历史视野下的中坦关系：1968年到1985年间中国与坦桑尼亚的政治经济关系
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摘要
在当今政治经济竞争日益激烈的世界秩序下,毫无疑问,中非关系是影响我们时代的一个非常重要的问题,而在中非关系中,中坦关系又占有重要地位。中坦关系源远流长,早在唐朝时便有中国船只远航坦桑尼亚沿岸,进入20世纪60年代以后,中坦两国都面临着反对外来干涉,巩固新生政权和发展民族经济的共同任务,以及支持其他国家争取民族独立和解放斗争的任务。正是这些面临的共同任务将两国更加紧密地联系在一起,将中坦关系发展成为中国对非国家关系中的一个楷模。
中国是一个有着悠久历史的国家,而坦桑尼亚作为一个拥有同等主权的国家的历史并不太长,但两国都坚信：如果越多数的人民过上好日子,那么这个国家的未来也就越光明。这两个主权国家实行的一系列政治经济措施,不管是中国的文化大革命以及稍后80年代的经济体制改革,还是坦桑尼亚的乌贾马运动、坦中友谊纺织厂项目以及坦赞铁路工程,都反映了两国一直要求变革的积极主动的态度。然而,中外的历史学家们都只是泛泛地描述了公元1968年至1985年问中坦所采取的这些措施,并且泛泛地谈了一下这些措施对当今日益激烈的政治经济竞争有着重大的影响。因此,中坦之问这种富于成效和为人民谋福利的有益交流已经受到并将继续受到来自各方面的挑战和质疑。
在任何状态下,一个国家的生产必须要满足本国人口的需求。这就为中坦人民进行思想和生产的表达与交流提供了机会。根据西方历史学的说法,不公平竞争的无法避免和一定的生产模式之问有着明显的相关性。而在马克思和恩格斯,坦桑尼亚前总统朱利叶斯·尼雷尔和中国国家前领导人毛泽东主席看来,只有彻底消灭了欺骗、剥削和压迫,才有可能进行满足人民物质需求的生产,他们都倡导在一定条件下建立一个包容性社会。两国各种不同的政策和项目的启动和实施都反映了政府集思广益,寻求发展现代化生产力。这些尝试和做法引发了相异的观点,并导致了不同的结果；比如中坦两国所进行的政治改革都分别被赋予了特定的含义。中坦两国形式多样的改革对其当代的工业发展和政体建设都有着重要的指导和借鉴意义。从单纯公有制到部分承认私有制,以及向共产主义和资本主义共同的示好,这些影响都不可避免地强调了改革中的很多非建设性和建设性的模式。
本篇论文的写作目标是回顾和总结中坦两国在20世纪60～80年代在政治和经济层面所进行的“对话”的过程和经验,虽然双方在文教卫生也有许多交往,但因为所找到的档案材料较少,多为别人的总结,因此待以后继续从事中坦关系研究时再做深入的探讨。本篇论文所面临的三个重要问题是：
1、在一个特定的时间范围内,怎样准确地评估中坦两国在这段时期里双方的政策和合作项目在质和量上的影响?
2、中坦两国普通民众对这段时期中坦关系,尤其是对坦桑尼亚的乌贾马运动、坦中友谊纺织厂项目和坦赞铁路工程等重大事件的反应如何?
3、这段时期中坦关系有哪些经验和教训得到了普遍地认可?
由于本篇论文强调理论性,本文资料和信息的主要来源将是这个时期内的文件和论文及经历这一时期中坦交流合作的工人、学者的证言。当需要比较论证时,还会使用到内容广泛的具体数据资料,例如其生产状况和销售状况等,还会使用先前定义好的范畴以及当下常用的一些研究方法和策略。在任何历史研究中都是需要变换不同的历史编纂学方法。因此,线性的以及多中心论的方法都将用于明确阐释本篇论文的论点。除此之外,部分信息资料的直观来源还将包括：当下媒体资源,比如报纸和杂志、行政部门的记录、工商界和学术界的一些评论和访谈,以及相关机构中描述或记录了这些社会经济政策的影响的材料。其中的访谈资料为笔者在中国和坦桑尼亚的采访所得。
本篇论文包括绪论、引言、正文和附录四大部分。
绪论和引言部分主要叙述本文的研究方法、研究目标,以及选择中国和坦桑尼亚两国历史上的结合点,简要地阐述了两国历史上的社会变革对现今的影响,目的是为了建立一个简明的叙事框架,这个框架表明了存在于二者区域内的继承至今的社会影响。在当前大多数人听到的都是诸如“和谐”、“包容性对话”这类词语的世界秩序中,发展的构想承担着特定的含义。因此要对一个特定时期的历史进行分析就需要站在当时的立场上,并且遵循一个基本的知识的产生和再产生的模式。国家意识、政治自由和实用主义成为中国二十世纪之初的道德倾向。在某种意义上,这是外源性或内源性利益能决定发展的产生和结果。中华人民共和国成立后,成为社会主义阵营的一个重要分子和扩大在新兴独立国家中的影响力是新中国对外关系的主基调。因此鉴于短期和长期的外交目标,中国政府在1954年阐述的“和平共处五项原则”,第二年在万隆会议上的积极表现,以及1956年中埃建交和中国大使在开罗所建立起来的意识形态,其主要目的是为了影响在非洲革命斗争的浪潮,以及推进非洲的发展。
正文由5章组成：
第一章“坦桑尼亚与中国的意识形态及实践”,主要探究了20世纪60～80年代初中国和坦桑尼亚两国的外交政策、两国政府在政治和经济上实行的重大变革,以及这些举措在思想认识和实践行动上带来的挑战。1961年12月9日中国与坦噶尼喀建交,1962年4月中国第一任驻坦桑尼亚大使抵达达累斯萨拉姆。1963年12月11日又与桑给巴尔建交。坦、桑联合后,中国延续了与坦、桑的外交关系,将1964年4月26日坦、桑联合日定为与坦桑尼亚建交日。
现代中坦关系是毛泽东、周恩来和尼雷尔等中坦两国老一代领导人共同努力的结果。尼雷尔执政期问(1961一1985年)曾5次访华(1965年2月、1968年6月、1974年3月、1981年3月、1985年8月),此后又在1987、1989、1990、1991、1992、1993、1995和1997年先后8次以南方委员会主席身份访华。中国政府总理周恩来也于1965年6月访问了坦桑尼亚。在领导人互访期间,双方在经济、贸易、文化、卫生等领域签订了一些列合作协定。中国从1964年开始向坦提供各种援助,重大援建项目有坦赞铁路、友谊纺织厂、姆巴拉利农场、基畏那煤矿和马宏达糖厂等。从1981年开始中、坦双方的关系转型,有了实质性的经济互利合作。
在中坦关系初期,作为两个同为社会主义国家和都标榜要自力更生,双方合作主要表现在政治与经济方面。在60年代后期,中国的文化大革命显现出了意识形态领域的混乱以及对外交领域的挑战,对中坦关系也产生了影响。,在国际社会冷战、国际跨国集团追求获得物质财富的最大化以及全球政治控制加强这三大背景下,中国和坦桑尼亚在对国际问题的判断、各自实施的社会经济政策,既有共同点,也有差异性,中国在农村中走社会主义集体化道路对坦桑尼亚产生了直接的影响。尼雷尔总统认为有必要起草一份政策性文件,最大限度地解决在坦桑尼亚社会日益增长的差异和分歧。在1967年发表的《阿鲁沙宣言》中,尼雷尔“重申自己的基本想法,重申他们独立的形式,主张制定具体的指导方针过渡到民主社会主义。”尼雷尔和坦噶尼喀非洲国家联盟(TANU)为了加速国家发展,开始着手推进一项宏伟的社会经济计划。在递交给乌干达人民代表大会(1968年6月7日)的一份演讲稿中,尼雷尔说“1968年,某非洲国家的政府希望按照人民的愿望,积极振兴该国的经济,建设贸易、商业、制造业的组织机构。”在坦桑尼亚道路工程、军营、水项目、乌邦果农具厂都项目建设上,中国都给予了支持和帮助。
第二章“中坦合作与中国援助”,主要以个案形式对中坦关系进行研究,力求阐明一国政府和本国工业发展之间以及外部关系对其影响的本质,以及因此而产生的技术进步。根据“城市”和“农村”、“投资”和“援助”等词汇的抽象定义使人际互动变得复杂。从某种角度看,城市和农村景观变得非常鲜明,主要是受到日益增加的劳动力、他们的竞争与利益驱动大规模贸易而受到影响。坦桑尼亚有自己的发展目标,而中国是主要的资金来源和技术知识支持者,两者都需要重新检讨并为全球压力而进行改变。坦桑尼亚的领导人显然理解为了实现自力更生和国家经济的发展,某些政策措施必须到位。
这段时期,在中国的援助下,中坦经济合作的凸出事例是友谊纺织厂、乌邦果农具厂和坦赞铁路。坦桑尼亚友谊纺织厂位于首都达累斯萨拉姆的市郊,1965年尼雷尔总统访问北京时请求中国政府援建。在中国的7000多万元无息贷款支持下,1968年建成投产,它既是中国第一批援非项目样板,也是中国上世纪80年代改革开放,对外援助项目市场化改革样板。同时,它作为坦桑尼亚曾经的五大重点国营企业之一,投产后,友谊纺织厂由当地人负责运营,中国人提供指导和技术改造,但不参与管理。但是,到了20世纪80年代,友谊纺织厂逐渐陷入困境,濒临停产。
乌邦果农具厂是中华人民共和国第一个援外农机制造工程,由南通汽车锻压件厂等单位组建的中国专家组负责援建,1965年开始建造,1970年建成,设计生产目标为年产垦锄180万把,畜力犁铧20万件。在设计中,中国设计人员进行了深入的调查研究,广泛搜集农具制造资料,通过长时间的工艺试验,最后采用了辊锻和轻型环链浸漆红外线烘干的生产方法,保证了质量和生产效率。后来又试制生产了砍草刀和花生脱壳机等当地亟需的产品。产品除在坦桑尼亚销售外,还有少量出口到周边国家。1978年这个厂的产量达到1,072吨,全年工厂盈余70万元人民币。工厂的主要产品垦锄和铁犁是坦桑尼亚政府为促进当地农业发展而大力推广的农具,产品销路很好,工厂盈利。1978年该厂又进行了扩建,生产能力由年产农具1000吨提高到3700吨。至1985年底累计盈利6365万坦桑尼亚先令(约合人民币1000万元)。该项目1981年获中国政府优秀设计奖。坦桑尼亚尼雷尔总统等国家领导人还多次到乌本戈农具厂视察,发表谈话,感谢中国的无私援助,声称这个农具厂的兴建,符合坦桑尼亚农业发展的需要,长期以来坦桑必须依靠进口农具,而现在我们能制造犁、锄和其他农具了,中国援建农具厂是真正的友谊,因为是帮助朋友实现自力更生。
坦赞铁路是中非友好关系的象征,也是20世纪60～70年代中国政府最大的援外成套项目,由中国专家和工程技术人员进行勘测、考察、设计,并与坦桑尼亚、赞比亚两国人员共同施工建造。有关坦赞铁路的研究在中国和美国都有学者作了许多的工作,包括硕士论文、博士论文和专著,我在文中主要交待了当时中国所以要帮助修建这条贯通东非和中南非交通大干线的原因,那就是出于支持南部非洲民族解放斗争、扩大中国在非洲的影响和带动非洲大陆内地经济的发展。这条连接坦桑尼亚达累斯萨拉姆港和赞比亚中部的卡皮里姆波希的铁路,在1967年6月到9月问被签署建造协议,由中国提供无息贷款,1966～1969年主要是进行工程前的各种测量和装备,于1970年7月签署正式修建防议,同年10月正式开工。大约有6.5万人参加了铁路建设,1976年7月全线完成。然而,随着南部非洲形势随后发生的变化,葡萄牙在南部非洲殖民地的独立和津巴布韦的独立,这条为赞比亚、马拉维等内陆国家提供新的出海通道的作用迅速下降,它的政治作用也不复存在。这也为这条铁路后来出现的问题埋下了伏笔。
70年代中期到80年代初,坦桑尼亚和中国都发生了很大变化,“阿鲁沙宣言”后开展的乌贾马运动遇到了严重困难,农业生产水平下降,国家整个经济下滑。而来自中国的援助在减少,因为中国在这段时期发生了一系列重大事件,国家领导人经历从毛泽东、华国锋到邓小平的时代,对坦桑尼亚的援助政策也随着中国外交政策的调整而发生变化。
第三章主要通过对70、80年中坦关系的见证者的访谈,利用口述史料探讨中坦两国在政治、经济领域的交流和合作。笔者在坦桑尼亚的采访主要是在达累斯萨拉姆大学进行的,因为该校是坦桑尼亚的最高学府,集中了一批德高望重的学者,他们是这段中坦关系的见证人。采访之一是该校历史系教授坦比拉,他于1967年进入该校学习,先后在这里拿到了学士和硕士学位,1974年留在学校工作。他回忆了60、70年代坦桑尼亚的政治环境,特别是乌贾马运动为核心的社会主义运动、大学里的一批激进主义者,包括后来成为乌干达总统的穆塞韦尼,他们的理想是解放南部非洲。中国人在20世纪60年代进入坦桑尼亚后,他们很难与当地人融合到一起,虽然他们帮助创办了友谊纺织厂、乌邦戈农具厂和坦赞铁路等,但中国人集中住在一起,即使他们外出也是一群人,有一个头带队。他在1989年应中国社会科学院的邀请首次访问了中国,也在北京访问了几所大学,但因为语言问题,与中国知识分子之间很难进行深入的交换意见。他对邓小平了解较多,知道他曾多次被打倒,后来带领中国人民通过改革改变了中国的面貌,这对尼雷尔总统也产生了影响。
重点采访之二是拉威博士,他从1989年起在该校历史系任教,受访时担任达累斯萨拉姆大学校长助理。他称,在他中学时代接触到的还是前殖民时代的一些历史观念,到80年代高中时,他深受一位来自圭亚那的历史学家W罗得尼的影响,1966年他从伦敦东方学院毕业后加入了坦桑尼亚革命联盟,来到达累斯萨拉姆大学任教,写了一本《欧洲怎样使非洲欠发达的》,受他及其著作的影响拉威也对历史产生了浓厚的兴趣,接受了他对欧洲殖民主义批判的思想。遗憾的是,罗得尼在1974年回到圭亚那后受到迫害和打击,在1980年6月被汽车炸弹暗杀身亡。在他思想的影响下,新马克思主义和列宁主义在达累斯萨拉姆大学较流行,在历史研究中运用阶级分析的方法。拉威在美国攻读博士学位期间又接触了后现代主义,开始对殖民、阶级斗争等进行了反思。80年代初,他们对中国的了解主要通过阅读毛泽东的著作,毛泽东有关走群众路线,发动工人和农民进行革命斗争,搞统一战线,以及其他社会主义思想对拉威这些年轻学者影响较深。因为毛泽东阐述的革命思想在一个有殖民背景的坦桑尼亚很容易被接受。当时,因为修建坦赞铁路,也有许多中国人来到了坦桑尼亚,但与他们平时几乎没有什么接触。只有一些参与工程建设的坦桑尼亚人才与他们打交道。从拉威个人观察来看,中国人工作非常勤奋,对坦桑民众也很友好,彼此互称“拉菲基”(朋友)。当时也有一些中国人到教师学院等单位学习斯瓦西里语,他们不太喜欢下到村庄里或其他坦桑尼亚家庭做客,这与其他外国人形成了很大的对比。拉威在访谈中也谈了自己对阿鲁沙宣言、中国80年代改革、中国参与非洲事务等重大问题的看法,认为中国的改革成就为第三世界国家提供了一个成功的榜样,也对坦桑尼亚产生了示范性的影响。
关于中国学者,这几年我在中国学习也接触到了除我导师之外的其他一些著名的非洲研究专家,如华东师范大学艾周昌教授、北京大学的李安山教授、浙江师范大学的刘鸿武教授、上海师范大学的舒运国教授等,但限于论文的篇幅,我只收入了对艾周昌教授的访谈资料,专门去他家询问了他在70、80年代对非洲问题和中坦关系的看法。
从上述访谈内容可以看出当时中国和坦桑尼亚学者对中坦关系的真实看法,是民间学者交流的又一种形式。
第四章“政策变革：中国和坦桑尼亚”,重点描述1980～1985年问中国和坦桑尼亚政治改革的动机、基本内容和对两国关系发展的影响,本章结尾部分集中讨论了坦中之间趋异或趋同的国内现实的历史相关性影响。
从70年代末至80年代初,坦桑尼亚和整个非洲大陆一样经济遇到严重困难,研究者归结出了很多原因,比如恶劣天气、农产品国际市场价格低迷、国际援助的减少、对外战争、国家管制农业生产和出口、工业化政策的失败等等。但这些都只是表面因素,从根本上来说,经济衰退是坦桑尼亚政府产业结构现代化道路上的重要现象,也是乌贾马政策思想延续的结果。对于农业发展的轻视,是坦桑尼亚70年代国家发展过程中一个无法避免的结构性缺陷。然而,至1980年,仍有超过80%的人以农业为生,农业占GDP总量一半,出口以农产品为主。因此,在经历了1980年因大规模干旱农业减产后,坦桑尼亚政府终于再次意识到了农业在国民经济中的重要性,开始将注意力从国际争端转向内政改革。为了减少对国际援助的依赖,也为了缓解经济危机,1981年5月,坦桑尼亚政府颁布了国家经济复兴计划(National Economics Survival Programme, NESP),主要包括：通过增加出口来赚取外汇,出口指标下达至包含咖啡、棉花、皮革、罐头肉等各类生产部门,总共需完成61.85亿坦桑尼亚先令的外汇指标；确立有能力赚取外汇部门优先使用外汇的原则；为减少并最终消灭食物短缺问题,建立低耗费的小规模灌溉体系；推广种植如高粱、木薯、土豆等耐旱作物,并以此作为玉米、大米、小麦之外的替代性主食；鼓励利用身边一切有限资源,自力更生搞生产；给农民制定有利可图的农产品市场价格,给工人合理的工资,确保满足每个人基本生活用品需求。1982年在世界银行的帮助下,坦桑尼亚政府又对计划内容进行了局部调整,将农业定为国家最重要的基础产业。
同期,中国的改革步伐是越来越快,胡耀邦、赵紫阳等中国政府领导人在1982和1983年多次发表讲话阐述新的对外政策,在强调独立自主的对外政策、中国的现代化需要一个和平的国际环境,继续反对帝国主义、殖民主义和霸权主义外,三个世界的理论不再像过去那样突出,将国内的经济发展和对外的互利合作相结合。在此政策的影响下,中国对坦桑尼亚的贸易额在80年代初呈现下降和停滞不前的局面,中国对坦桑尼亚的援助额也随之减少。
结构调整政策以及西方模式的政治体制的逐渐完善正不断使坦桑尼亚人民的生活发生缓慢的变化。政府强制性的对经济、政治和教育政策的调整,在本国或者是国外势力有意无意的压力之下总会导致社会和经济上的分裂。同时又会受到历史因素和物质条件的影响。因此在大多数的已知的情况下(甚至有争议的情况下),比如撒哈拉以南非洲过去西方的殖民地,或间接殖民地,具有天生的革命气质,而且大多数情况下,这些国家实行马克思主义预计的经济模式和“生产方式”。实行计划经济或有计划的市场经济,这有悖于西方国家的经济体制和保护跨国公司的利益。中国和坦桑尼亚两个国家在80年代初政策的分别调整对两国以后的关系必然产生影响。
第五章“对中坦关系的反思”。主要论述两国政策的物质力量,以及这种政策如何从根本上影响了两国的关系。20世纪60年代,中坦两国之所以能发展成非常友好的国家,地缘政治的因素不是很大,更多的是受到当时国际形势的影响,即反对帝国主义、殖民主义和霸权主义。从坦桑尼亚方面来说,反对前面二点的成份更多一些,而对于中国,更多的是出于反对霸权主义、支持非洲民族独立运动的需要。对于1968～1985年间中国和坦桑尼亚政治经济秩序的判断,更多考虑的是物质发展的因素,而忽略了至关重要的文化因素。如本篇论文研究所揭示的,中国和坦桑尼亚自力更生的目标从未能动摇它们对外来资本援助的接受,只是彼此接受的来源国不同而已。坦桑尼亚接受中国的援助建造的坦赞铁路、友谊纺织厂、乌邦果农具厂等最初都发挥了重要作用,但转化为当地人接收后,由于缺乏管理,尤其是在后来发展中缺少技术革新,导致效果与预期的差别很大。这里面的深层次问题可能还是文化的差异,缺少文化交流,特别是技术的传授。坦桑尼亚与中国的关系正如尼雷尔所说,是“一种非常不对等间的平等的友谊”。
It is without question that a very relevant issue influencing our times concerns relations between Africa and China, in an increasingly competitive political and economic world order*. Specifically, this often violently competitive system of production generates stark realities and weary opinions. According to the historical heritage of China and the experience of its African'sovereign' counter-part, Tanzania, if more people were living the good life, the better the future of the nation. The economic and political initiatives undertaken by both sovereign states such as China's Cultural Revolution and Economic Reforms, Tanzania's Arusha Declaration, China Friendship Textile Mill LTD.(CFTM) or Tan-Zam Rail Project (TZRP) represented actions of pro-active change in most historical calendars. However, Chinese and African historians have generally described the period (1968-1985) in China and Tanzania to have had a strong influence on contemporary contention of ideas and action. Therefore the meaning and well-being of this productive exchange has been and will be continually challenged.
