, "Historical Summary of the Different Versions of the Scriptures," p.53.
②两位学者皆认为“委办译本”流畅而简洁,但对原文有所偏离。韩南认为,“委办译本”追求简洁明快的同时却牺牲了原文形象化的语言。而游斌比较了“委办译本”和裨治文译本,认为后者比前者更忠实原文,虽然流畅性上不如前者。[美]韩南著,段怀清译：《作为中国文学之<圣经>：麦都思、王韬与“<圣经>委办本”》,第16-37页。游斌：《王韬、中文圣经翻译及其解释学策略》,第348-368页。
③ D. MacGillivray, A Century of Protestant Missions in China (1807-1907), p.557.
④ John C. Gibson. "Review of the Various Colloquial Versions and the Comparative Advantages of Roman Letters and Chinese Characters," in Records of the General Conference of the Protestant Missionaries of China, Held at Shanghai, May 7-20,1890. Shanghai:Presbyterian Mission Press,1890, p.63.
⑤此礼物系“委办本”新约,由新教女信众捐款而得,圣经制作精美,镶以金边,并装在银匣中呈献。圣经前有慕维廉的序言。慈禧收到礼物后,又有回赠。见T. Richard. "Presentation Testament to the Empress-Dowager of China," in Chinese Recorder, vol. xxvi,1895, pp.151-161.
⑥这三本圣经,一本是作为中国男性基督徒赠送给摄政王载沣的礼物,一本是女性基督徒赠送给隆裕皇太后的礼物,第三本是教会学校的儿童赠送给年幼的宣统皇帝的礼物。见Chinese Recorder, vol. XL,1909, pp. 587-588.
① The Missionary Magazine and Chronicle, October,1853, XVII. pp.229-230.
② The Missionary Magazine and Chronicle, October,1853, XVII. p.251.
③ Letter of Medhurst to LMS, from Shanghai, Dec.19,1853.
④ D. MacGillivray, A Century of Protestant Missions in China (1807-1907), p.558.
⑤ D. MacGillivray, A Century of Protestant Missions in China (1807-1907), p.558.
⑥ D. MacGillivray, A Century of Protestant Missions in China (1807-1907), p.559.
⑦ D. MacGillivray, A Century of Protestant Missions in China (1807-1907), p.559.
① Letter of Medhurst to LMS, from Shanghai, March 22,1852.
② D. MacGillivray, A Century of Protestant Missions in China (1807-1907), p.557.
③ S. F. Woodin. "Review of the Various Colloquial Versions and the Comparative Advantages of Roman Letters and Chinese Characters," in Records of the General Conference of the Protestant Missionaries of China, Held at Shanghai, May 7-20,1890. Shanghai:Presbyterian Mission Press,1890, p.90.
④ S. F. Woodin, "Review of the Various Colloquial Versions and the Comparative Advantages of Roman Letters and Chinese Characters," p.92.
⑤ S. F. Woodin, "Review of the Various Colloquial Versions and the Comparative Advantages of Roman Letters and Chinese Characters," pp.92-93.
⑥ William Muirhead. "Historical Summary of the Different Versions of the Scriptures," in Records of the General Conference of the Protestant Missionaries of China, Held at Shanghai, May 7-20,1890. Shanghai:Presbyterian Mission Press,1890, p.36.
① John Wherry, "Historical Summary of the Different Versions of the Scriptures," p.52.
② John C. Gibson, "Review of the Various Colloquial Versions and the Comparative Advantages of Roman Letters and Chinese Characters," p.63.
③ Jost Oliver Zetzsche, The Bible in China, p.186.
④ Irene Eber. Chinese and Jews:Encounters Between Cultures. London-Portland:Vallentine Mitchell,2008, p. 111.
⑤ John Wherry, "Historical Summary of the Different Versions of the Scriptures," p.52.
⑥贾立言、冯雪冰著：《汉文圣经译本小史》,第39页。
⑦见第一节《新遗诏书》的论述
⑧ Jost Oliver Zetzsche. The Bible in China, p.92.
① S. I. J. Schereschewsky. "Translation of the Scriptures into Chinese," in Records of the General Conference of the Protestant Missionaries of China, Held at Shanghai, May 7-20,1890. Shanghai:Presbyterian Mission Press, 1890, pp.42-43.
② John C. Gibson, "Review of the Various Colloquial Versions and the Comparative Advantages of Roman Letters and Chinese Characters," in Records of the General Conference of the Protestant Missionaries of China, Held at Shanghai, May 7-20,1890, p.63.
③ John C. Gibson, "Review of the Various Colloquial Versions and the Comparative Advantages of Roman Letters and Chinese Characters," p.63.
④ John Shaw Burdon. "Colloquial Versions of the Chinese Scriptures," in Records of the General Conference of the Protestant Missionaries of China, Held at Shanghai, May 7-20,1890. Shanghai:Presbyterian Mission Press, 1890, p.104.
① Jost Oliver Zetzsche, The Bible in China, p.103.
② Bernard Jean Bettelheim. St. Luke s Gospel in Luchu and Chinese. Hong Kong,1858; repr., Tokyo:Classical Japonica Facsimile Series in the Tend Central Library,1977, cited from Foley, T. S. Biblical Translation in Chinese and Greek. Leiden:Brill,2009, p.22.
③汲约翰以《箴言》九章第一节为例来说明这一点。厦门白话本把“WWisdom has builded her house, she hath hewn out her seven pillars'一句中的wisdom翻译为“智慧的人”,这是因为受“委办译本”“智者建室,彤其七柱“译文中“智者”二字所影响。见John C. Gibson, "Review of the Various Colloquial Versions and the Comparative Advantages of Roman Letters and Chinese Characters," p.72.
④ John C. Gibson, "Review of the Various Colloquial Versions and the Comparative Advantages of Roman Letters and Chinese Characters," p.75-76.
⑤ Marshall Broomhall, The Chinese Empire:a General & Missionary Survey, p.384.
⑥ Records of the General Conference of the Protestant Missionaries of China, Held at Shanghai, May 7-20,1890. Shanghai:Presbyterian Mission Press,1890, p. xli.
① Letter from John Chambers to LMS of Feb.28,1894, cited from Jost Oliver Zetzsche, The Bible in China, p. 242.
②和“委办译本”相比,两人的译本更改了专有名词的音译,并采取直译,所以比“委办译本”要忠实,但也因此被其他传教士批评为风格粗俗、行文蹩脚。下面眷录《路加福音》第一章1-13节以与“委办译本“相比较。盖有多人已操笔,以陈述我中足征诸事。乃犹自始亲见而为道役者,已授我侪焉。我因推其原以寻诸事详,自谓亦当此地书之,达提阿非罗阁下。四俾尔真知所学之确然也。五当犹太王希律诸日,有亚比亚班祭司,名塞加利亚及其妻,亚伦之裔,名以利沙拔。六两人在上帝前,义者也,悉遵主诫命仪端而行,无间然也。七但无子,盖以利沙伯不妊,而二人年又迈。八塞加利亚于其班列,行祭司事于上帝前。九依祭司规,入主殿掣签得焚香。+香时,众民在外祈祷。十一主之使者见,立香坛右。十二塞加利亚见之,愕然而惧。十三使者谓之曰：塞加利亚勿惧,尔祈祷既闻之矣,尔妻以利沙拔将生子于尔,尔将称其名曰约翰。湛约翰、韶玛亭译：《新约全书》(文理和合本),香港：文裕堂,1897年。
③ John Wherry. "The Ideal Translation of the Bible into Chinese," in China Mission Year Book 3 (1912):279, cited from Jost Oliver Zetzsche, The Bible in China, p.253.
① Jost Oliver Zetzsche, The Bible in China, p.253.
②《新约全书》(杨格非浅文理译本),汉口：汉镇英汉书馆铅板印,1886。
③《新约全书》(文理和合本),上海：大英圣书公会,1906。
①中西礼仪之争的详细论述见[美]赖德烈著：《基督教在华传教史》,香港：道风书社,2009年,第113-132页。
② Marshall Broomhall. The Bible in China, pp.36-39; William A Smalley. Translation as Mission:Bible translation in the Modern Missionary Movement. Macon:Mercer University Press,1991,173.
③1700年,索邦神学院的神学家谴责利玛窦派耶稣会士有关中国道德、礼仪及上帝等方面的观点和做法。1704年,罗马教皇克莱孟十一世(Clement Ⅺ, 1700-1721)正式禁止耶稣会士的礼仪政策和上帝译名,并于1715年重申此禁令,违者开除教籍。1742年,新任教皇本笃十四世(Benedict ⅩⅣ,1740-1758)再次严申禁令,礼仪之争被完全禁止。见潘凤娟：《卫方济的经典翻译与中国书写：文献介绍》,《编译论丛》,2010年3月,第191页。
④ Walter Medhurst. An Inquiry into the Proper Mode of Rendering the Word God in Translating the Sacred Scriptures into the Chinese Language. Shanghae:the Mission Press,1848, p.158.
①在《中国丛报》所登载的这篇关于God等术语译名的文章可看作是译名之争的序幕,见Revision of the Chinese Version of the Bible; Remarks on the Words for God, Father, Spirit, Soul, Prophet, Baptism and Sabbath," in the Chinese Repository, Vol.15, April,1846, pp.161-165.
② "New and Revised Edition of the Bible in Chinese," in the Chinese Repository, Vol.12, Oct.1843, p.551.
③ "New and Revised Edition of the Bible in Chinese," in the Chinese Repository, Vol.12, Oct.1843, p.553.
④文惠廉在当初看到麦都思的《新遗诏书》及郭实腊的修订版时,为他们所影响,接受“上帝”之译名,但后来又受到马礼逊、米怜及马士曼的影响转而赞同“神”。见William J. Boone, "An Essay on the Proper Rendering of the Words Elohim and Theos into Chinese Language," in the Chinese Repository, Vol.17, Jan. 1848, pp.64-65.
⑤ Walter M Lowrie, Memoirs of the Rev. Walter M. Lowrie, pp.375-376.
⑥书面论辩采取一方立论,另一方辩驳,开始一方再自辩的方式,1847年7月16日,“神”派先提交了己方的辩文,“帝”派于8月17日作出回应并辩驳,“神”派又于9月10日提交自辩文。“帝”派于9月28日提交己方的辩文,“神”派于10月4日批驳,“帝”派于11月4日提交辩护文,双方在委员会内部的书面论辩达600页,广征中西方经典。随后,11月的11日和22日,双方又各自陈述了自己的观点,分歧还是 未能弥合,见letter of Medhurst/Stronach to the Members of the Local Committee of the London Society Mission at Shanghai, Dec.11,1847.
① Walter M Lowrie, Memoirs of the Rev. Walter M. Lowrie, p.376.
②贾立言、冯雪冰著：《汉文圣经译本小史》,第36页；letter of Medhurst/ Stronach to the Members of the Local Committee of the London Society Mission at Shanghai, Dec.11,1847.
③ W. H. Medhurst, "Memorial Addressed to the British & Foreign Bible Society on a New Version of the Chinese Scriptures," Oct.28,1836, p.10.
④此文赞同译God为“神”,很可能出自裨治文之手,可能是他因自己为《中国丛报》主编,不便在他自己主编的刊物中表明身份,见“Revision of the Chinese Version of the Bible; Remarks on the Words for God, Father, Spirit, Soul, Prophet, Baptism and Sabbath," in the Chinese Repository. Vol.15, April,1846, pp. 161-165.
⑤ Walter M Lowrie, Memoirs of the Rev. Walter M. Lowrie, p.361.
①惠志道曾这样夸奖娄理华：“如果他不是年纪轻轻便命断海盗之手,以他的才华和对书面中文快速的学习能力,即使在这些杰出的传教士中也会凸显出来。”见John Wherry, "Historical Summary of the Different Versions of the Scriptures," p.51.
② Letter of Medhurst/ Stronach to the Members of the Local Committee of the London Society Mission at Shanghai, Dec.11,1847; Letter of Medhurst to LMS, from Shanghai, Jan.14,1848.
③ Walter M Lowrie, Memoirs of the Rev. Walter M. Lowrie, p.349.
① Walter M Lowrie, Memoirs of the Rev. Walter M. Lowrie, p.361.
②[美]卫斐烈著,顾钧、江莉译：《卫三畏生平及书信——一位美国来华传教士的心路历程》,桂林：广西师范大学出版社,2004年,第101页。
③ Walter M Lowrie, Memoirs of the Rev. Walter M. Lowrie, p.375.
④ Walter M Lowrie, Memoirs of the Rev. Walter M. Lowrie, p.379.
⑤ William J. Boone, "An Essay on the Proper Rendering of the Words Elohim and Theos into Chinese Language", in the Chinese Repository, Vol.17, Jan.1848, p.20.
⑥文中圣经英译文除特别标明外都引自King James Version.
⑦《旧约全书》,上海：美华书馆藏版,1865年。
⑧《旧约圣书》(委办本),香港：英华书院,1855年。
⑨后来“上帝”版圣经在此处译文更加灵活,如当代中文译本把此两节译为：“我是耶和华你们的上帝,我曾经把你们从埃及释放出来,使你们不再受奴役。除了我以外,你们不可拜别的神。
① William J. Boone, "An Essay on the Proper Rendering of the Words Elohim and Theos into Chinese Language," in the Chinese Repository, Vol.17, Jan.1848, p.18.
② William J. Boone, "An Essay on the Proper Rendering of the Words Elohim and Theos into Chinese Language," in the Chinese Repository, Vol.17, Jan.1848, p.19
③ William J. Boone, "An Essay on the Proper Rendering of the Words Elohim and Theos into Chinese Language," in the Chinese Repository, Vol.17, Jan.1848, pp.19-20.
④ "Remarks on the Words and Phrases Best Suited to Express the Names of God in Chinese," in the Chinese Repository, Nov.1846. Vol.15. p.568.
⑤[美]卫斐烈著,顾钧、江莉译：《卫三畏生平及书信——一位美国来华传教士的心路历程》,第101页。
①[美]卫斐烈著,顾钧、江莉译： 《卫三畏生平及书信——一位美国来华传教士的心路历程》,第101页。
② Walter M Lowrie, Memoirs of the Rev. Walter M. Lowrie, p.374.
③ Walter Medhurst. English and Chinese Dictionary. Vol. Ⅰ. Shanghae:the Mission Press,1847, p.558.