Under certain laws, production needed to fulfill the needs of the national population. This provided an opportunity for the people of Tanzania and China to express and exchange ideas and support. Understanding Western historical science, the inevitability of violence and certain modes of production were apparent parallels. For F. Engels and K. Marx, Mwalimu Nyerere and Chairman Mao, it was about breaking down deception and oppression, and truly providing for material need. They all championed inclusive society under certain conditions. The inception and implementation of the various policies and projects represented the collectivization of ideas and material procreativity. These challenges and actions generated differing opinions and consequences; such that the politics of change in both Tanzania and China have taken on specific meanings respectively. The meaning of reform in its many forms has had fundamental implications for contemporary industry and government in both China and Tanzania. From common to private ownership, as well as courting both communist and capitalist aspirations, the impacts inevitably highlight many unconstructive and constructive patterns of change.
This study is broken down into five chapters, excluding the introduction and the fifth chapter being the conclusion. A 'linear' timeline serves as the descriptive backbone of this research in order to unravel the underlying relationships between ideology, education and technology. However, illustrating the multi-dimensional aspect of influence and impact serves as the primary reasoning behind any conclusion found in this research. The introduction briefly takes into account current references to the historical record of societal change in China and Tanzania (between purposefully chosen junctures in historical records) respectively. The aim is to establish a brief narrative context of the inherited and influencing societal tensions that existed in the two regions.
To begin with, in a current world order in which words/phrases such as 'harmony' and 'inclusive dialogue' speak to the widest audience, conceptions of development take on specific meanings. Thus to begin a historical analysis of a particular reality, it is important for one to agree that perspective and the type of respect accorded is a fundamental equation in the production and reproduction of knowledge. In China, after the Treaty of Shimonoseki was signed (1898), emancipatory dialogue and action was swiftly recognized as a necessary factor in stimulating the freedom of indigenous voice. It was also understood that the influences, methodologies, aims and consequences of perspectives all contribute to the success of developmental paradigms. Popular history in China reminds the reader that by the turn of the nineteenth/twentieth century, the monumental, collective attempts (Opium War, Taiping Heavenly Movement, Reform Movement, Yihetuan Movement) at freeing China from imperial design ushered in a new epoch of change.
The consciousness of national, political freedom thus was a strong feature of moral will and pragmatic inclination by the beginning of the twentieth century in China. In one sense, it was exogenous or endogenous interests that determined the product and consequence of development. Local intellectual and productive capacities within the national political struggles against semi-colonial rule and revolutionary ideology brought to boil the struggles between Local administration and citizenry. In another sense, it was the politics of social organization that swayed the nature of development discourse. It was therefore in light of short-term and long-term 'objectives', and important policy statements such as the 'five principles of co-existence'(1954), and the Bandung Conference (1955) that saw the establishment of a Chinese embassy in Cairo (1956). The main aim was to sway the tide of revolutionary struggle in Africa, as well as propelling African counterparts in 'developing' and nurturing material needs.
However, for the 'Western Eye' in recent historical record, K. Marx and F. Engels were very clear in critiquing and understanding particular sensibilities. With mechanical clarity, they canonized a critical discourse on the nature and interests of what is now popularly known as a capitalist world order.
The economic and political realities between1946and1968consciously emboldened the struggling masses world-wide to adopt revolutionary sentiments that spoke to their emancipatory aspirations. For one observer,'moral regime','factionalism' and 'tradition' were inevitable determinates in the dialectic of global revolution.毛泽东(trans. Mao Ze Dong) encapsulated these sentiments in the following manner;"... the present world situation is such that the two major forces, revolution and counter-revolution, are locked in final struggle. Each has hoisted a huge banner:one is the red banner of revolution held aloft by the Third International as the rallying point for all the oppressed classes of the world, the other is the white banner of the counter-revolution held aloft by the League of Nations as the rallying point for all the counter-revolutionaries of the world." It was the resulting physicality of such viewpoints, in the mid-twentieth century that ushered in eras of revolution both in Africa and China. Struggle for some was as a result of 'abstruse philosophical language' or 'constraints', and for D. W. Nabudere about "the release of the enthusiasm of the people to undertake new tasks of a revolutionary character." Therefore as one commentator understood these struggles for change, an 'African-rooted' science and policy was aimed at re-establishing a reality based on'self-reliance' that was authentically constructive. Self-reliance seemed to encapsulate the motivations Tanzanian and Chinese domestic/foreign policy in a way that later concretely determined their development trajectories.
With the establishment of formal relations between China and Tanzania in December1961, Ho Ying was the first Chinese ambassador to arrive in Dar-es-Salaam (April1962). Self-reliance as a socio-political motivation manifested in a tentative beginning regarding political and economic relations between China and Tanzania. Through the studies of one observer, it was noted that initially Mwalimu Nyerere might have been weary of Chinese contribution to Tanzania's domestic challenges-thus stating that "China's close relations with Tanganyika itself developed essentially as a byproduct of its links with Zanzibar and the necessity of working with Nyerere after Tanganyika and Zanzibar formed a united republic in April1964.
Following the logic of this perspective, chapter one explores the challenges of ideology and practice, and avenues of change adopted by Tanzanian and Chinese authorities before1968. The chapter highlights aspects of economic policy that attracted favourable attention from state institutions in Tanzania and China. For some observers the trend of social organization was, by CE.1964, heavily indebted to Marxist-Leninist observations, conclusions and practice. Moreover, there was a growing insistence that in order to realize'authentic'political and economic harmony, historical awareness and relevance of intellectual and political realities was necessary in both China and Tanzania. China's Cultural Revolution brought into sharp focus the ambiguities of ideological reference, and challenges of implementation and practice. However, the international community in its rapidly militarized, industrial pursuit to acquire material wealth and global political control assured that while Chinese and Tanzanian socio-economic interests where similar in motivation, diverging domestic realities and policies resulted in a continuing distortion of what it meant/and means to attain political and economic harmony. As China began experiencing the momentous political and economic impacts of the Cultural Revolution between1967and1968, Mwalimu Nyerere also deemed it necessary to draft a policy document that would address what he saw to be the growing discrepancies and divide within Tanzanian society at large. The Arusha Declaration "reiterated the basic principles of his own formula for independence and then restated them in the form of specific guidelines for a transition to democratic socialism."