④为明晰他词典中God和god二词的不同,现把god这一词条的释义眷录如下：God, the Supreme Being,上帝shang te,天帝t'heen; the most high God,皇皇上帝hwang hwang shang te; according to the Romanist,天主t'heen choo; according tp the Mohammedans,主choo,真主chin choo; some Protestant writers have used,神shin,神天shin theen,神主shin choo,真活神chin hwo shin; the Chinese themselves, for gods, or invisible beings in general, use神shin神祗shin te,鬼神kwei shin神明shin ming,神仙shin seen;the gods of the hills,山神san shin; the gods of the rivers,河神ho shin; the gods of the heavens,山神shan shin;the gods of the rivers,河神ho shin;the gods of the land and grain,社稷shaytseih; the gods of the heavens.天神t'heen shin; the gods of the earth地祗te ke; the god of learning,魁星kwei sing; the god of the winds,十八姨shi pa e; the god of water,司寒sze han; the god of rain,屏翳pine e;the eves of the eods are like lightning.神目如电shin muh ioo teen; to swear before the gods,神前发誓shin tseen fa she; the mercy of the gods,神之慈悲shin che tsze pei;the protection of the gods,鬼神之助佑kwei shin che tsoo yew; may the gods protect you,神灵庇佑shin ling pe yew; respect the gods, but keep them at a distance,敬鬼神而远之king kwei shin urh yuen che; the gods are like men神与人同shin yu jin tung; to regulate the gods and men菩萨poo sa; the god Buddha,神佛shin fuh; the god of the furnace,鼂神tsaou shin;local gods,土地神t'hoo te shin; sacrifice to the gods, as though present,祭神如在tse shin joo tsae; names of gods伽蓝kee Ian,句芒kow mang,句龙kow lung,鼂幺tsaou yaou,天愚t'heen yu. Walter H. Medhurst. English and Chinese Dictionary. Vol. Ⅰ. Shanghae:the Mission Press,1847, p.631.文惠廉也引用此词条,尤其其中的"the Chinese themselves, for gods, or invisible beings in general, use神shin”来说明中国作者使用“神”来作为God的通用词,以此来驳斥麦都思,详见William J. Boone, "An Essay on the Proper Rendering of the Words Elohim and Theos into Chinese Language," in the Chinese Repository, Vol.17, Jan.1848, p.60.
① Walter M Lowrie, Memoirs of the Rev. Walter M. Lowrie, p.377.
② William J. Boone, "An Essay on the Proper Rendering of the Words Elohim and Theos into Chinese Language," in the Chinese Repository, Vol.17, Jan.1848, p.18.
③ William J. Boone, "An Essay on the Proper Rendering of the Words Elohim and Theos into Chinese Language," in the Chinese Repository, Vol.17, Jan.1848, p.60.
④ Walter H. Medhurst, "An Inquiry into the Proper Mode of Rendering the Word God in Translating the Sacred Scriptures into the Chinese Language," in the Chinese Repository, Vol.17. Mar.1848, p.106.
⑤ Walter H. Medhurst, "An Inquiry into the Proper Mode of Rendering the Word God in Translating the Sacred Scriptures into the Chinese Language," in the Chinese Repository, Vol.17. Mar.1848, p.107.
⑥ Walter H. Medhurst, "Remarks in Favor of Shangti and against Shin, as the Proper Term to Denote the True God, Addressed to the Editor of the Chinese Repository," in the Chinese Repository, Vol.16. Jan.1847, p.35.
⑦ Walter H. Medhurst, "Remarks in Favor of Shangti and against Shin, as the Proper Term to Denote the True God, Addressed to the Editor of the Chinese Repository," in the Chinese Repository, Vol.16. Jan.1847, p.35.
① Walter H. Medhurst, etc. "Remarks in Favor of Shangti and against Shin, as the Proper Term to Denote the True God, Addressed to the Editor of the Chinese Repository," in the Chinese Repository, Vol.16. Jan.1847, p.36.
②[美]卫斐烈著,顾钧、江莉译：《卫三畏生平及书信——一位美国来华传教士的心路历程》,第101页。
③ William J. Boone, "An Essay on the Proper Rendering of the Words Elohim and Theos into Chinese Language," in the Chinese Repository, Vol.17, Jan.1848, p.26.
④ Walter H. Medhurst, "An Inquiry into the Proper Mode of Rendering the Word God in Translating the Sacred Scriptures into the Chinese Language," in the Chinese Repository, Vol.17. Mar.1848, p.115.但麦都思也承认“帝”作为泛指词的缺陷,即“帝”可指死去的皇帝；“帝”并不能指代所有被崇拜的精神存在。所以在使用时则需重新定义其内涵,见W. H. Medhurst etc. To the Protestant Missionaries Laboring at Hong Kong, and the Five Ports of China. January 30th,1850, Shanghae, pp.6-7.
⑤ Walter H. Medhurst, "Remarks in Favor of Shangti and against Shin, as the Proper Term to Denote the True God, Addressed to the Editor of the Chinese Repository," in the Chinese Repository, Vol.16. Jan.1847, p.37.
① Walter Medhurst. An Inquiry into the Proper Mode of Rendering the Word God in Translating the Sacred Scriptures into the Chinese Language, pp.157-158.
② Walter Medhurst, An Inquiry into the Proper Mode of Rendering the Word God in Translating the Sacred Scriptures into the Chinese Language, pp.15-19.
③ Walter M Lowrie, Memoirs of the Rev. Walter M. Lowrie, p.376.
④[美]卫斐烈著,顾钧、江莉译：《卫三畏生平及书信——一位美国来华传教士的心路历程》,第101页。
⑤[美]卫斐烈著,顾钧、江莉译：《卫三畏生平及书信——一位美国来华传教士的心路历程》,第101页。
① Solomon Caesar Malan (1812-1894)英国神学家和东方学家,出生于一个流放到瑞士的法国家庭,其父为新教神学家。他颇富语言才能,懂梵文、阿拉伯文、中文、法语、德语、西班牙语、拉丁语、意大利语等多种语言。1839年在加尔各答主教学院(Bishop's College)任古典学讲师时,曾教授何进善神学及英文,并向何进善学习中文,见http://www.nationmaster.com/encyclopedia/S.-C.-Malan; Irene Eber. The Jewish Bishop and the Chinese Bible:S. I. J. Schereschewsky (1831-1906). Leiden:Brill,1999, p.215.
② S. C. Malan. Who is God in China, Shin or Shang-Te?:Remarks on the Etymology offelohim] and of [theos], and on the Rendering of those Terms into Chinese. London:Samuel Bagster and Sons,1855, p.7.
③ James Legge. An Argument for Shang Te as the Proper Rendering of the Words Elohim and Theos in the Chinese Language with Strictures on the Essay of Bishop Boone in Favor of the Term Shin. Hong Kong:the Hongkong Register Office,1850, p. iii.
④关于理雅各何时转而赞同“上帝”,意见未见统一。H. E. Legge认为理雅各赞同“上帝”译名始于1852年所著Notions of the Chinese Concerning God and the Spirits:with an Examination of the Defense of an Essay, on the Proper Rendering of the Words Elohim and Theos, into the Chinese Language, by William J. Boone, D. D.但实际上理雅各在其1850年的作品An Argument for Shang Te as the Proper Rendering of the Words Elohim and Theos in the Chinese Language中即已主张”上帝”为译名。其真正的态度转变应在1848年回到中国后不久发生的。这种转变可能受何进善所影响,亦可能受到麦都思所启发,见龚道运：《近世基督教和儒教的接触》,上海：上海人民出版社,2009,第147页。
① James Legge, An Argument for Shang Te as the Proper Rendering of the Words Elohim and Theos in the Chinese Language, p. iv.