In an effort to reflect and manifest the developmental aspirations of the Tanzanian'proletariat', Mwalimu Nyerere and the Tanganyika African National Union (TANU) embarked on an ambitious socio-economic plan. In a speech delivered to the Uganda People's Congress (7June1968), Mwalimu Nyerere stated that "an African government in the year1968, which wishes to act in accordance with the aspirations of its people, must take an active part in the economy of the country; it must organize institutions of trade, commerce, manufacturing." In retrospect and in particular perspective, the intellectual and material response was two-fold. On one hand, systemic dependencies under the rubric of aid became trend. On the other, development based on an 'African Socialism and Ujamaa' in general was meaningless without its colonially-inherited, antithetic reality-industrialization. The consequences were such that as one commentator observes, groups of people found more diverging than converging ways to bend the existing systems of political and economic organization. For Nabudere, understanding certain versions of an 'imperial' dialectic regarding economic control was most important regarding its eventual deconstruction. Chinese historians thus charted an economic history that highlighted how the China-Tanzania relations that developed were based on the necessities of mass-participation. China's East African, foreign policy initiatives between1968and1971bore testament to this commitment. Road works, army barracks, water projects, the Ubungo Farm Implements and Tools Factory all re-affirmed China's support for the logistical and infra-structural development of Tanzania's industrial and productive capacities.
Chapter two provides a rough platform for highlighting the circumstances that facilitated/prompted socio-economic change in Tanzania (1968-1980). This chapter seeks to illuminate the nature of relationships between state-political organs and industry; and the technological benefits accrued. In light of the meaning of words like urban and rural, and the reconciliation of monetary philosophy with material exchange and production, words like investment and Aid abstractly defined often complex human interactions. In perspective, the urban and rural landscape became very stark realities, primarily driven by the growing mass of human labour available, and their competitive struggle with profit-driven mass-trade. General logic amongst the intelligentsia and government defined domestic (motivated by the dialogue of sovereignty) demand for material resources as being the major driver behind technological progress and exchange; whether the state's developmental strategy represented imperial motivations or not. The resulting investment strategies and technological transfers ultimately bore semblances and eventually realities of inequality.
The pressures of global industrialization within the global political rivalries that inspired and stimulated action collectively impelled Tanzania's peasant majority to mobilize their abilities. Each sector of the economy needed to serve varying groups based on expertise. Some studies suggested that it was worldwide demand that forced and changed the Tanzanian productive reality. Nevertheless, Tanzania's major industries played a major role in sustaining livelihoods. Tanzania as a state and its development aims, with China as a major source of capital and technological knowledge, needed to be reviewed as worldwide pressures changed. It was clearly understood by Tanzanian leadership that in order to realize the reality of self-reliance, certain policy measures had to be in place. Two of the three measures generally adopted stated that there needed to be a diversification of foreign trade and a diversification of sources of aid. However the problem of mechanized industrialization under certain motivations produces certain consequences. Furthermore, as G. T. Yu explains,"...Tanzania, like most other developing societies, had few workers with previous industrial experience.'
Chapter three utilizes oral testimony to describe the period under study. It serves to position personal experience as a crucial indicator of political, intellectual, and economic realities. Chapter four continues the narrative by reflecting on the continuities/discontinuities in the political and economic development project, in the two countries. It also highlights the motivations and implications of policy reform around1985. The chapter ends by argumentatively highlighting historically-linked impacts, largely influenced by converging or diverging domestic realities between Tanzania and China respectively. In summary, as the realities of Western rejection regarding what became commonly known as the Communist/Socialist agenda manifested, the ideas of reform and structural adjustment became a necessary corollary. Chinese and Tanzanian sovereign rules of law buffering them against global consumption trends indirectly shaped the thinking and actions of the financial, academic and military elite. This invariably created an unbalanced bilateral relationship. Both the Chinese and Tanzanian state had to employ the financial services and technological know-how of foreign, multi-national institutions and state private companies, which consequently outlined the processes of change up to the present day. However it should be noted that for as long the politics of national identity (and its material future) occupied the motivations of policy formulation, conflicts of interest were a common occurrence amongst state or private-owned companies in both Tanzania and China. The totality of these schisms manifested in specific developmental trends in the two countries.
The imposition of structural adjustment policies and the gradual acquiescence of political organization under Western paradigms radically altered the social landscape of the Tanzanian populace. The bureaucratic nature of enforcing a system, whether it is about economy, religion or education immediately contributed to the social and economic cleavages inadvertently created by local and 'foreign' pressures. Therefore in most of what is commonly (and perhaps even controversially known) as sub-Saharan Africa, settler-colonialism, or indirect rule through imperial decrees, hardwired the nature of reform, and for the most part neatly fell into Marxist evaluations of material economy and 'modes of production'. This was despite the 'conscientious' aims of the international institutions in charge of safe-guarding the interests of the international community. For many observers, it was China, with a present population of approximately1.5billion people that 'excelled' at organizing its masses to address some of their socio-economic and political challenges. A deft mixture of aggressive capitalism and Marxist social organization catapulted its sovereign status to that of 'Super-power' by the late twentieth century. Chapter five studies the material force of politics and how this ultimately impacted the welfare of both nations. The conclusion of this research aims to settle at a narrative that brings out a particular reality of history, as well as emphasizing the need for constant review and understanding. In the words of Mwalimu J. K. Nyerere, China-Tanzania relations was "a friendship between most unequal equals."
中国是一个有着悠久历史的国家,而坦桑尼亚作为一个拥有同等主权的国家的历史并不太长,但两国都坚信：如果越多数的人民过上好日子,那么这个国家的未来也就越光明。这两个主权国家实行的一系列政治经济措施,不管是中国的文化大革命以及稍后80年代的经济体制改革,还是坦桑尼亚的乌贾马运动、坦中友谊纺织厂项目以及坦赞铁路工程,都反映了两国一直要求变革的积极主动的态度。然而,中外的历史学家们都只是泛泛地描述了公元1968年至1985年问中坦所采取的这些措施,并且泛泛地谈了一下这些措施对当今日益激烈的政治经济竞争有着重大的影响。因此,中坦之问这种富于成效和为人民谋福利的有益交流已经受到并将继续受到来自各方面的挑战和质疑。
在任何状态下,一个国家的生产必须要满足本国人口的需求。这就为中坦人民进行思想和生产的表达与交流提供了机会。根据西方历史学的说法,不公平竞争的无法避免和一定的生产模式之问有着明显的相关性。而在马克思和恩格斯,坦桑尼亚前总统朱利叶斯·尼雷尔和中国国家前领导人毛泽东主席看来,只有彻底消灭了欺骗、剥削和压迫,才有可能进行满足人民物质需求的生产,他们都倡导在一定条件下建立一个包容性社会。两国各种不同的政策和项目的启动和实施都反映了政府集思广益,寻求发展现代化生产力。这些尝试和做法引发了相异的观点,并导致了不同的结果；比如中坦两国所进行的政治改革都分别被赋予了特定的含义。中坦两国形式多样的改革对其当代的工业发展和政体建设都有着重要的指导和借鉴意义。从单纯公有制到部分承认私有制,以及向共产主义和资本主义共同的示好,这些影响都不可避免地强调了改革中的很多非建设性和建设性的模式。
本篇论文的写作目标是回顾和总结中坦两国在20世纪60～80年代在政治和经济层面所进行的“对话”的过程和经验,虽然双方在文教卫生也有许多交往,但因为所找到的档案材料较少,多为别人的总结,因此待以后继续从事中坦关系研究时再做深入的探讨。本篇论文所面临的三个重要问题是：
1、在一个特定的时间范围内,怎样准确地评估中坦两国在这段时期里双方的政策和合作项目在质和量上的影响?
2、中坦两国普通民众对这段时期中坦关系,尤其是对坦桑尼亚的乌贾马运动、坦中友谊纺织厂项目和坦赞铁路工程等重大事件的反应如何?
3、这段时期中坦关系有哪些经验和教训得到了普遍地认可?
由于本篇论文强调理论性,本文资料和信息的主要来源将是这个时期内的文件和论文及经历这一时期中坦交流合作的工人、学者的证言。当需要比较论证时,还会使用到内容广泛的具体数据资料,例如其生产状况和销售状况等,还会使用先前定义好的范畴以及当下常用的一些研究方法和策略。在任何历史研究中都是需要变换不同的历史编纂学方法。因此,线性的以及多中心论的方法都将用于明确阐释本篇论文的论点。除此之外,部分信息资料的直观来源还将包括：当下媒体资源,比如报纸和杂志、行政部门的记录、工商界和学术界的一些评论和访谈,以及相关机构中描述或记录了这些社会经济政策的影响的材料。其中的访谈资料为笔者在中国和坦桑尼亚的采访所得。
本篇论文包括绪论、引言、正文和附录四大部分。
绪论和引言部分主要叙述本文的研究方法、研究目标,以及选择中国和坦桑尼亚两国历史上的结合点,简要地阐述了两国历史上的社会变革对现今的影响,目的是为了建立一个简明的叙事框架,这个框架表明了存在于二者区域内的继承至今的社会影响。在当前大多数人听到的都是诸如“和谐”、“包容性对话”这类词语的世界秩序中,发展的构想承担着特定的含义。因此要对一个特定时期的历史进行分析就需要站在当时的立场上,并且遵循一个基本的知识的产生和再产生的模式。国家意识、政治自由和实用主义成为中国二十世纪之初的道德倾向。在某种意义上,这是外源性或内源性利益能决定发展的产生和结果。中华人民共和国成立后,成为社会主义阵营的一个重要分子和扩大在新兴独立国家中的影响力是新中国对外关系的主基调。因此鉴于短期和长期的外交目标,中国政府在1954年阐述的“和平共处五项原则”,第二年在万隆会议上的积极表现,以及1956年中埃建交和中国大使在开罗所建立起来的意识形态,其主要目的是为了影响在非洲革命斗争的浪潮,以及推进非洲的发展。
正文由5章组成：
第一章“坦桑尼亚与中国的意识形态及实践”,主要探究了20世纪60～80年代初中国和坦桑尼亚两国的外交政策、两国政府在政治和经济上实行的重大变革,以及这些举措在思想认识和实践行动上带来的挑战。1961年12月9日中国与坦噶尼喀建交,1962年4月中国第一任驻坦桑尼亚大使抵达达累斯萨拉姆。1963年12月11日又与桑给巴尔建交。坦、桑联合后,中国延续了与坦、桑的外交关系,将1964年4月26日坦、桑联合日定为与坦桑尼亚建交日。
现代中坦关系是毛泽东、周恩来和尼雷尔等中坦两国老一代领导人共同努力的结果。尼雷尔执政期问(1961一1985年)曾5次访华(1965年2月、1968年6月、1974年3月、1981年3月、1985年8月),此后又在1987、1989、1990、1991、1992、1993、1995和1997年先后8次以南方委员会主席身份访华。中国政府总理周恩来也于1965年6月访问了坦桑尼亚。在领导人互访期间,双方在经济、贸易、文化、卫生等领域签订了一些列合作协定。中国从1964年开始向坦提供各种援助,重大援建项目有坦赞铁路、友谊纺织厂、姆巴拉利农场、基畏那煤矿和马宏达糖厂等。从1981年开始中、坦双方的关系转型,有了实质性的经济互利合作。
在中坦关系初期,作为两个同为社会主义国家和都标榜要自力更生,双方合作主要表现在政治与经济方面。在60年代后期,中国的文化大革命显现出了意识形态领域的混乱以及对外交领域的挑战,对中坦关系也产生了影响。,在国际社会冷战、国际跨国集团追求获得物质财富的最大化以及全球政治控制加强这三大背景下,中国和坦桑尼亚在对国际问题的判断、各自实施的社会经济政策,既有共同点,也有差异性,中国在农村中走社会主义集体化道路对坦桑尼亚产生了直接的影响。尼雷尔总统认为有必要起草一份政策性文件,最大限度地解决在坦桑尼亚社会日益增长的差异和分歧。在1967年发表的《阿鲁沙宣言》中,尼雷尔“重申自己的基本想法,重申他们独立的形式,主张制定具体的指导方针过渡到民主社会主义。”尼雷尔和坦噶尼喀非洲国家联盟(TANU)为了加速国家发展,开始着手推进一项宏伟的社会经济计划。在递交给乌干达人民代表大会(1968年6月7日)的一份演讲稿中,尼雷尔说“1968年,某非洲国家的政府希望按照人民的愿望,积极振兴该国的经济,建设贸易、商业、制造业的组织机构。”在坦桑尼亚道路工程、军营、水项目、乌邦果农具厂都项目建设上,中国都给予了支持和帮助。
第二章“中坦合作与中国援助”,主要以个案形式对中坦关系进行研究,力求阐明一国政府和本国工业发展之间以及外部关系对其影响的本质,以及因此而产生的技术进步。根据“城市”和“农村”、“投资”和“援助”等词汇的抽象定义使人际互动变得复杂。从某种角度看,城市和农村景观变得非常鲜明,主要是受到日益增加的劳动力、他们的竞争与利益驱动大规模贸易而受到影响。坦桑尼亚有自己的发展目标,而中国是主要的资金来源和技术知识支持者,两者都需要重新检讨并为全球压力而进行改变。坦桑尼亚的领导人显然理解为了实现自力更生和国家经济的发展,某些政策措施必须到位。
这段时期,在中国的援助下,中坦经济合作的凸出事例是友谊纺织厂、乌邦果农具厂和坦赞铁路。坦桑尼亚友谊纺织厂位于首都达累斯萨拉姆的市郊,1965年尼雷尔总统访问北京时请求中国政府援建。在中国的7000多万元无息贷款支持下,1968年建成投产,它既是中国第一批援非项目样板,也是中国上世纪80年代改革开放,对外援助项目市场化改革样板。同时,它作为坦桑尼亚曾经的五大重点国营企业之一,投产后,友谊纺织厂由当地人负责运营,中国人提供指导和技术改造,但不参与管理。但是,到了20世纪80年代,友谊纺织厂逐渐陷入困境,濒临停产。
乌邦果农具厂是中华人民共和国第一个援外农机制造工程,由南通汽车锻压件厂等单位组建的中国专家组负责援建,1965年开始建造,1970年建成,设计生产目标为年产垦锄180万把,畜力犁铧20万件。在设计中,中国设计人员进行了深入的调查研究,广泛搜集农具制造资料,通过长时间的工艺试验,最后采用了辊锻和轻型环链浸漆红外线烘干的生产方法,保证了质量和生产效率。后来又试制生产了砍草刀和花生脱壳机等当地亟需的产品。产品除在坦桑尼亚销售外,还有少量出口到周边国家。1978年这个厂的产量达到1,072吨,全年工厂盈余70万元人民币。工厂的主要产品垦锄和铁犁是坦桑尼亚政府为促进当地农业发展而大力推广的农具,产品销路很好,工厂盈利。1978年该厂又进行了扩建,生产能力由年产农具1000吨提高到3700吨。至1985年底累计盈利6365万坦桑尼亚先令(约合人民币1000万元)。该项目1981年获中国政府优秀设计奖。坦桑尼亚尼雷尔总统等国家领导人还多次到乌本戈农具厂视察,发表谈话,感谢中国的无私援助,声称这个农具厂的兴建,符合坦桑尼亚农业发展的需要,长期以来坦桑必须依靠进口农具,而现在我们能制造犁、锄和其他农具了,中国援建农具厂是真正的友谊,因为是帮助朋友实现自力更生。
坦赞铁路是中非友好关系的象征,也是20世纪60～70年代中国政府最大的援外成套项目,由中国专家和工程技术人员进行勘测、考察、设计,并与坦桑尼亚、赞比亚两国人员共同施工建造。有关坦赞铁路的研究在中国和美国都有学者作了许多的工作,包括硕士论文、博士论文和专著,我在文中主要交待了当时中国所以要帮助修建这条贯通东非和中南非交通大干线的原因,那就是出于支持南部非洲民族解放斗争、扩大中国在非洲的影响和带动非洲大陆内地经济的发展。这条连接坦桑尼亚达累斯萨拉姆港和赞比亚中部的卡皮里姆波希的铁路,在1967年6月到9月问被签署建造协议,由中国提供无息贷款,1966～1969年主要是进行工程前的各种测量和装备,于1970年7月签署正式修建防议,同年10月正式开工。大约有6.5万人参加了铁路建设,1976年7月全线完成。然而,随着南部非洲形势随后发生的变化,葡萄牙在南部非洲殖民地的独立和津巴布韦的独立,这条为赞比亚、马拉维等内陆国家提供新的出海通道的作用迅速下降,它的政治作用也不复存在。这也为这条铁路后来出现的问题埋下了伏笔。
70年代中期到80年代初,坦桑尼亚和中国都发生了很大变化,“阿鲁沙宣言”后开展的乌贾马运动遇到了严重困难,农业生产水平下降,国家整个经济下滑。而来自中国的援助在减少,因为中国在这段时期发生了一系列重大事件,国家领导人经历从毛泽东、华国锋到邓小平的时代,对坦桑尼亚的援助政策也随着中国外交政策的调整而发生变化。
第三章主要通过对70、80年中坦关系的见证者的访谈,利用口述史料探讨中坦两国在政治、经济领域的交流和合作。笔者在坦桑尼亚的采访主要是在达累斯萨拉姆大学进行的,因为该校是坦桑尼亚的最高学府,集中了一批德高望重的学者,他们是这段中坦关系的见证人。采访之一是该校历史系教授坦比拉,他于1967年进入该校学习,先后在这里拿到了学士和硕士学位,1974年留在学校工作。他回忆了60、70年代坦桑尼亚的政治环境,特别是乌贾马运动为核心的社会主义运动、大学里的一批激进主义者,包括后来成为乌干达总统的穆塞韦尼,他们的理想是解放南部非洲。中国人在20世纪60年代进入坦桑尼亚后,他们很难与当地人融合到一起,虽然他们帮助创办了友谊纺织厂、乌邦戈农具厂和坦赞铁路等,但中国人集中住在一起,即使他们外出也是一群人,有一个头带队。他在1989年应中国社会科学院的邀请首次访问了中国,也在北京访问了几所大学,但因为语言问题,与中国知识分子之间很难进行深入的交换意见。他对邓小平了解较多,知道他曾多次被打倒,后来带领中国人民通过改革改变了中国的面貌,这对尼雷尔总统也产生了影响。
重点采访之二是拉威博士,他从1989年起在该校历史系任教,受访时担任达累斯萨拉姆大学校长助理。他称,在他中学时代接触到的还是前殖民时代的一些历史观念,到80年代高中时,他深受一位来自圭亚那的历史学家W罗得尼的影响,1966年他从伦敦东方学院毕业后加入了坦桑尼亚革命联盟,来到达累斯萨拉姆大学任教,写了一本《欧洲怎样使非洲欠发达的》,受他及其著作的影响拉威也对历史产生了浓厚的兴趣,接受了他对欧洲殖民主义批判的思想。遗憾的是,罗得尼在1974年回到圭亚那后受到迫害和打击,在1980年6月被汽车炸弹暗杀身亡。在他思想的影响下,新马克思主义和列宁主义在达累斯萨拉姆大学较流行,在历史研究中运用阶级分析的方法。拉威在美国攻读博士学位期间又接触了后现代主义,开始对殖民、阶级斗争等进行了反思。80年代初,他们对中国的了解主要通过阅读毛泽东的著作,毛泽东有关走群众路线,发动工人和农民进行革命斗争,搞统一战线,以及其他社会主义思想对拉威这些年轻学者影响较深。因为毛泽东阐述的革命思想在一个有殖民背景的坦桑尼亚很容易被接受。当时,因为修建坦赞铁路,也有许多中国人来到了坦桑尼亚,但与他们平时几乎没有什么接触。只有一些参与工程建设的坦桑尼亚人才与他们打交道。从拉威个人观察来看,中国人工作非常勤奋,对坦桑民众也很友好,彼此互称“拉菲基”(朋友)。当时也有一些中国人到教师学院等单位学习斯瓦西里语,他们不太喜欢下到村庄里或其他坦桑尼亚家庭做客,这与其他外国人形成了很大的对比。拉威在访谈中也谈了自己对阿鲁沙宣言、中国80年代改革、中国参与非洲事务等重大问题的看法,认为中国的改革成就为第三世界国家提供了一个成功的榜样,也对坦桑尼亚产生了示范性的影响。
关于中国学者,这几年我在中国学习也接触到了除我导师之外的其他一些著名的非洲研究专家,如华东师范大学艾周昌教授、北京大学的李安山教授、浙江师范大学的刘鸿武教授、上海师范大学的舒运国教授等,但限于论文的篇幅,我只收入了对艾周昌教授的访谈资料,专门去他家询问了他在70、80年代对非洲问题和中坦关系的看法。
从上述访谈内容可以看出当时中国和坦桑尼亚学者对中坦关系的真实看法,是民间学者交流的又一种形式。
第四章“政策变革：中国和坦桑尼亚”,重点描述1980～1985年问中国和坦桑尼亚政治改革的动机、基本内容和对两国关系发展的影响,本章结尾部分集中讨论了坦中之间趋异或趋同的国内现实的历史相关性影响。
从70年代末至80年代初,坦桑尼亚和整个非洲大陆一样经济遇到严重困难,研究者归结出了很多原因,比如恶劣天气、农产品国际市场价格低迷、国际援助的减少、对外战争、国家管制农业生产和出口、工业化政策的失败等等。但这些都只是表面因素,从根本上来说,经济衰退是坦桑尼亚政府产业结构现代化道路上的重要现象,也是乌贾马政策思想延续的结果。对于农业发展的轻视,是坦桑尼亚70年代国家发展过程中一个无法避免的结构性缺陷。然而,至1980年,仍有超过80%的人以农业为生,农业占GDP总量一半,出口以农产品为主。因此,在经历了1980年因大规模干旱农业减产后,坦桑尼亚政府终于再次意识到了农业在国民经济中的重要性,开始将注意力从国际争端转向内政改革。为了减少对国际援助的依赖,也为了缓解经济危机,1981年5月,坦桑尼亚政府颁布了国家经济复兴计划(National Economics Survival Programme, NESP),主要包括：通过增加出口来赚取外汇,出口指标下达至包含咖啡、棉花、皮革、罐头肉等各类生产部门,总共需完成61.85亿坦桑尼亚先令的外汇指标；确立有能力赚取外汇部门优先使用外汇的原则；为减少并最终消灭食物短缺问题,建立低耗费的小规模灌溉体系；推广种植如高粱、木薯、土豆等耐旱作物,并以此作为玉米、大米、小麦之外的替代性主食；鼓励利用身边一切有限资源,自力更生搞生产；给农民制定有利可图的农产品市场价格,给工人合理的工资,确保满足每个人基本生活用品需求。1982年在世界银行的帮助下,坦桑尼亚政府又对计划内容进行了局部调整,将农业定为国家最重要的基础产业。
同期,中国的改革步伐是越来越快,胡耀邦、赵紫阳等中国政府领导人在1982和1983年多次发表讲话阐述新的对外政策,在强调独立自主的对外政策、中国的现代化需要一个和平的国际环境,继续反对帝国主义、殖民主义和霸权主义外,三个世界的理论不再像过去那样突出,将国内的经济发展和对外的互利合作相结合。在此政策的影响下,中国对坦桑尼亚的贸易额在80年代初呈现下降和停滞不前的局面,中国对坦桑尼亚的援助额也随之减少。
结构调整政策以及西方模式的政治体制的逐渐完善正不断使坦桑尼亚人民的生活发生缓慢的变化。政府强制性的对经济、政治和教育政策的调整,在本国或者是国外势力有意无意的压力之下总会导致社会和经济上的分裂。同时又会受到历史因素和物质条件的影响。因此在大多数的已知的情况下(甚至有争议的情况下),比如撒哈拉以南非洲过去西方的殖民地,或间接殖民地,具有天生的革命气质,而且大多数情况下,这些国家实行马克思主义预计的经济模式和“生产方式”。实行计划经济或有计划的市场经济,这有悖于西方国家的经济体制和保护跨国公司的利益。中国和坦桑尼亚两个国家在80年代初政策的分别调整对两国以后的关系必然产生影响。
第五章“对中坦关系的反思”。主要论述两国政策的物质力量,以及这种政策如何从根本上影响了两国的关系。20世纪60年代,中坦两国之所以能发展成非常友好的国家,地缘政治的因素不是很大,更多的是受到当时国际形势的影响,即反对帝国主义、殖民主义和霸权主义。从坦桑尼亚方面来说,反对前面二点的成份更多一些,而对于中国,更多的是出于反对霸权主义、支持非洲民族独立运动的需要。对于1968～1985年间中国和坦桑尼亚政治经济秩序的判断,更多考虑的是物质发展的因素,而忽略了至关重要的文化因素。如本篇论文研究所揭示的,中国和坦桑尼亚自力更生的目标从未能动摇它们对外来资本援助的接受,只是彼此接受的来源国不同而已。坦桑尼亚接受中国的援助建造的坦赞铁路、友谊纺织厂、乌邦果农具厂等最初都发挥了重要作用,但转化为当地人接收后,由于缺乏管理,尤其是在后来发展中缺少技术革新,导致效果与预期的差别很大。这里面的深层次问题可能还是文化的差异,缺少文化交流,特别是技术的传授。坦桑尼亚与中国的关系正如尼雷尔所说,是“一种非常不对等间的平等的友谊”。
It is without question that a very relevant issue influencing our times concerns relations between Africa and China, in an increasingly competitive political and economic world order*. Specifically, this often violently competitive system of production generates stark realities and weary opinions. According to the historical heritage of China and the experience of its African'sovereign' counter-part, Tanzania, if more people were living the good life, the better the future of the nation. The economic and political initiatives undertaken by both sovereign states such as China's Cultural Revolution and Economic Reforms, Tanzania's Arusha Declaration, China Friendship Textile Mill LTD.(CFTM) or Tan-Zam Rail Project (TZRP) represented actions of pro-active change in most historical calendars. However, Chinese and African historians have generally described the period (1968-1985) in China and Tanzania to have had a strong influence on contemporary contention of ideas and action. Therefore the meaning and well-being of this productive exchange has been and will be continually challenged.
Under certain laws, production needed to fulfill the needs of the national population. This provided an opportunity for the people of Tanzania and China to express and exchange ideas and support. Understanding Western historical science, the inevitability of violence and certain modes of production were apparent parallels. For F. Engels and K. Marx, Mwalimu Nyerere and Chairman Mao, it was about breaking down deception and oppression, and truly providing for material need. They all championed inclusive society under certain conditions. The inception and implementation of the various policies and projects represented the collectivization of ideas and material procreativity. These challenges and actions generated differing opinions and consequences; such that the politics of change in both Tanzania and China have taken on specific meanings respectively. The meaning of reform in its many forms has had fundamental implications for contemporary industry and government in both China and Tanzania. From common to private ownership, as well as courting both communist and capitalist aspirations, the impacts inevitably highlight many unconstructive and constructive patterns of change.
This study is broken down into five chapters, excluding the introduction and the fifth chapter being the conclusion. A 'linear' timeline serves as the descriptive backbone of this research in order to unravel the underlying relationships between ideology, education and technology. However, illustrating the multi-dimensional aspect of influence and impact serves as the primary reasoning behind any conclusion found in this research. The introduction briefly takes into account current references to the historical record of societal change in China and Tanzania (between purposefully chosen junctures in historical records) respectively. The aim is to establish a brief narrative context of the inherited and influencing societal tensions that existed in the two regions.