② James Legge, An Argument for Shang Te as the Proper Rendering of the Words Elohim and Theos in the Chinese Language, p. v.为解决译名争论,麦都思给中国的传教同工写了长达二十余页的信,并做出了很大的妥协,他承认“帝”作为译名和“神”一样并非是完美的选择,“‘帝’这个词指最高存在时,并不能像耶和华一样暗示出无限完美的存在。”而且,因“帝”还可指过世的皇帝,所以使用这个字时需要给出定义,明确所指才可,见W. H. Medhurst etc. To the Protestant Missionaries Laboring at Hong Kong, and the Five Ports of China. January 30th,1850, Shanghae, pp.6,13.
③熊月之著：《西学东渐与晚清社会》,第88页。
④ Walter M Lowrie, Memoirs of the Rev. Walter M. Lowrie, p.375.
⑤ D. MacGillivray, A Century of Protestant Missions in China (1807-1907), p.495.
⑥ Irene Eber, The Jewish Bishop and the Chinese Bible:S. I. J. Schereschewsky (1831-1906), p.214.
⑦ S. C. Malan. Who is God in China, Shin or Shang-Te?:Remarks on the Etymology of [elohim] and of [theos], and on the Rendering of those Terms into Chinese, p.33.
① Dong Linfu. The Search for God in Ancient China:James Mellon Menzies, China Missionary and Archaeologist. PhD dissertation of York Universtiy, May 2001, pp.314-329.
Raymond Paul Petzholt. China's Ancient Monotheistic Religious Roots in Shang Ti and its Importance for the Evangelization of the Chinese. PhD dissertation of Fuller Theological Seminary,2000.
③或称欧美更加准确,因欧洲大陆的传教士如郭实腊大都赞同“上帝”译名。
④ Walter H. Medhurst. "Remarks in Favor of Shangti and against Shin, as the Proper Term to Denote the True God, Addressed to the Editor of the Chinese Repository." in the Chinese Repository, Vol.16. Jan.1847, p.35.
⑤ William J. Boone, "An Essay on the Proper Rendering of the Words Elohim and Theos into Chinese Language," in the Chinese Repository, Vol.17, Jan.1848, pp.20-21.
① Jost Oliver Zetzsche, The Bible in China, p.84.
②[美]卫斐烈著,顾钧、江莉译：《卫三畏生平及书信——一位美国来华传教士的心路历程》,第101页。
③吴义雄：《译名之争与早期的<圣经>中译》,第216-217页。
① Rufus Anderson, "The Theory of Missions to the Heathen:a Sermon Preached at the Ordination of Mr. Edward Webb, as a Missionary to the Heathen," in the Chinese Repository, Nov.1846. Vol.15. pp.488-489.
② S. C. Malan, Who is God in China, Shin or Shang-Te?:Remarks on the Etymology of[elohim] and of[theos], and on the Rendering of those Terms into Chinese, p.14.
③ "Testimony to the Truth of Christianity, Given by Kiying, Late Governor-General of Canton, Minister Plenipotentiary, Guardian of the Heir Apparent,&c.,&C." in the Chinese Repository, Vol.20. Jan.1851, p.46.
④ Letter of Medhurst to LMS, from Shanghai, June 30,1849.
⑤ Arthur Wright. "The Chinese Language and Foreign Ideas," in Arthur Wright, ed. Studies in Chinese Thought. Chicago:University of Chicago Press,1953, p.291.
① Walter Medhurst, Art Inquiry into the Proper Mode of Rendering the Word God in Translating the Sacred Scriptures into the Chinese Language, p.256.
② "Remarks on the Words and Phrases Best Suited to Express the Names of God in Chinese," in the Chinese Repository, Nov.1846. Vol.15, p.568.
③李炽昌：《圣号论衡：晚清<万国公报>基督教“圣号论争”文献汇编》,上海：上海古籍出版社,2008年,前言,第5页。
④ W. H. Medhurst etc. To the Protestant Missionaries Laboring at Hong Kong, and the Five Ports of China. January 30th,1850, Shanghae, p.3.
⑤ Jost Oliver Zetzsche, The Bible in China, p.86.
① Jost Oliver Zetzsche, The Bible in China, p.86.
②麦都思对此的回应是：“我初来传教时,发现我的前辈们都习惯使用‘神’来翻译God,这种观点就早早的灌输进我的头脑中。" "Reply to the Essay of Dr. Boone on the proper rendering of the words Elohim and θeos into the Chinese language," in the Chinese Repository, Nov.1848. Vol.17, p.565.
③ "Proceedings Relating to the Chinese Version of the Bible," in the Chinese Repository, April,1851, Vol.20, p.220.
① "Proceedings Relating to the Chinese Version of the Bible," in the Chinese Repository, Vol.20, April, 1851, p.220.
② Letter from Medhurst/Stronach/Milne to LMS, March 13,1851.
③ "Notes of an Interview between H. E. Su Ki-yu and Other Chinese Officers, and the Bishop of Victoria; Held at Fuhchau, Dec.7th,1850." in the Chinese Repository, Vol.20, May,1851, p.248.
④ "Notes of an Interview between H. E. Su Ki-yu and Other Chinese Officers, and the Bishop of Victoria; Held at Fuhchau, Dec.7th,1850." in the Chinese Repository, Vol.20, May,1851, pp.247-249.
⑤ "Proceedings Relating to the Chinese Version of the Bible," in the Chinese Repository, Vol.20, April, 1851, p.224.
①李炽昌：《圣号论衡：晚清<万国公报>基督教“圣号论争”文献汇编》,前言,第17页。但也有学者认为《万国公报》中华人的文章观点新颖,长期看来价值非凡,见Wong, Timothy Man-kong, "The Rendering of God in Chinese by the Chinese:Chinese Responses to the Term Question in the Wanguo gongbao", in Michael Lackner and Natascha Vittinghoff, eds. Mapping Meanings:the Field of New Learning in Late Qing China, pp. 589-613.
②吴义雄：《译名之争与早期的<圣经>中译》,第221页。
① Thomas G. Oey, "An Analysis of Bishop William J. Boone's 'Essay on the Term for Deity,'" Presented June 7-11,2006, International Symposium on the Translation and Transmission of the Bible in China, Fudan University, Shanghai, p.57.
② Jost Oliver Zetzsche, The Bible in China, p.84.
③麦都思在上海的图书馆藏书丰富,包括中国哲学、历史、小说、诗歌等方面的主要作品,“伦敦差会目录”列有麦都思和雒魏林的图书馆藏书目录,共914种中文书籍,见Irene Eber, The Jewish Bishop and the Chinese Bible:S. I. J. Schereschewsky (1831-1906), pp.230-231.
④ Thomas G. Oey, "An Analysis of Bishop William J. Boone's "Essay on the Term for Deity,'" Presented June 7-11,2006, International Symposium on the Translation and Transmission of the Bible in China, Fudan University, Shanghai, p.57.
① Marshall Broomhall, The Bible in China, pp.79-80;贺清泰采用口语化的官话翻译圣经,系受哲罗姆采用罗马平民所讲的拉丁语翻译圣经所影响,贺清泰虽获梵蒂冈赞誉,称其热情可嘉,但译本却被禁止出版,见Jost Oliver Zetzsche, The Bible in China, p.28.
②官话(Mandarin)原指清朝官吏的语言,十九世纪还有北京官话和南京官话之分,后泛指以北京方言为标准的普通用语。官话本圣经和方言本圣经都属于口语体圣经,和文理本圣经相对而言。
③ Jost Oliver Zetzsche, The Bible in China, p.141.
④ Jost Oliver Zetzsche, The Bible in China, p.141.