To begin with, in a current world order in which words/phrases such as 'harmony' and 'inclusive dialogue' speak to the widest audience, conceptions of development take on specific meanings. Thus to begin a historical analysis of a particular reality, it is important for one to agree that perspective and the type of respect accorded is a fundamental equation in the production and reproduction of knowledge. In China, after the Treaty of Shimonoseki was signed (1898), emancipatory dialogue and action was swiftly recognized as a necessary factor in stimulating the freedom of indigenous voice. It was also understood that the influences, methodologies, aims and consequences of perspectives all contribute to the success of developmental paradigms. Popular history in China reminds the reader that by the turn of the nineteenth/twentieth century, the monumental, collective attempts (Opium War, Taiping Heavenly Movement, Reform Movement, Yihetuan Movement) at freeing China from imperial design ushered in a new epoch of change.
The consciousness of national, political freedom thus was a strong feature of moral will and pragmatic inclination by the beginning of the twentieth century in China. In one sense, it was exogenous or endogenous interests that determined the product and consequence of development. Local intellectual and productive capacities within the national political struggles against semi-colonial rule and revolutionary ideology brought to boil the struggles between Local administration and citizenry. In another sense, it was the politics of social organization that swayed the nature of development discourse. It was therefore in light of short-term and long-term 'objectives', and important policy statements such as the 'five principles of co-existence'(1954), and the Bandung Conference (1955) that saw the establishment of a Chinese embassy in Cairo (1956). The main aim was to sway the tide of revolutionary struggle in Africa, as well as propelling African counterparts in 'developing' and nurturing material needs.
However, for the 'Western Eye' in recent historical record, K. Marx and F. Engels were very clear in critiquing and understanding particular sensibilities. With mechanical clarity, they canonized a critical discourse on the nature and interests of what is now popularly known as a capitalist world order.
The economic and political realities between1946and1968consciously emboldened the struggling masses world-wide to adopt revolutionary sentiments that spoke to their emancipatory aspirations. For one observer,'moral regime','factionalism' and 'tradition' were inevitable determinates in the dialectic of global revolution.毛泽东(trans. Mao Ze Dong) encapsulated these sentiments in the following manner;"... the present world situation is such that the two major forces, revolution and counter-revolution, are locked in final struggle. Each has hoisted a huge banner:one is the red banner of revolution held aloft by the Third International as the rallying point for all the oppressed classes of the world, the other is the white banner of the counter-revolution held aloft by the League of Nations as the rallying point for all the counter-revolutionaries of the world." It was the resulting physicality of such viewpoints, in the mid-twentieth century that ushered in eras of revolution both in Africa and China. Struggle for some was as a result of 'abstruse philosophical language' or 'constraints', and for D. W. Nabudere about "the release of the enthusiasm of the people to undertake new tasks of a revolutionary character." Therefore as one commentator understood these struggles for change, an 'African-rooted' science and policy was aimed at re-establishing a reality based on'self-reliance' that was authentically constructive. Self-reliance seemed to encapsulate the motivations Tanzanian and Chinese domestic/foreign policy in a way that later concretely determined their development trajectories.
With the establishment of formal relations between China and Tanzania in December1961, Ho Ying was the first Chinese ambassador to arrive in Dar-es-Salaam (April1962). Self-reliance as a socio-political motivation manifested in a tentative beginning regarding political and economic relations between China and Tanzania. Through the studies of one observer, it was noted that initially Mwalimu Nyerere might have been weary of Chinese contribution to Tanzania's domestic challenges-thus stating that "China's close relations with Tanganyika itself developed essentially as a byproduct of its links with Zanzibar and the necessity of working with Nyerere after Tanganyika and Zanzibar formed a united republic in April1964.
Following the logic of this perspective, chapter one explores the challenges of ideology and practice, and avenues of change adopted by Tanzanian and Chinese authorities before1968. The chapter highlights aspects of economic policy that attracted favourable attention from state institutions in Tanzania and China. For some observers the trend of social organization was, by CE.1964, heavily indebted to Marxist-Leninist observations, conclusions and practice. Moreover, there was a growing insistence that in order to realize'authentic'political and economic harmony, historical awareness and relevance of intellectual and political realities was necessary in both China and Tanzania. China's Cultural Revolution brought into sharp focus the ambiguities of ideological reference, and challenges of implementation and practice. However, the international community in its rapidly militarized, industrial pursuit to acquire material wealth and global political control assured that while Chinese and Tanzanian socio-economic interests where similar in motivation, diverging domestic realities and policies resulted in a continuing distortion of what it meant/and means to attain political and economic harmony. As China began experiencing the momentous political and economic impacts of the Cultural Revolution between1967and1968, Mwalimu Nyerere also deemed it necessary to draft a policy document that would address what he saw to be the growing discrepancies and divide within Tanzanian society at large. The Arusha Declaration "reiterated the basic principles of his own formula for independence and then restated them in the form of specific guidelines for a transition to democratic socialism."
In an effort to reflect and manifest the developmental aspirations of the Tanzanian'proletariat', Mwalimu Nyerere and the Tanganyika African National Union (TANU) embarked on an ambitious socio-economic plan. In a speech delivered to the Uganda People's Congress (7June1968), Mwalimu Nyerere stated that "an African government in the year1968, which wishes to act in accordance with the aspirations of its people, must take an active part in the economy of the country; it must organize institutions of trade, commerce, manufacturing." In retrospect and in particular perspective, the intellectual and material response was two-fold. On one hand, systemic dependencies under the rubric of aid became trend. On the other, development based on an 'African Socialism and Ujamaa' in general was meaningless without its colonially-inherited, antithetic reality-industrialization. The consequences were such that as one commentator observes, groups of people found more diverging than converging ways to bend the existing systems of political and economic organization. For Nabudere, understanding certain versions of an 'imperial' dialectic regarding economic control was most important regarding its eventual deconstruction. Chinese historians thus charted an economic history that highlighted how the China-Tanzania relations that developed were based on the necessities of mass-participation. China's East African, foreign policy initiatives between1968and1971bore testament to this commitment. Road works, army barracks, water projects, the Ubungo Farm Implements and Tools Factory all re-affirmed China's support for the logistical and infra-structural development of Tanzania's industrial and productive capacities.
Chapter two provides a rough platform for highlighting the circumstances that facilitated/prompted socio-economic change in Tanzania (1968-1980). This chapter seeks to illuminate the nature of relationships between state-political organs and industry; and the technological benefits accrued. In light of the meaning of words like urban and rural, and the reconciliation of monetary philosophy with material exchange and production, words like investment and Aid abstractly defined often complex human interactions. In perspective, the urban and rural landscape became very stark realities, primarily driven by the growing mass of human labour available, and their competitive struggle with profit-driven mass-trade. General logic amongst the intelligentsia and government defined domestic (motivated by the dialogue of sovereignty) demand for material resources as being the major driver behind technological progress and exchange; whether the state's developmental strategy represented imperial motivations or not. The resulting investment strategies and technological transfers ultimately bore semblances and eventually realities of inequality.
The pressures of global industrialization within the global political rivalries that inspired and stimulated action collectively impelled Tanzania's peasant majority to mobilize their abilities. Each sector of the economy needed to serve varying groups based on expertise. Some studies suggested that it was worldwide demand that forced and changed the Tanzanian productive reality. Nevertheless, Tanzania's major industries played a major role in sustaining livelihoods. Tanzania as a state and its development aims, with China as a major source of capital and technological knowledge, needed to be reviewed as worldwide pressures changed. It was clearly understood by Tanzanian leadership that in order to realize the reality of self-reliance, certain policy measures had to be in place. Two of the three measures generally adopted stated that there needed to be a diversification of foreign trade and a diversification of sources of aid. However the problem of mechanized industrialization under certain motivations produces certain consequences. Furthermore, as G. T. Yu explains,"...Tanzania, like most other developing societies, had few workers with previous industrial experience.'
Chapter three utilizes oral testimony to describe the period under study. It serves to position personal experience as a crucial indicator of political, intellectual, and economic realities. Chapter four continues the narrative by reflecting on the continuities/discontinuities in the political and economic development project, in the two countries. It also highlights the motivations and implications of policy reform around1985. The chapter ends by argumentatively highlighting historically-linked impacts, largely influenced by converging or diverging domestic realities between Tanzania and China respectively. In summary, as the realities of Western rejection regarding what became commonly known as the Communist/Socialist agenda manifested, the ideas of reform and structural adjustment became a necessary corollary. Chinese and Tanzanian sovereign rules of law buffering them against global consumption trends indirectly shaped the thinking and actions of the financial, academic and military elite. This invariably created an unbalanced bilateral relationship. Both the Chinese and Tanzanian state had to employ the financial services and technological know-how of foreign, multi-national institutions and state private companies, which consequently outlined the processes of change up to the present day. However it should be noted that for as long the politics of national identity (and its material future) occupied the motivations of policy formulation, conflicts of interest were a common occurrence amongst state or private-owned companies in both Tanzania and China. The totality of these schisms manifested in specific developmental trends in the two countries.
The imposition of structural adjustment policies and the gradual acquiescence of political organization under Western paradigms radically altered the social landscape of the Tanzanian populace. The bureaucratic nature of enforcing a system, whether it is about economy, religion or education immediately contributed to the social and economic cleavages inadvertently created by local and 'foreign' pressures. Therefore in most of what is commonly (and perhaps even controversially known) as sub-Saharan Africa, settler-colonialism, or indirect rule through imperial decrees, hardwired the nature of reform, and for the most part neatly fell into Marxist evaluations of material economy and 'modes of production'. This was despite the 'conscientious' aims of the international institutions in charge of safe-guarding the interests of the international community. For many observers, it was China, with a present population of approximately1.5billion people that 'excelled' at organizing its masses to address some of their socio-economic and political challenges. A deft mixture of aggressive capitalism and Marxist social organization catapulted its sovereign status to that of 'Super-power' by the late twentieth century. Chapter five studies the material force of politics and how this ultimately impacted the welfare of both nations. The conclusion of this research aims to settle at a narrative that brings out a particular reality of history, as well as emphasizing the need for constant review and understanding. In the words of Mwalimu J. K. Nyerere, China-Tanzania relations was "a friendship between most unequal equals."
引文
1 Rodney, W. (1972). How Europe Underdeveloped Africa (Introduction by Vincent Harding). East African Educational Publishers, Nairobi; P.10
4 Ibid. P.280
5 Rweyemamu, J. (1973). Underdevelopment and Industrialization in Tanzania;A Study of Perverse Capitalist Industrial Development. Oxford University Press, London; (Back-page).
6 Ibid. P. ⅹⅱ
10 Nyerere, J.K. (1974). Man And Development. Oxford University Press, London; P.4
14 Ogunsanwo, A. (1974). China's Policy in Africa 1958-1971. Cambridge University Press, London; P. ⅸ
15 Ibid. P.251
16 Yu, G.T. (1975). China's African Policy; A study of Tanzania. Praeger Publishers. New York;P. x
17 Ibid. P.37
18 Ibid. P.64
19 Ibid. P.159
20 Shivji, I. G. (1976). Class Struggles in Tanzania. Heinemann, London; P.14
21 Ibid. P.19
22 Ibid. P.27
23 Ibid. P.147
24 Hyden, G. (1980). Beyond Ujamaa in Tanzania; Underdevelopment and an Uncaptured Peasantry. Heinemann. London;P.3
25 Ibid. P.3
29 Mushi, S.S & Mathews. K. (eds.)(1981). Foreign Policy of Tanzania 1961-1981. Tanzania Publishing House. Dar es Salaam;P. ⅸ
30 Ibid. P. ⅹ-ⅹⅷ
31 Chih-yu Shih. (2000). Reform, Identity and Chinese Foreign Policy. Vanguard Institute for Policy Studies, Taipei-Taiwan, China. P.102
32 Ibid.112
33 Ibid. P.193-324
34 Fanon, F. (2001). The Wretched of the Earth (trans. by Constance Farrington). Penguin Classics, London; Pn.77-78
35 For a contemporary annunciation of this reasoning, see T. Serequeberhan's chapter entitled Theory and the Actuality of Existence:Fanon and Cabral in Wiredu, K. (eds.)(2007). A Companion to African Philosophy. Blackwell Publishing LTD, Oxford, UK; Pp.225-230:Chih-yu Shih (2000). Reform, Identity and Chinese Foreign Policy. Vanguard Institute for Policy Studies, Taipei; Pp.59-68
36 Shivji. I. G. (1976). Class Struggles in Tanzania. Heincmann, London; P.28; Also see Xin Liu. (2009). The Mirage of China; Anti-humanism, narcissism, and corporeality of the contemporary world. Berghahn Books. New York; P.132:Oruka, H. O. (1997). Practical philosophy:in search of an ethical minimum. East African Educational Publishers. Nairobi; Pp.3-4
37 Blaut. J. M. (1992).1492:The Debate on Colonialism, Eurocentrism, and History. Africa World Press Inc., Trenton, NJ;Pp.ⅷ-ⅸ
38 Temu, A. & Swai, B. (1981). Historians and Africanist History:A Critique. Zed Press, London; P.5
39 By 'classical',I mean the particular heritage of historical science through the Western Eye (within the philosophical limits of the Gregorian Calendar, and the corresponding development theories), and its intellectual impact on realities today. Also, the 'Western Eye' is both a historiographic analogy and phenomenological reality. I argue that its intellectual awakening for most is quasi-biblical/philosophical in recent time. But for a growing number, the 'truer' science lies in the ability to study the 'natural' environment and its related physics/chemistry, as well as how this science controls its environment enough to self-observe, self-analyse, self-evaluate, self-appraise, and self-determine progress. For a more detailed erudition, see K. K. Prah's sub-chapter entitled Dialectics of Identity in:Prah, K. K. (2008). Anthropological Prisms; Studies on African Realities. Center for Advanced Studies in African Society (CASAS Book Series No.59), Cape Town; Pp.68-71,78-81:Mushi, S. S & Mathews, K. (eds.)(1981). Foreign Policy of Tanzania 1961-1981. Tanzania Publishing House, Dar es Salaam; Pp.x-xviii:Also see; Mafeje, A. (1998). Kingdoms of the Great Lakes Region:Ethnography of African Social Formations. Fountain Publishers, Kampala, Uganda; Pp.1-4
40 Interview with艾周昌(Ai Zhuo Chang) in Shanghai (28th March,2012). Also see沐涛et al (Mu Tao et al)(1995). History of China-Africa Relations (trans.). East China Normal University Press, Shanghai; Pp.214-216: Okwudiba, N. (1978). Self Reliance and Foreign Policy in Tanzania. NOK Publishers, New York; Pp.59-74:Li Baoping. (2007). Sino-Tanzanian Relations and Political Development (Monograph; Center for Advanced Studies in African Society Book Series No.45); Pp.126-140
41 See Volman, D. (2009). China, India, Russia and the United States; The Scramble for African Oil and the Militarization of the Continent. (Current African Issues:43) Nordiska Afrikainstitutet, Uppsala:Cheru, F. et al (eds.)(2010). The Rise of China & India in Africa. Zed Books and Nordic Africa Institute, Uppsala/New York: Pp.145-154.181-192
41 The use of the word 'imperial' has psychological and philosophical meanings throughout the paper. It cannot be outlined in this study because brevity and the idea being an already well studied reality. However, in general terms and for the context of this paper, it is to mean a growing human tragedy regarding the notion of dominance.