⑤详见苏精：《马礼逊与中文印刷出版》,第131-152页；赵晓阳：《二马圣经译本与白日升圣经译本关系考辨》,第56-57页。
⑥ Alexander Wylie, Memorials of Protestant Missionaries to the Chinese, p.36.
⑦1848年,米魏茶(W.C.Milne)发行了马太福音的上海方言本,麦丽芝(T. McClatchie)出版了路加 福音上海方言本。1850年,文惠廉(W. J. Boone)和他人合作把马太福音译成上海方言。见Jost Oliver Zetzsche, The Bible in China, p.141.
① Letter of Medhurst to LMS, from Shanghai, Jan.18,1854.
② Alexander Wylie, Memorials of Protestant Missionaries to the Chinese, p.36.
③贾立言、冯雪冰著：《汉文圣经译本小史》,第64页。
④ D. MacGillivray, A Century of Protestant Missions in China (1807-1907), p.560.
⑤麦都思、施敦力：《新约全书》(南京官话译本),上海：墨海书馆,1856。
① Marshall Broomhall, The Bible in China, p.75.
② Marshall Broomhall, The Bible in China, p.74.
③ The Missionary Magazine and Chronicle, October,1853, ⅩⅦ. pp.229-230,251.
④ Marshall Broomhall, The Bible in China, p.76.
⑤ D. MacGillivray, A Century of Protestant Missions in China (1807-1907), p.558.
⑥一说这50,000本是1856年印刷的,见letter from Medhurst to LMS of Sep.6,1855,
⑦ Jost Oliver Zetzsche, The Bible in China, p.143.
⑧ Letter of Medhurst, Stronach, and Milne to LMS, from Shanghai, March 13,1851.
① Jost Oliver Zetzsche, The Bible in China, p.141.
② D. MacGillivray, A Century of Protestant Missions in China (1807-1907), p.557.
③ John Wherry, "Historical Summary of the Different Versions of the Scriptures," p.55.
① Jost Oliver Zetzsche, The Bible in China, p.186.
② John C. Gibson, "Review of the Various Colloquial Versions and the Comparative Advantages of Roman Letters and Chinese Characters," p.72.
③麦都思、施敦力：《新约全书》(南京官话译本)，上海：墨海书馆,1857。
①“委办译本”原文为：“是非由血气,非由情欲,非由人意而生,乃由上帝也。”见《新约全书》(委办本),上海：墨海书馆,1853年
② Jost Oliver Zetzsche, The Bible in China, p.143.
① S. I. J. Schereschewsky, "Translation of the Scriptures into Chinese," p.44.
② John Wherry, "Historical Summary of the Different Versions of the Scriptures," p.55.
③ William Muirhead, "Historical Summary of the Different Versions of the Scriptures," p.36.
④ D. MacGillivray, A Century of Protestant Missions in China (1807-1907), p.557.
⑤ Jost Oliver Zetzsche, The Bible in China, p.144.
⑥ Marshall Broomhall, The Bible in China, p.83.
⑦ Darlow, T. H. and H. F. Moule. Historical Catalogue of the Printed Editions of Holy Scripture in the Library of the British and Foreign Bible Society.2 vols. London:British and Foreign Bible Society,1903, V. Ⅱ, p.211.
①“南京官话译本”还是同“委办译本”一样采用《马可传福音书》,而“北京官话译本”的译名是《马可福音》,见《新约全书》(北京官话译本),按希利尼原文翻译官话,京都东交民巷耶稣堂藏板,1872年。本文所用的“北京官话译本”为天主版。
②一说此单行本乃丁韪良所译,见John R. Hykes. Translations of the Scriptures into the Languages of China and her Dependencies. New York:American Bible Society,1916, p.9.
③ Jost Oliver Zetzsche, The Bible in China, p.149.
④麦都思、施敦力：《新约全书》(南京官话译本),上海：墨海书馆,1857。
⑤《新约全书》(北京官话译本),按希利尼原文翻译官话,京都东交民巷耶稣堂藏板,1872年。
①姚达兑指出,五四时期的白话有两个源头：“一是《圣谕广训》和圣谕拾遗作品的白话,二是来华新教传教士译述《圣经》和宣教作品的白话”,对于后者,不管是以官话还是以方言来翻译圣经,做出最早尝试的人物都是麦都思。见姚达兑：《圣书与白话——<圣谕>俗解和一种现代白话的夭折》,《同济大学学报》(社会科学版),2012年第1期,第80页。
② Marshall Broomhall, The Chinese Empire:a General & Missionary Survey, p.389.
③ Records of the General Conference of the Protestant Missionaries of China, Held at Shanghai, May 7-20,1890. Shanghai:Presbyterian Mission Press,1890, p. xliii.
④《马可福音书》(官话译本),上海：美华书馆,1867。《约翰福音书》(官话译本),上海：美华书馆,1868。见珍本圣经数位典藏。
①《新约全书》(南京官话译本),上海：墨海书馆,1857。
②《新约全书》(裨治文、克陛存译本),上海：美华书局,1863。
①《新约圣书》(委办本),香港：英华书院,1855年。
① Griffith John. "Correspondence," in Chinese Recorder, vol. xxi,1890, p.569.
①朱谦之：《中国哲学对欧洲的影响》,上海：上海人民出版社,2005年,本论之第二章。近些年,通过一些学者的努力,耶稣会士所翻译的中国经典对欧洲启蒙运动的影响渐渐明晰起来,如潘凤娟对卫方济经典翻译的研究,见潘凤娟：《卫方济的经典翻译与中国书写：文献介绍》,《编译论从》,2010年3月。
②[英]约·罗伯茨编著,蒋重跃、刘林海译：《十九世纪西方人眼中的中国》,北京：时事出版社,1999年,第1页。
③ J. Marshman. The Works of Confucius, Containing the Original Text, with a Translation. Vol. Ⅰ. Serampore:the Mission Press,1809, Dedication, ii.
④ David B. Honey. Incense at the Altar:Pioneering Sinologists and the Development of Classical Chinese Philology. New Haven:American Oriental Society,2001. p.167.⑤另一种看法认为斯当东爵士(Sir George Staunton)为英国汉学之父,详见David B. Honey. Incense at the Altar, p.172.
⑥ J. Marshman, The Works of Confucius, Vol.11, Dedication, ⅱ-ⅲ.
①王辉、叶拉美：《“直译”的政治：马礼逊<大学>译本析论》,《广东外语外贸大学学报》2008年第3期,第59页。
②也有学者认为马若瑟已译完全本《书经》。马若瑟还以法文写了《书经以前之时代及中国神话》,由德经收入宋君荣译本正文前,后被波蒂埃之《东方圣经》所转载。马若瑟认为,伏羲以下诸皇帝皆属神话故事。见[法]费赖之著,冯承钧译：《在华耶稣会士列传及书目》,第532-533、529-530页。
③[法]费赖之著,冯承钧译：《在华耶稣会士列传及书目》,第457页。
④[法]费赖之著,冯承钧译：《在华耶稣会士列传及书目》,第857页。
⑤经波蒂埃重校的译本把宋君荣所撰的序言重新置于卷首,此序曾被德经分割置于注释之中。序言述及《书经》的流传、沿革以及孔安国与伏生的今古文本篇目,也详细阐释了《书经》中星宿、日蚀等天文现象。见[法]费赖之著,冯承钧译：《在华耶稣会士列传及书目》,第697页。
①马祖毅、任荣珍著：《汉籍外译史》,武汉：湖北教育出版社,2003年,第48页。
②但德经的刻本为后来学者所诟病,如雷慕沙就曾说：”世人并责其夺人之功而矜己能：谓此博学研究员之汉文程度无论如何精通,世人颇难信其所改君荣之文,能更符原义也。”见[法]费赖之著,冯承钧译：《在华耶稣会士列传及书目》,第697页。
③马祖毅、任荣珍著：《汉籍外译史》,第48页。
④ Medhurst, W. H. Trans. The Shoo King, or the Historical Classic; Being the most Ancient Authentic Record of the Annals of the Chinese Empire:Illustrated by Later Commentators. Shanghae:The Mission Press,1846, Preface,ⅷ-ⅸ.