43 Ogunsanwo, A. (1974). China's Policy in Africa 1958-1971. Cambridge University Press. London. P.1
44 By formal, I refer to the policy orientation after the Bandung Conference in 1955.
45 See Zhongqi Pan's chapter entitled China's Changing Image of Engagement in World Order, in; Sujian Guo, (eds.). (2008). "Harmonious World" and China's New Foreign Policy. Lexington Books, Lanham; P.40
46 Ibid. P.40
47 W. Rodney was a Guyanese scholar, activist and revolutionary based in Tanzania between 1968 and 1974.
48 Rodney, W. (introduction by R. Hill and foreword by H. Dudson). (1990). Walter Rodney Speaks:The Making of an African Intellectual. Africa World Press, Trenton, New Jersey; Pp.14-15
49 Iliffe, J. (1969). Tanganyika Under German Rule-1905-1912. Cambridge University Press, New York; P.1
50 For a critical analysis of these socio-economic/political influences, and how it informed knowledge production about Africa, see; Rodney, W. (2001). How Europe Underdeveloped Africa (Introduction by Vincent Harding). East African Educational Publishers, Nairobi:Prah, K. K. (2006). The African Nation; The State of the Nation. Center for Advanced Studies in African Society (CASAS), Cape Town
51 Also see his reference to Africa's struggles and understanding of changes in population, in; Iliffe, J. (1995). Africans; The history of a continent. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge:His allusion to population growth being pivotal in determining modernization of economy and industry in Africa is both factually misplaced, and theoretically questionable. For a contrasting narrative, yet equally restricted by mechanistic categorizations, see: Kodjo. E. (1987). Africa Tomorrow. Continuum Publishing Company, New York;Pp.13-17
52 See Kimambo, I. N. & Temu. A. J. (eds.)(1969). A History of Tanzania. East African Publishing House, Nairobi; Pp.161-188:Oliver. R. & Atmore, A. (eds.)(2001). Medieval Africa; 1250-1800. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. UK
53 He, without any veiled logic, stated that it was "remarkable how racist and imperialist conceptions of African economies and societies constructed during the slave trade era and the colonial period persist, repackaged and re-labelled to fit currently fashionable discourses." Furthermore, "by looking at the nineteenth century as a whole,... all the characteristics of capitalism, from private ownership of the means of production, production for the market, the sale of labour power as a commodity, to class struggle, the pursuit of profit, company formation, and the possession of that enigmatic of capitalists qualities, the entrepreneurial spirit, already existed in various forms and combinations.... These economies may not have been, in the Marxian sense, capitalist social formations, but they were not 'pre-capitalist' either." See Zeleza, T. (1997). A Modern Economic History of Africa (Volume Ⅰ, the nineteenth century). East African Educational Publishers, Nairobi; P.8,424,425-426
54 Mafeje, A. (1998). Op. Cit., P.111
55 Mamdani, M. (2004). Citizen and Subject; Contemporary Africa and the legacy of Late Colonialism. Fountain Publishers, Kampala; P.23:Also see Ake, C. (1996). Democracy and Development in Africa. The Brookings Institution, Washington D.C; Pp.1-18:Nkrumah, K. (1980). Neo-Colonialism; the last stage of imperialism. International Publishers. New York.
56 Taylor, J. C. (1963). The Political Development of Tanganyika. Stanford University Press, Stanford, US. P.6: Also see Ogot, B. A.(ed.)(1992). General History of Africa-Volume Ⅴ; Africa from the sixteenth to the Eighteenth Century. UNESCO, Paris; Pp.750-751
57 Taylor. J. C. (1963). Op. Cit., P.7-9:Also see Thompson, A. R. (1966). The Story of Tanzania. Oxford University Press, Nairobi:Pp.25-42,58-81:Ogot, B. A.(ed.)(1992). Op. Cit., P.762-775:Kaniki, M. H. Y. (ed.)(1979). Tanzania Under Colonial Rule. Longman. (East Africana Library, University of Dar es Salaam); Pp.45-61
58 Ade Ajayi. J. F. (ed.)(1989). General History of Africa-Volume Ⅵ; Africa in the Nineteenth Century u 1880's. UNESCO, Paris; Pp.262-269:Kaniki, M. H. Y. (ed.)(1979). Op. Cit., P.78-80:
59 Barker, C. E.; Bhagavan. M. R.;von Mischke-Collande, P. M.; Wield. D. V. (1974). Industrial Production and Transfer of Technology in Tanzania:The Political Economy of Tanzanian Industrial Enterprises. Institute of Developmental Studies, University of Dar es Salaam. (Chapter Ⅱ); P.1:Kaniki, M. H. Y. (ed.)(1979). Op. Cit., P.160
60 Kaniki. M. H. Y. (ed.)(1979). Op. Cit., P.160,164
61 Ibid. P.165-169
62 Ibid. P.177-178
63 Freeston, L. B. (1940). Economic Control and Development. (National Archives, Dar es Salaam); P.2
64 Evans-Pritchard, E. E. & Fortes, M. (1940). Memorandum on a Plan of Research into Problems of Modern Political Development in Africa. (National Archives, Dar es Salaam); P.1
63 (Government Paper) (1949). Development of the Vilage Unit in Tanganyika. (National Archives. Dar es Salaam).
66 Kimambo, I. N. & Temu. A.J. (eds.)(1969). Op. Cit.. P.213
67 Ade Ajayi, J. F. (ed.)(1989). Op. Cit., Pp.774-775:Also see Kimambo, I. N. & Temu, A. J. (1969). Op. Cit., Pp.85-122.190-200
68 Fanon. F. (2001).Op. cit., P.58
69 Ogunsanwo, A. (1974). Op. Cit., P.260
70 The use of the term 'migrant worker' in this study must be understood within the terminological framework of capitalism. Here the 'capital' which this fragmented group pursues takes the form of monetary compensation; in which 'upward social and material mobility' corresponds with the accumulation of a higher credit/debt-repaying status. Migrant workers, in this context, thus describe a financially displaced community, attempting to survive price manipulation, environmental disaster and cultural dislocation.
71 Fellow contributors were Bu Jinzhi, Tang Yuyuan, Sun Kaitai. See He Zhaowu et al. (1998). An Intellectual History of China. Foreign Languages Press, Beijing; Pp.419-420
72 Ibid. P.420
73 However, the 'uni-linear evolutionism' inherent in this historiographic approach to determine the futility of efforts made by the Chinese in rebuffing the violently invasive tendencies of British and Japanese expansionist aims can hardly be ignored. In fact, it corroborates G. Blue and T. Brook's assertion that "... nineteenth-century analysts almost uniformly assumed that Chinese society had remained essentially unchanged in an inferior state since antiquity. Because of these assumptions, the approach of contrasting civilizational totalities seemed to support the conclusion that China's inferiority to the West at that time, rather than being shaped primarily by recent trends in internal socio-political development or international relations, was instead a long-term consequence of quasi-permanent structural features identifiable as deficient because they differed from features characteristic of the West." See Brook, T. & Blue, G. (eds.)(1999). China and Historical Capitalism; Genealogies of Sinological Knowledge. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, UK; P.3
74 Hu Jichuang (2009). A Concise History of Chinese Economic Thought. Foreign Languages Press, Beijing; P.527
75 Gernet, J. (1996). A History of Chinese Civilization. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. UK; P.602:Also see Kang Youwei et al. (trans.)(1976). The Reform Movement of 1898. Foreign Languages Press, Peking; P.21
76 Gernet, J. (1996). Op. Cit., P.603
77 Hu Jichuang (2009). Op. Cit., P.528
78 See Chen Jian. (2001). Mao's China & The Cold War. University of North Carolina Press. Chapel Hill/London; Pp.277-283; Also see Bergere, M-C. (translated by Janet Lloyd) (1986). The Golden Age of the Chinese Bourgeoisie 1911-1937. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, UK; Pp.191-197
79 Chih-yu Shih. (2000). Op. Cit., P.88
80 Chu-yuan Cheng, (ed.) (1989). Sun Yat-Sen s Doctrine in the Modern World. Westview Press. London:P.74
81 Fung, E. S. K. (2010). The Intellectual Foundations of Chinese Modernity. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, UK:P.31:Also see Bergere, M-C. (translated by Janet Lloyd) (1986). Op. Cit., Pp.55-60
82 Friedman, E., Pickowicz, P. G., Selden, M. (eds.)(1991). Chinese Village, Socialist State. Yale University Press, London;P.28
3 Brook, T. & Blue, G. (eds.)(1999). Op. Cit., P.110
84 Mao Tse-Tung (1967). Quotations From Chairman Mao Tse-Tung. Dong Fang Gong, Beijing:Pp.381.383
85 Bergere, M-C. (translated by Janet Lloyd) (1986). Op. Cit., P.63,64-139:Thus in the first decade of the twentieth century, the prevalence of secret sects was popular-all attempting to re-dress the economic and cultural imbalances created by monarchic rule and colonial economics.
86 Chen Jian. (2001). Op. Cit., P.11
87 Wang, Y. Chu. (1958). The Intelligentsia in Changing China. (Foreign Affairs; Vol.36, Issue 2, Pp.315-329; 15 pages); Pp.326-329
88 The development 'myth' that encouraged the global deployment and enforcement of 'non-human' commerce (and related colonialisms) was questioned by A. Mafeje, in his study of African social formations in the Great Lakes Region. He concluded that; "The level of development of material and social forces is supposed to determine the standard of living of members of society. But from historical experience the benefits of development are rarely shared evenly. Distribution of goods and services is often skewed in favour of politically dominant groups.... Their capacity to make more than they actually produce is usually described as extraction of 'economic surplus' or 'surplus value'. Once again, theoretically, all societies are capable of producing in aggregate more than they need for immediate purposes. But if disaggregated to meet the consumption needs of the privileged as well as the underprivileged, then there is no way to objectively determine whether or not what was being extracted from the underprivileged was 'surplus'." See Mafeje, A. (1998). Kingdoms of the Great Lakes Region:Ethnography of African Social Formations. Fountain Publishers, Kampala, Uganda; P.127:For more examples of this perspective, see Fanon, F. (2001); Op. Cit., Pp.28-35:Hountondji, P. J. (2002). The Struggle for Meaning:Reflections on Philosophy, Culture and Democracy in Africa. Ohio University Press, Athens, Ohio; Taiwo, O. (2010). How Colonialism Preempted Modernity in Africa. Indiana University Press, Bloomington, Indiana, USA
89 Chih-yu Shih. (2000). Op. Cit., Pp.119-123:李安山(trans. Li AnShan)(1983).浅谈十九世纪欧洲商业资本在非洲的活动及其对瓜分的影响.China Academic Journal Electronic Publishing House (1994-2010)
90 Amin. S.(1977). Op. Cit.. P.133
91 Hutchison, A. (1975). China's African Revolution. Westview Press, Boulder:Pp.230-249:He controversially asserted that "political power, runs Maoist doctrine, grows out of the barrel of a gun, and however attractive and relevant Chinese theories might be, it is Chinese guns which African revolutionaries have most need of. But China's material assistance to the groups has been as sparing as her support for splinter groups has been generous." (P.244). This represented a distinct perspective based on United States Foreign policy concerns.
92 See Yu, G. T. (1975). Op. Cit.
93 Ogunsanwo, A. (1974). Op. Cit., P.81
94 Ibid. P.88-93:The notion of 'aid' also testified to the economic order in place-and how financial capital was changing the reality of human interaction.