⑤ James Legge. The Shoo King or the Book of Documents. Taipei:SMC Publishing Inc.,1991, Preface:ⅵ.
⑥ James Legge. The Chinese Classics, Vol. Ⅰ. Taipei:SMC Publishing Inc.,1991, ⅶ.
① James Legge, The Chinese Classics, Vol.Ⅰ, Lindsay Ride's Biograhphical Note, p.10.
② "Remarks on the Philosophy of the Chinese, and the desirableness of having their Classical and Standard Authors translated into English," in the Chinese Repository, Vol.18, Jan.1849, p.44.
③ S. Wells Williams. The Middle Kingdom. Vol. Ⅰ. New York & London:Wiley and Putnam,1848, p.505.
④ "The Chinese Classics:Estimation in Which they are Held by the Chinese; Divided into Two Parts, the Sze Shoo and Woo King; Nine Subdivisions, with Remarks Concerning each," in the Chinese Repository, Vol.3, July 1834, p.104.
⑤ "The Shoo King; an Extract Containing the Astronomy of the Yaou Teen, with Explanations from the Commentary of Tase Chin. Translated by 文" The Chinese Repository, Vol.9, Dec.1840, p.573.
① William Milne, A Retrospect of the First Ten Years of the Protestant Mission to China, p.25.
② "The Chinese Classics:Estimation in Which they are Held by the Chinese; Divided into Two Parts, the Sze Shoo and Woo King; Nine Subdivisions, with Remarks Concerning each," in the Chinese Repository, Vol.3, July 1834, p.103.
③Brian Harrison, Waiting for Malacca, p.121.
④刘家和：《史学、经学与思想》,北京：北京师范大学出版社,2005年,第169-170页。
⑤这一部分的名称为：“纲鉴易知Extract from the Mirror of Chinese History, Beginning with the Reign of Yaou, Illustrative of the Facts Related in the Shoo-King."
①目录缺少《牧誓》(the Oath at Muh),但正文有此章译文,由此可知麦都思翻译此译本的确草率,理雅各的批评是恰当的。另,容新霞所说此译本共57章,看来是未核对正文。见容新霞、李新德：《从译者的主体性看麦都思的<尚书>译本翻译策略》,《牡丹江师范学院学报》(哲社版),2011年第2期,第70页。
② W. H. Medhurst, Trans, The Shoo King, pp.2-3.
③ W. H. Medhurst, Trans, The Shoo King, Preface, ix.
④欧尔德(Walter Gorn Old,1864-1929):英国占星学家,原名Walter Richard Old,以Sepharial的笔名写作时出名,研究领域包括占星学、东方学及古语言。
①蔡沈注：钱宗武、钱忠弼整理：《书集传》,第1页。
② W. H. Medhurst, Trans, The Shoo King, Preface, ⅳ.
①[清]永瑢等撰,《四库全书总目》,北京：中华书局,1965年,第101页。
② W. H. Medhurst, Trans, The Shoo King, Preface, ⅸ.
③蔡沈注;钱宗武、钱忠弼整理：《书集传》,南京：凤凰出版社,2010年,前言,第8页。
④蔡沈注；钱宗武、钱忠弼整理：《书集传》,第8页。
①W. H. Medhurst, Trans, The Shoo King, p.13.
②刘家和：《史学、经学与思想》,第125页。
① W. H. Medhurst, Trans, The Shoo King, Preface, ⅳ.
②《中国丛报》所载的这篇文章的作者依照宋君荣的译本介绍了《书经》的梗概,麦都思认为这篇文章浮躁,大概因为文章作者的观点和麦都思相反。作者怀疑《书经》为信史,认为其为孔子托古之作。“The Shoo King, or Book of Records; its Character, Antiquity, and Summary of its Contents, by a Correspondent." The Chinese Repository, Vol.8, Dec.1839, p.386.
③ W. H. Medhurst, Trans, The Shoo King, Preface, ⅳ.
④ W. H. Medhurst, Trans, The Shoo King, Preface, ⅶ.
⑤ W. H. Medhurst, Trans, The Shoo King, Preface, ⅷ.
① W. H. Medhurst, Trans, The Shoo King, pp.313-314.
② W. H. Medhurst, Trans, The Shoo King, pp.313,130.
③顾颉刚、刘起釪：《尚书校释译论》,北京：中华书局,2005年,第7-8页。理雅各的《书经》译本对此处“帝”的解释似乎更为准确：“‘帝’和天同义,确切的讲,指God。《说文》以谛释之,意为‘审判’；孔颖达解释‘帝’时,指天行使公正统治,给出更正判决;此名加于世俗君主,意谓要天的世俗代理人同样行使正义。”见James Legge, The Shoo King, p 16.
④如“上帝监民,罔有馨香德,刑发闻惟腥。“(《吕刑》)中的“上帝”在1846年译本中被译为the High Potentate,而1847年则被译为‘'the Supreme Ruler".见W. H. Medhurst. A Dissertation on the Theology of the Chinese with a view to the Elucidation of the Most Appropriate Term for Expressing the Deity in the Chinese Language. Shanghae:the Mission Press,1847, p.208.
①李约瑟指出,《尧典》所记录的这个故事很可能发生在公元前7到8世纪。羲、和二氏的名字有着神话的背景。见[英]李约瑟著,柯林·罗南改编,上海交通大学科学史系译：《中华科学文明史》,第2卷,上海：上海人民出版社,2002年,第81-83页。
②蔡沈注；钱宗武、钱忠弼整理：《书集传》,第3页。
③W. H. Medhurst, Trans, The Shoo King, p.4.
④刘朝阳著,李鉴澄、陈久金编：《刘朝阳中国天文学史论文选》,郑州：大象出版社,1999,第19页。
① "The Chinese Classics:Estimation in Which they are Held by the Chinese; Divided into Two Parts, the Sze Shoo and Woo King:Nine Subdivisions, with Remarks Concerning each," in the Chinese Repository, Vol.3, July 1834, pp.103-104.
② James Legge, The Shoo King, Prolegomena:99.
③ James Legge, The Shoo King, p.19.
① James Legge, The Shoo King, Preface:ⅵ.
② James Legge, The Shoo King, Preface:ⅵ.
③ "Remarks on the Philosophy of the Chinese, and the desirableness of having their Classical and Standard Authors translated into English," in the Chinese Repository, Vol.18, Jan.1849, p.44.
① John Minford & Joseph S. M. Lau. Classical Chinese Literature:An Anthology of Translations. Volume Ⅰ:from Antiquity to the Tang Dynasty. New York:Columbia University Press,2000, p.66.
② Walter Gorn Old. The Shu King:Or, the Chinese Historical Classic, Being an Authentic Record of the Religion, Philosophy, Customs and Government of the Chinese From the Earliest Times. New York:Theosophical Publishing Society,1904, p. ⅶ.