95 See Hountondji, P. J. (2002). Op. Cit.:Taiwo, O. (2010). Op. Cit.
96 Campbell, H. (1985). Rasta and Resistance; From Marcus Garvey to Walter Rodney. Tanzania Publishing House, Dar es Salaam; P.39
97 Mafeje, A. (1998). Op. Cit., P.123
98 Also, one can not over-emphasize the sub-argument that "colonialism claimed to bring civilization.. Civilization here meant the rule of law. The torchbearers of that civilization were supposed to be the colonial courts. The courts were intended neither just as sites where disputes would be settled nor simply as testimony to effective imperial control; rather, they were to shine as beacons of Western civilization. Yet no sooner was this claim made than it lay in shreds as power was forced to find ways of controlling multitudes on the ground. The history of that moral surrender was one of a shift in perspective and practice, from a civilizing mission to a law-and-order administration." See Mamdani, M. (2004). Op. Cit., Pp.109,110-137
99 See Mu Tao et al., (trans.). (1995). Op. Cit.
100 Sujian Guo, (eds.). (2008). Op. Cit., Pp.106-114
101 Taylor, I. (2006). China and Africa:Engagement and compromise. Routledge, New York; Pp.49-58
102 Nabudere, D. W. (1981). Imperialism in East Africa-Volume Ⅰ:Imperialism and Exploitation. Zed Press, London:Nabudere, D. W. (1982). Imperialism in East Africa-Volume Ⅱ:Imperialism and Integration. Zed Press, London:Nabudere, D. W. (2009). The Crash of the International Finance-Capital and its implications for the Third World. Pambazuka Press, Cape Town, SA
103 Prah, K. K. (2006). Op. Cit., Pp.341-342
104 See Cheru, F. & Obi, C. (eds.)(2010). Op. Cit, Pp.107-119,121-141,181-192
105 Liu Hongwu & Yang Jiemian., (eds.) (2009). Fiftv Years of Sino-African Cooperation:Background, Progress & Significance-Chinese Perspectives on Sino-African Relations. Yunnan University Press. Kunming; P.23
106 Amin,S.(1977).Op.Cit.,Pp.169-177
107 Rodney. W. (2001). Op. Cit., P.162
Kahama, C. G. (1962-1964). Tanganyika Trade Journal (foreword). (Vol. Ⅰ., No.1):P.2
109 Ibid. P.15
110 Kimambo, I. N. & Temu, A. J. (eds.)(1969). Op. Cit., Pp.170-197:Also see Shivji, I. G. (2008). Pan-Africanism or Pragmatism? Lessons of Tanganyika-Zanzibar Union. Mkuki Na Nyota Publishers, Dar es Salaam; Pp.18-38: Magubane, B. & Nzongola-Ntalaja. (eds.)(1983). Proletarianization and Class Struggle in Africa. Synthesis Publications, San Francisco; Pp.15-16
111 Shivji, I. G. (1976). Op. Cit., Pp.5-9:Also see Nabudere, D. W. (1982). Op. Cit., P.43
112 Amin, S. (1977). Op. Cit., P.236
113 Shivji, I. G. (1976). Op. Cit., P.34
114 Rweyemamu. J. (1973). Underdevelopment and Industrialization in Tanzania; A Study of Perverse Capitalist Industrial Development. Oxford University Press, London; Pp.3-4:Shivji. I. G (1976). Op. Cit, Pp.35-40
115 Hyden. G (1980). Beyond Ujamaa in Tanzania; Underdevelopment and an Uncaptured Peasantry. Heinemann, London:P.33
116 Shivji.1. G (1976). Op. Cit., P.53
117 See A. Mafeje's chapter titled 'Neo-colonialism, State Capitalism, or Revolution?' in; Gutkind, P. C. W. & Waterman, P. (eds.)(1977). African Social Studies:A Radical Reader. Monthly Review/Heinemann, New York/ London:Also see Wallerstein, I. & de Braganca, A. (eds.)(1982). The African Liberation Reader; Documents of the national liberation movements (Volume 3; The Strategy of Liberation). Zed Press, London; P. iv
118 UNESCO (1985).(The general history of Africa:studies and documents 9) The educational process and historiography in Africa. (Final Report and papers of the symposium organized by Unesco in Dakar {Senegal} from 25 to 29 January 1982:United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization, Paris); Pp.30-31:M. Mamdani reminds the reader of this fact by arguing that "Britain was the first to marshal authoritarian possibilities in indigenous cultures. It was the first to realize that key to an alien power's achieving a hegemonic domination was a cultural project:one of harnessing the moral, historical, and community impetus behind local custom to a larger colonial project. There were three distinctive features about the customary as colonial power came to define it. First, the customary was considered synonymous with the tribal; each tribe was defined as a cultural group with its own customary law. Second, the world of the customary came to be all-encompassing; more so than in any other colonial experience, it came to include a customary access to land. Third, custom was defined and enforced by customary Native Authorities in the local state-backed up by the armed might of the central state." See Mamdani, M. (2004). Op. Cit., P.286
119 Rweyemamu, J. (1973). Op. Cit., Pp.34,36:Nabudere, D. W. (1981). Op. Cit., Pp.82-89
120 Rweyemamu, J. (1973). Op. Cit., Pp.177-178
121 Kimambo, I. N. & Temu, A. J. (eds.)(1969). Op. Cit., P.241:Nabudere, D. W. (1982). Op. Cit., Pp.48-52.77
122 See sub-chapter, The East African Currency Board, in Nabudere, D. W. (1982). Op. Cit., Pp.57-60
123 Mitchell, B. R. (1982). International Historical Statistics Africa and Asia. Macmillan Press LTD.. London: Pp.41,742:Nabudere, D. W. (1982). Op. Cit.,85:Yeager, R. (1989). Tanzania; An African Experiment (Second Edition). Westview Press. Boulder. Colorado. US:P.42
124 Hyden, G. (1980). Op. Cit., P.71:Also see Shivji. I. G. (1976). Op. Cit., Pp.85-90:Rodney, W. (2001). Op. Cit., Pp.163-164
125 Nabudere, D. W. (1982). Op. Cit., Pp.69-71
126 Nyerere, J. K. (1966). Freedom and Unity; A Selection From Writings and Speeches 1952-65. Oxford University Press, Dar es Salaam; Pp.23-52
127 Ibid. P.38
128 El-Namaki, M. S. S. (1979). Problems of Management in a Developing Environment; The Case of Tanzania (State Enterprises between 1967 and 1975). North-Holland Publishing House, Amsterdam; P.51:P. Temu describes J. K. Nyerere's perspective on an 'African Socialism' in the following manner; "...Africans, by tradition, have always been socialists. Their socialism, or Ujamaa, was governed by three fundamental principles:first, people lived together and worked together; second, all the basic goods were held in common-no one could go hungry while others hoarded food, or be denied shelter if others had some to spare; third everyone (even guests) had an obligation to work." Although this analysis was controversially simplistic, one must bear in mind that the political 'objective' was to enable a re-distribution of wealth (in tangible ways), and this purpose necessitated a summary of value-orientations at an institutional level. See Mabele, R. B. et al (eds.)(1979). Papers on the Political Economy of Tanzania. Heinemann Educational Books LTD., Nairobi; P.197:Clark, W. E. (1978). Socialist Development and Public Investment in Tanzania,1964-73. University of Toronto Press, Toronto; Pp.42-43
129 Kimambo. I. N. & Temu. A. J. (eds.)(1969). Op. Cit.. Pp.209-210
130 Nyerere, J. K. (1966). Op. Cit.,59
131 See K. A. Appiah's chapter titled 'Language, Race, and Legacies' in; Morgan, P. D. & Hawkins, S. (eds.)(2004). Black Experience And The Empire. Oxford University Press, Oxford, UK:Pp.387-407:For a less ambiguous perspective, see Prah, K. K. (2006). Op. Cit., Pp.93-119
132 El-Namaki. M. S. S. (1979). Op. Cit., P.55
133 Nabudere, D. W. (1982). Op. Cit., P.105:For a statistical breakdown, see Shivji, I. G. (1976). Op. Cit., Pp.149-162:In contrast. M. F. Lofchie's description concerning the political and economic pragmatism of that era as being "sick", was clearly biased, and based on specific interests. He states that this "sickness" was a manifestation of policies between 1960-1985, which "... resulted in sharply lowered levels of output of export crops, and in a pattern of food-crop production that, while registering modest gains, did not enable the country to avert high levels of grain imports." This assertion was a reflection of a serious need to validate the authority of banking interests and established multi-national corporations, as well as the legal legacy that gave birth to their existence. Thus the notion that 'Tanzanian's GDP' was a quantitative measure of the people's national will and productive capacity became the basic logic behind economic development theory. This perspective was indicative of American policy interests in the region. See Lofchie, M. F. (1989). The Policy Factor; Agricultural Performance in Kenya and Tanzania. Lynne Reinner Publishers, Inc., London; P.108:For a rough overview of these perspectives, see Hart, K. & Hann, C. (eds.)(2011). Economic Anthropology; History, Ethnography, Critique. Polity Press, Cambridge, UK; Pp.105-109
134 Shivji, I. G. (2008). Op. Cit., Pp.244-245
135 El-Namaki, M. S. S. (1979). Op. Cit., P.53:Nabudere, D. W. (1982). Op. Cit, Pp.107-114
136 Interview with K. F. Hirji in Dar es Salaam (3rd July,2012). For a similar perspective, see Rodney, W. (2001). Op. C it., Pp.197-198
137 Mushi, S. S & Mathews, K. (eds.)(1981). Op. Cit., Pp.298-299:Nabudere, D. W. (1982). Op. Cit., Pp.165-169
138 Amin. S. (1977). Op. Cit., P.139:Rodney, W. (2001). Op. Cit., Pp.208-210
139 Nabudere, D. W. (1982). Op. Cit., Pp.110,112
140 Kimambo, I. N. & Temu, A. J. (eds.)(1969). Op. Cit., P.248:Mbughuni, L. A. (1974). The Cultural policy of the United Republic of Tanzania. The UNESCO Press, Paris; P.13:Ogunsanwo, A. (1974). Op. Cit., P.136:Shivji, I. G (2008). Op. Cit., P.81
141 Kimambo,I. N. & Temu, A. J. (eds.)(1969). Op. Cit., Pp.243-246
142 Nabudere, D. W. (1981). Op. Cit, P.101
143 Mabele, R. B. et al (eds.)(1979). Op. Cit, Pp.70-71
144 Ibid. P.71
145 How the idea of 'Contradiction' is expressed in realitv is a determining factor in universalizing Marxist dialectics.
146 Mao Tse-Tung. (1964). Selected Works of Mao Tse-Tung:Volume Ⅰ. Foreign Languages Press, Peking; P.311
147 Ibid. Pp.313-315
148 Ibid. Pp.322-323,325
149 Cohen, P. A. (2003). China Unbound; Evolving Perspectives on the Chinese Past. RoutledgeCurzon, London; Pp.190-191
150 Linsun Cheng (2003). Banking in Modern China; Entrepreneurs, Professional Managers. and the Development of Chinese Banks.1897-1937. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, UK; P.7:Piaohao, (or ticketing stores) were the institutions that initially conducted the business of remittance around the country. Their reliability soon gained respectability, and by 1893, they were officially the distributors of tax payments. Qianzhuang, (or native banks) were not as renowned, yet their scope of operations soon became popular. As Linsun Cheng puts it, "whereas the piaohao grew through their involvement in the government remittance business, qianzhuang. particularly Shanghai's qianzhuang, saw their businesses boom through China's opening to the world." Ibid. Pp.10-15
151 Ibid. P.25
152 Ibid.P.26
153 Yu, G T, (1975). China's African Policy; A study of Tanzania. Praeger Publishers, New York; P.2; Ogunsanwo, A. (1974). Op. Cit., Pp.5-7,10-14
154 Recently, G. Arrighi argued that during the Cold War era, "the crisis of the U.S militaristic regime and the contemporaneous expansion of the Japanese national market and business networks in the region marked the reemergence of a pattern of interstate relations that resembled more closely the indigenous (East Asian) pattern-in which centrality was determined primarily by the relative size and sophistication of the system's national economies-than the transplanted (Western) pattern, in which centrality was determined primarily by the relative strength of the system's military-industrial complexes. While the defeat of the United States in Vietnam laid bare the limits of industrial militarism as a source of power, Japan's growing influence in world politics in the 1980s demonstrated the increasing effectiveness of economic relative to military sources of power." See Ho-fung Hung (ed.)(2009). China and the Transformation of Global Capitalism. The John Hopkins University Press, Baltimore, US:P.34