③ Walter Gorn Old, The Shu King, p. ⅷ.
④如李约瑟在其作品中征引麦都思英译本以辨析地名,见Joseph Needham. Science and Civilization in China:Vol. Ⅴ, Chemistry and Chemical Technology. Cambridge:Cambridge University Press,1988, p.18.
⑤[美]吉瑞德：《朝觐东方：理雅各评传》,桂林：广西师范大学出版社,2011年,第52-55页。
①一些手稿本可能对后来的新教传教士的词典编纂有所影响,如马礼逊在《字典》(201)的序中曾提及到一份罗马教会的词典手稿;麦都思也在其《英汉字典》(1847)序言中提到他曾参考过一本作者不详的拉丁语-汉语字典手稿。
② Denis Twitchett. Land Tenure and the Social Order in T'ang and Sung China,3. London:School of Oriental and African Studies, University of London,1962. Cited from David B. Honey, Incense at the Alta, p.175.
③周振鹤：《善读书者之一大助》,载《中华读书报》,1999年6月23日。
④马礼逊的这部字典(A Dictionary of the Chinese Language)多被译为《华英字典》,但这一名称有误导之嫌,让人以为他的字典中只是一部汉英对照字典,所以笔者认为最好还是译为《华英-英华字典》。
① David B. Honey, Incense at the Alta, p.176.另,15,000英镑中,12,000英镑用于印刷《汉语词典》(即马礼逊的三部字典的总称—笔者加),共出版600本,见周振鹤：《善读书者之一大助》,载《中华读书报》,1999年6月23日。
② Morrison, Robert. A Dictionary of the Chinese Language, in Three Parts. Part the First; Containing Chinese and English, Arranged According to the Radicals; Part the Second, Chinese and English Arranged Alphabetically; and Part the Third, English and Chinese. Part Ⅰ. Vol. Ⅰ. Macao:Printed at the Honorable the East India Company's Press,1815, Introduction, x.
③黄时鉴：《麦都思<汉语福建方言字典>述论》,载李国章、赵昌平：《中华文史论丛》第71辑,上海：上海古籍出版社,2003,第320页。
④马礼逊自述他的《五车韵府》是以清朝一位陈先生的著作为基础编纂而成的。这位陈先生未出版其著作即去世,他的一个学生曾给予仔细修正。另一个学生在朝廷编纂《康熙字典》时把手稿交出,从而对《康熙字典》的编写有很大的影响。谭树林：《马礼逊与中西文化交流》,北京：中国美术学院出版社,2004,第61页。
① W. H. Medhurst. Chinese and English Dictionary; Containing all the Words in the Chinese Imperial Dictionary, Arranged According to the Radicals. Vol. Ⅰ. Batavia:Parapattan,1842, preface, ⅲ.
② W. H. Medhurst, Chinese and English Dictionary, Vol. Ⅰ, preface, ⅲ.
③ S. Wells Williams. "Review of Chinese and English Dictionary by W. H. Medhurst," in the Chinese Repository, Vol.12, Sep.1843, p.497.
① W. H. Medhurst, Chinese and English Dictionary, preface, ⅳ.
② W. H. Medhurst, Chinese and English Dictionary, preface, ⅲ.
③. Wells Williams. "Review of Chinese and English Dictionary by W. H. Medhurst," in the Chinese Repository, Vol.12, Sep.1843, p.497.
④ S. Wells Williams. "Review of Chinese and English Dictionary by W. H. Medhurst," in the Chinese Repository, Vol.12, Sep.1843, pp.498-499.
① Robert Morrison. A Dictionary of the Chinese Language, in Three Parts. Part the First; Containing Chinese and English, Arranged According to the Radicals; Part the Second, Chinese and English Arranged Alphabetically; and Part the Third, English and Chinese. Part Ⅲ,1822, Preface谭树林：《马礼逊与中西文化交流》,第63页。
② Letter of Medhurst to LMS, from Batavia, Nov.17,1838.
③ W. H. Medhurst. English and Chinese Dictionary. Vol. Ⅰ. Shanghai:the Mission Press,1847, Preface, i.
④ W. H. Medhurst, English and Chinese Dictionary, Vol. Ⅰ, Preface, ⅰ.
⑤ W. H. Medhurst, English and Chinese Dictionary, Vol. Ⅰ, Preface, ⅱ.
⑥ W. H. Medhurst, English and Chinese Dictionary, Vol. Ⅰ, Preface, ⅱ.
① W. H. Medhurst, China, p.167.
② S. Wells Williams. "Review of Chinese and English Dictionary by W. H. Medhurst," in the Chinese Repository, Vol.12, Sep.1843, p.497.
③ W. H. Medhurst, English and Chinese Dictionary, Vol.Ⅰ, Preface, ⅱ.
①W. H. Medhurst, English and Chinese Dictionary, Vol. Ⅰ, p.365.此句麦都思摘引有误,原句出于《论语·学而篇第一》：“父在,观其志;父没,观其行；三年无改于父之道,可谓孝矣。”
② W. H. Medhurst, English and Chinese Dictionary, Vol. Ⅰ, Preface, ⅱ.
③ W. H. Medhurst, English and Chinese Dictionary, Vol. Ⅰ, Preface, ⅱ.
④洪惟仁认为麦都思这本字典的价值要大于此前马礼逊的广东话字典;他说,马礼逊的字典虽是创举,但其广东话字典却极其简略,连声调都没有,如果不计此本字典,麦都思可被视为近代汉语方言字典的开拓者,见洪惟仁：《台湾文献书目解题：语言类》,台北：“国立中央图书馆”台湾分馆,1996,第205页。
⑤已知的第一本中西对照的福建方言字典是1575年的《华语韵编》,编著者为西班牙奥斯定会教士、马尼拉教区主教拉达(Martin de Rada),见黄时鉴：《麦都思<汉语福建方言字典>述论》,第321页。
⑥洪惟仁：《台湾文献书目解题：语言类》,第197页。
⑦洪惟仁：《台湾文献书目解题：语言类》,第206页。
①黄时鉴：《麦都思<汉语福建方言字典>述论》,第329页。
② W. H. Medhurst. A Dictionary of the Hok-Keen Dialect of the Chinese Language. Macao:Printed at the Honorable East India Company's Press,1832, Medhurst's preface on July 29th,1831,ⅹⅷ.
③ W. H. Medhurst, A Dictionary of the Hok-Keen Dialect of the Chinese Language, Medhurst's preface on July 29th,1831, ⅹⅰ.
④ W. H. Medhurst, A Dictionary of the Hok-Keen Dialect of the Chinese Language, Medhurst's preface on July 29th,1831, ⅵ-ⅶ.
⑤ W. H. Medhurst, A Dictionary of the Hok-Keen Dialect of the Chinese Language, Medhurst's preface on July 29th,1831,ⅹ.
① W. H. Medhurst, A Dictionary of the Hok-Keen Dialect of the Chinese Language, S. Wells Williams' Advertisement on June 1,1837.
②杜晓萍：《十九世纪外国传教士所撰福建闽南方言文献语音和词汇系统研究》,福建师范大学博士论文,2011年5月,第20页。
③“闽南方言对汉字有两种读音：文读音和白话音,或称字音和话音。这两套读音几乎各自形成本身的系统,而且长期以来并存发展。”黄时鉴：《麦都思<汉语福建方言字典>述论》,第323页。
④“字头”、“字母”类似于后来的声母和韵母。
⑤ W. H. Medhurst, A Dictionary of the Hok-Keen Dialect of the Chinese Language, Medhurst's preface on July 29th,1831, ⅶ.
⑥洪惟仁：《麦都思<福建方言字典>的价值》,《台湾文献》第42卷第2期,1991年6月,第95-115页。转引自黄时鉴：《麦都思<汉语福建方言字典>述论》,第324页。
① W. H. Medhurst, A Dictionary of the Hok-Keen Dialect of the Chinese Language, Medhurst's preface on July 29th,1831,ⅸ.
② W. H. Medhurst, A Dictionary of the Hok-Keen Dialect of the Chinese Language, Medhurst's preface on July 29th,1831,ⅸ.
③ S. Wells Williams. The Middle Kingdom. Vol. Ⅰ. New York & London:Wiley and Putnam,1848, p.491-492.
④ W. H. Medhurst, A Dictionary of the Hok-Keen Dialect of the Chinese Language, p.62.
⑤杨伯峻：《论语译注》,北京：中华书局,2009年版,第59页。
①陈榕烽指出字典中汉语英译的错误有四类：一、误译,二、硬译,三、文化误读,四、断章取义,见陈榕烽：《麦都思<汉语福建方言字典>词条英译指疵》,《湖南科技学院学报》,2010年第10期,第147-149页。
②马睿颖分析了这本字典中文化负载词的翻译模式,指出该字典中文化负载词的翻译“有些不够全面,或外延太窄,仅译出了词汇的字面义,而未加上文化背景解释,仍易引发读者的误解。“但认为“麦都思能翻译到如此水平,实属难得”。见马睿颖：《双语词典文化限定词的处理一以<福建方言字典>为例》,《福建师范大学学报(哲学社会科学版)》,2011年第4期,第162页。
③黄时鉴：《麦都思<汉语福建方言字典>述论》,载第334页。
④沈国威：《理念与实践：近代汉外辞典的诞生》,《学术月刊》,2011年第4期,第123页。
⑤根据卫三畏的界定,字汇(vocabulary)为参考方便、帮助记忆而编写；词典(lexicon)为文字学研究之用,词源、用法、辨析、词根等都予以罗列；而字典(dictionary)介于两者之间,见S. Wells Williams."Review of Chinese and English Dictionary of W. H. Medhurst," in the Chinese Repository, Vol.12, Sep.1843, p.496.
⑥《麦都思行略》,载沈国威编著：《六合丛谈：附题解·索引》,第577页。
① Medhurst, China, pp.341-343.
②陈辉指出,《中朝日语对照》或《千字文》的书名都是不正确的,见陈辉：《麦都思<朝鲜伟国字汇>钩沉》,《文献》季刊,2006年第1期,第175-176页。
③《麦都思行略》,载沈国威编著：《六合丛谈：附题解·索引》,第578页,。
④ Philo Sinensis. Translation of a Comparative Vocabulary of the Chinese, Corean, and Japanese Languages:to Which is Added the Thousand Character Classic, in Chinese and Corean. Batavia:Parapattan,1835, preface.
⑤ W. H. Medhurst, Translation of a Comparative Vocabulary of the Chinese, Corean, and Japanese Languages: to Which is Added the Thousand Character Classic, in Chinese and Corean, preface.
⑥陈辉：《麦都思<朝鲜伟国字汇>钩沉》,第177-178页。
①陈辉：《麦都思<朝鲜伟国字汇>钩沉》,第178页。
② Letter of Medhurst to LMS, Jan.29th,1833.
③ Letter of Medhurst to LMS, Jan.29th,1833.
④陈辉：《麦都思<朝鲜伟国字汇>钩沉》,第176页。
⑤陈辉：《麦都思<朝鲜伟国字汇>钩沉》,第182页。
⑥虎尾垄语为台湾中部平埔族巴布萨族所用的台湾南岛语言,属巴布萨语族。2011年2月21日世界母语口,联合国教科文组织发表世界各地母语现状报告。报告记载,在台湾,虎尾垄语等8种语言被认定流失。
⑦ Alexander Wylie, Memorials of Protestant Missionaries to the Chinese, p.37.
① Charles Aylmer. "The Memoirs of H. A. Giles," in East Asian History, number 13/14, June/December 1997, p. 39.
② W. H. Medhurst, A Dictionary of the Hok-Keen Dialect of the Chinese Language, Medhurst's preface on July 29th,1831.
③洪惟仁：《台湾文献书目解题：语言类》,第210页;The Chinese Repository, Vol.18, Jan.1849, p.44.
④洪惟仁：《台湾文献书目解题：语言类》,第210页。
⑤洪惟仁：《台湾文献书目解题：语言类》,第210-211页。
⑥洪惟仁：《台湾文献书目解题：语言类》,第211页。
①W.H.Medhurst,China,pp.167-168.
① William Muirhead, China and Gospel, p.162.
② R. Wardlaw Thompson. Griffith John:the Story of Fifty Years in China. London:the Religious Tract Society, 1906, pp.47-48.
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[2]陈昌文：《墨海书馆起讫时间考》,《史学月刊》,2002年第5期。
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[4]陈辉：《麦都思<朝鲜伟国字汇>钩沉》,《文献》季刊,2006年第1期。
[5]陈榕烽：《麦都思<汉语福建方言字典>词条英译指疵》,《湖南科技学院学报》,2010年第10期。
[6]陈友冰：《英国汉学的阶段性特征及成因探析——以中国古典文学研究为中心》,《汉学研究通讯》,27：3(总107期),2008年8月。
[7]段怀清：《论王韬的基督教信仰》,《清史研究》,2011年第2期。
[8]费乐仁著,尹凯荣译：《王韬与理雅各对新儒家优惠意识的回应》,载林启彦、黄文江主编：《王韬与近代世界》,香港：香港教育图书公司,2000年。
[9]费正清：《新教传教士著作在中国文化史上的地位》,载陶文钊编选,林海、 符致兴等译：《费正清集》,天津：天津人民出版社,1992年。
[10]福禄堪：《青浦事件信稿》,《近代史资料》,1957年第2期。
[11]顾钧：《卫三畏与<中国总论>》,台湾《汉学研究通讯》,2002年第3期。
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[13]郭红：《从幼童启蒙课本到宣教工具——1823至1880年间基督教<三字经>的出版》,《史学集刊》，2009年第6期。
[14][美]韩南著,段怀清译：《作为中国文学之<圣经>：麦都思、王韬与“<圣经>委办本”》,《浙江大学学报》,第40卷第2期,2010年3月。
[15]韩琦：《晚清西方印刷术在中国的早期传播——以石印术的传入为例》,载韩琦、(意)米盖拉编：《中国和欧洲：印刷术与书籍史》,北京：商务印书馆,2008年。
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[1]程小娟：《“God"的翻译讨论及接受》,河南大学博士论文,2007年5月。
[2]杜晓萍：《十九世纪外国传教士所撰福建闽南方言文献语音和词汇系统研究》,福建师范大学博士论文,2011年5月。
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[5]罗中：《“格义”与“反向格义”——“圣号译名”论争中的中西宗教比较研究》,中央民族大学硕士论文,2010年5月。
[6]马睿颖：《<福建方言字典>中汉语借词的翻译方法研究》,福建师范大学硕士论文,2009年。
[7]赵路卫：《麦都思与<圣经>中译》,湖南大学硕士论文,2011年6月。
[8]Dong, Linfu. The Search for God in Ancient China:James Mellon Menzies, China Missionary and Archaeologist. PhD dissertation, York University,2001.
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