155 The focus here is imperialism in its exploitative senses.
156 The reality of violent invasion prompted毛泽东and his fellow cadres to understand the balance of power and its influences in the following manner; "In China the main form of struggle is war and the main form of organization is the army. Other forms, like mass organizations and mass struggles, are also extremely important and definitely indispensible and must not be overlooked, but they are all for the sake of war....There are only three armies in the whole world, led respectively by the Communist Parties of the Soviet Union, of China and of Spain, which belong to the proletariat and the toiling masses:hence our army and our military experience are all the more to be treasured." See Mao Tse-Tung. (1964). Mao Tse-Tung Selected Works; Volume Two; 1937-1938. International Publishers Co., New York; P.268:He later adjusted his viewpoint in his now famously quoted speech, in 1956 (a year after the Bandung Conference); "To achieve a lasting world peace, we must further develop our friendship and co-operation with the fraternal countries in the socialist camp and strengthen our solidarity with all peace-loving countries. We must endeavour to establish normal diplomatic relations, on the basis of mutual respect for territorial integrity and sovereignty and of equality and mutual benefit, with all countries willing to live together with us in peace. We must give active support to the national independence and liberation movement in countries in Asia, Africa and Latin America as well as to the peace movement and to just struggles in all the countries of the world." Mao Tse-Tung (1967). Op. Cit., Pp.127,129
157 See Friedman, E. (eds.)(1991). Chinese Village, Socialist State. Yale University Press. New Haven, US; P.112
158 Ogunsanwo, A. (1974). Op. Cit., Pp.15-17:Hutchison, A. (1975). China's African Revolution. Westview Press. Boulder:Pp.17-23
159 Yu, G.T. (1975). Op. Cit., P.5
160 Ogunsanwo, A. (1974). Op. Cit., P.98:This was the same year Nan Han-Chen and a delegation from Beijing announced that "... the financial and economic power of the Asian and African countries must rest in the hands of the Asian and African peoples. This road is the only road that truly leads to the development of the national economy." Quoted from Ogunsanwo, A. (1974). Op. Cit., P.88
161 See A. Cabral's speech titled Culture. Colonization, and National Liberation in; Wallerstein, I. & de Braganca, A. (eds.)(1982). The African Liberation Reader; Documents of the national liberation movements (Volume 1; The Anatomy of Colonialism). Zed Press, London; Pp.157-166:Also see M. Sobukwe's speech titled The State of the Nation in; Wallerstein, I. & de Braganca, A. (eds.)(1982). The African Liberation Reader; Documents of the national liberation movements (Volume 2; The National Liberation Movements). Zed Press, London:P.48
162 Ogunsanwo, A. (1974). Op. Cit., Pp.32,37,56
163 Yu.G.T. (1975). Op. Cit., Pp.20-32
164 Clark. W. E. (1978). Op. Cit., Pp.36-37:In rebuttal to this gross simplification, S. Amin correctly asserts that; "there is no doubt that the forces of nature intervene in the productive process. The question is to know the social conditions that govern the right to use these forces. This right is seldom free...." For those people historically bound to the consequences of violent suppression and eventual domination, power to influence these forces changes accordingly (a feature of colonial legacy). Thus "labor power reduced to a commodity is the second key to the system. This commodity, whose use-value has the property of producing more value than it itself consumes, enables us to discover the source of the surplus (the surplus labour of the proletariat), to understand its specific form (surplus value), to define productive labor (productive of surplus value), to uncover its appearance (that of the productivity of capital), and to grasp the nature of the ideology of the capitalist mode (economism) and its relations with the base (the latter's dominance). Hence capital appears primarily as a relation between social classes:it exists only because one class controls the means of production while the other class sells its labor power. Capital is therefore an overall social relation involving the whole society." Amin. S. (1977). Op. Cit., Pp.42.44
165 Clark, W. E. (1978). Op. Cit., Pp.38-41:For a critique of this perspective, see Rodney, W. (2001). Op. Ci Pp.216-223:Mamdani, M. (2004). Op. Cit.,Pp.207-217:
166 Mushi, S. S & Mathews, K. (eds.)(1981). P.135
167 Nabudere, D. W. (1982). Op. Cit., Pp.134-141
168 Quoted from; Clark, W. E. (1978). Op. Cit., P.41
169 Linsun Cheng (2003). Op. Cit., Pp.88-89
170 Chang, P. H. (1975). Power and Policy in China. Pennsylvania State University Press, London; Pp.122-127
171 Okwdiba, N. (1978); Pp.75,80-81:Mushi, S. S & Mathews, K. (eds.)(1981).bp. Cit., P.34:Yu, G. T. (1975). Op. Cit., Pp.22-25
172 Interview with I. G. Shivji,28 June,2012.
173 Hirji, K. F. (ed.)(2010). Cheche; Reminiscences of a Radical Magazine. Mkuki na Nyota, Dar es Salaam;P.81
174 Mwalimu Nyerere Professional Chair in Pan-African Studies;The Arusha Declaration-Socialism and Self-Reliance (reprinted,2010). (The 2nd Julius Nyerere Intellectual Festival Week April 12-15,2010, University of Dar es Salaam); Pp.4-5
175 Wallerstein, I. & de Braganca, A. (eds.)(1982). (Volume 3; The Strategy of Liberation);Op. Cit., Pp.72-175
176 Ogunsanwo, A. (1974). Op. Cit., P.120
177 Yu, G. T. (1975). Op. Cit., P.57
178 Mitchell, B. R. (1982). Op. Cit., P.41,43
179 Mabele, R. B. et al (eds.)(1979). Op. Cit., P.170
180 Okwudiba,N.(1978);P171
181 Clark, W. E. (1978). Op. Cit., P.56:Once again, this point was well understood by S. Amin. He states that; "Expansionism, both premonopolist and monopolist, appears as the immediate expression of the search for markets, either for commodities or for capital. Our argument is that the capitalist mode does not 'need' external markets, either for its products or for capital. Dynamic equilibrium is in fact always 'possible,'and there is no problem of its 'accomplishment' as soon as one understands the active role of money and credit in accumulation. The active search for these markets is therefore a product of class struggle, and it is in this way that the 'internal' national conditions of accumulation are interrelated with the conditions of the world system of premonopolist and then imperialist capitalist formations. Capital knows only one 'law':the search for a maximum rate of surplus value, disguised by its immediate form-the pursuit of a maximum rate of profit. In this search, it confronts only one obstacle:the resistance of the producers of this surplus value-proletarians and immediate producers formally subordinated to the exploitation of capital." Amin, S. (1977). Op. Cit., Pp.104-105
182 As a result, decision-making on policy required that "...central leadership regularly involved the provincial leaders in the decision-making process at the highest level. This widened political participation took place within the institutional frame-work of the central work conference, which was convened at regular intervals from 1960 to 1966 and which was connected with decisions on important policy issues." Chang, P. H. (1975). Op. Cit., P.146
183 Ogunsanwo, A. (1974). Op. Cit.. Pp.282-283:Yu, G. T. (1975). Op. Cit., P.66
184 Okwudiba, N. (1978); P.40:Also see J. K. Nyerere's address to the TANU National Conference, on 16 October 1967. referenced from; Mushi, S. S & Mathews, K. (eds.)(1981). Op. Cit., Pp.234-235
185 Ibid. P.42-49,59
186 Both K. F. Hirji and I. G Shivji corroborated this fact in their interviews.
187 Ogunsanwo, A. (1974). Op. Cit., Pp.136-141
150 Mabele, R. B. et al (eds.)(1979). Op. Cit, P.288:Yu, G. T. (1975). Op. Cit., Pp.110-114
189 “我省援助坦桑尼亚医疗队积极开展针灸疗法”(trans. 'Medical team actively carries out assistance in Tanzania'),“难忘的友情-中国医疗队在坦桑尼亚”(trans. 'Memorable Friendship; China's Medical Team in Tanzania'). China Academic Journal Electronic Publishing House (1994-2010).
190 Mabele, R. B. et al(eds.)(1979). Op. Cit., P.11
191 Ibid. Pp.12-13
192 A memorandum by J. K. Nyerere. June 1966. Quoted from; Mushi, S. S & Mathews, K. (eds.)(1981). Op. Cit., P.220
193 Chang. P. H. (1975). Op. Cit., P.177
194 Mao Tse-Tung (1967). Op. Cit., P.253
195 Mwalimu Nyerere Professional Chair in Pan-African Studies; The Arusha Declaration-Socialism and Self-Reliance (reprinted,2010);Op. Cit., Pp.22-23
196 Ibid. P.4
7 Quoted from; Mushi, S. S & Mathews, K. (eds.)(1981). Op. Cit., P.226
8 Clark. W. E. (1978). Op. Cit., P.178:Shivji,I. G. (1976). Op. Cit., P.78
199 Ogunsanwo, A. (1974). Op. Cit., Pp.149-153:Yu, G. T. (1970). China and Tanzania; A study in Cooperative Interaction. (Center for Chinese Studies-China Research Monograph:University of California, Berkeley); Pp.47-52:Hutchison, A. (1975). Op. Cit., Pp.92-100
200 Yu, G. T. (1975). Op. Cit., P.111
201 See letter from the Nanyang Development & Finance Corporation in February 1948, to the Tanga Oversees Agency which was based in Dar es Salaam. (Shanghai Municipal Archives; Shanghai)
202 Mabele, R. B. et al (eds.)(1979). Op. Cit., P.225:El-Namaki, M. S. S. (1979). Op. Cit., P.170-171
203 Yu, G. T. (1970). Op. Cit., P.45:Nabudere, D. W. (1982). Op. Cit, Pp.74-78
204 For an example of the protocol regarding preparations for the building and operation of the CFTM, see the statement from the Office of aid to foreign countries in the Shanghai Textile Industry Bureau (25 April 1967): (Shanghai Municipal Archives; Shanghai).
205 It was completed and came into operation on 6 July 1968:See, Ogunsanwo, A. (1974). Op. Cit., Pp.197-199: Yu, G. T. (1970). Op. Cit., P.55:Yu, G. T. (1975). Op. Cit.. P.80
206 Yu, G. T. (1975). Op. Cit., P.81: 'Urafiki' in KiSwahili means-Friendship".
207 Mabele, R. B. et al(eds.)(1979). Op. Cit., P.274
208 Okwudiba, N. (1978):P.174
209 Clark. W. E. (1978). Op. Cit., Pp.140-142:Yu, G. T. (1975). Op. Cit., P.81:I. G. Shivji notes that the labour-intensive nature of the CTFM was beneficial, in comparison to the Mwanza Textile Mill, in terms its loan agreement with China. The specificity of technology (and techniques required) was thus important, given the social-economic climate, because technology that required more human-power, empowered more people. See Shivji, I. G. (1976). Op. Cit., Pp.176-177
210 Amin. S. (1977). Op. Cit., P.70
211 The government had invested in two other textile mills, Tasini and Kiltex. For a breakdown of government investments in 1970, see; Clark, W. E. (1978). Op. Cit., P.160:Szirmai, A. & Laperre, P. (eds.)(2001). The Industrial Experience of Tanzania. Palgrave, New York; P.142
212 Shivji, I. G. (1976). Op. Cit., P.159
213 Okwudiba, N. (1978):P.169
214 Hyden, G. (1980). Op. Cit., Pp.171-172
215 Clark, W. E. (1978). Op. Cit., Pp.130-131
216 Nabudere, D. W. (1982). Op. Cit., Pp.147-148
217 Yu, G. T. (1975). Op. Cit., P.79
218 Helleiner, G. K. (1972). Socialism and Economic Development in Tanzania. (Journal of Development Studies; Vol.8, Issue 2, P.183; 22 pages); P.185:Clark, W. E. (1978). Op. Cit., Pp.198-200
219 The exact date of its closure could not be obtained, although data is available. It was speculated that it shut down in the mid 1970s. Informal interview with X, Dar es Salaam, July 2012.
220 Nabudere, D. W. (1982). Op. Cit., P.148
221 Mabele, R. B. et al (eds.)(1979). Op. Cit., P.87
222 Ogunsanwo, A. (1974). Op. Cit., Pp.206-207:Yu. G T. (1975). Op. Cit., P.129
223 Ogunsanwo, A. (1974). Op. Cit., P.207,242 (100/169 million British pounds):Yu. G. T. (1975). Op. Cit., P.132 (400 million US dollars)
224 Yu, G. T. (1975). Op. Cit., P.135:Clark, W. E. (1978). Op. Cit., P.57:Shivji,I. G (1976). Op. Cit, P.160
225 Xipeng Shen. (2009). China Aid to Tan-Zam Railway:Its Considerations, Building Progress and Impacts. (East China Normal University:Department of History, PhD Dissertation):P.l:Yu. G. T. (1975). Op. Cit., P.142
226 Xipeng Shen. (2009). Op. Cit.:Also see Monson, J. (2009). Africa's Freedom Railway; how a Chinese Development Project Changed Lives and livelihoods in Tanzania. Indiana University Press, Indiana, US
227 Shivji, I. G. (2010). Accumulation in an African Periphery. Mkuki na Nyota Publishers, Dar es Salaam; Pp.34-38,59-67:Rodney, W. (2001). Op. Cit., Pp.284-285
228 Mwansasu, B. U. (1971). Commentary on Mwongozo wa TANU 1971. (Mimeograph:African Review); Pp.17-19
229 Shivji, I. G. (1976). Op. Cit., Pp.75-77:Clark, W. E. (1978). Op. Cit., Pp.76-80
230 Shivji, I. G (1976). Op. Cit., Pp.106-107:Hyden, G (1980). Op. Cit., Pp.119-120:I. G. Shivji also noted that the commonly cited challenges experienced by the Ujamaa initiatives were that they lacked in analyses regarding differentiation among the peasantry in a given area:as well as the fact the Ujamaa policies were implemented in a bureaucratic fashion (as opposed to democratic), and technocratic fashion (as opposed to political); Shivji, I. G. (1976). Op. Cit., P.108; G Hyden recognized that the 'petty-bourgeoisie' or bureaucratic class of society were at political and productive odds with farmers and labourers or peasants, in terms of perceived dependencies. Hyden, G. (1980). Op. Cit., Pp.123-124:What perhaps was not fully appreciated was the fact that the Ujamaa Vijijini initiative had indeed aroused massive public sentiment, enough to provide stimulus for action by the 'uncaptured' peasantry. But they too were also struggling to meet the demands of capitalism. This more often than not perpetuated the hegemonic relationship between state-bureaucracy and the 'uncaptured' peasantry, perpetuating dependency.
231 Mabele, R. B. et al (eds.)(1979). Op. Cit., Pp.213-214:These sources of credit were well documented to have been provided by foreign aid sources, under excessive debt-repayment schemes.
232 Silver. M. S. (1980). Ownership Indices of Industrial Production for Tanzania:1965-1972. (Studies in Comparative International Development:Vol.15, Issue 1, P.61; 22 pages); P.64
233 G. Hyden captured this notion well. Apparently "... Mwongozo gave the workers an opportunity to free themselves from the shackles of modern production. The struggle between management and workers in Tanzania after 1971 centred more on the contradiction between capitalism and pre-capitalist structures than it did on the conflict between capitalism and socialism." Hyden, G (1980). Op. Cit, P.165
234 Ross, T. (1976). China and the World:Self-Reliance or Interdependence? (Mimeograph); P.297:We are to assume these are currency exchange rate estimates from the period in discussion.
235 Shao-Chuan Leng. (1976). China and the International System. (World Affairs; Vol.138, Issue 4. P.267; 21 pages); P.269
236 Mushi. S. S & Mathews, K. (eds.)(1981). Op. Cit., P.60
237 Shao-Chuan Leng. (1976). Op. Cit., P.271
238 Lieberthal, K. (1978). Modernization and Succession Politics in China. (Journal of International Affairs;Vol. 32, Issue 2, P.239;16 pages); Pp.242:Chu-yuan Cheng. (1978). Leadership Changes and Economic Policies in China. (Journal of International Affairs; Vol.32, Issue 2, P.255; 19 pages); Pp.261,263-264,268
239 Lieberthal, K. (1978). Op. Cit., Pp.243-245:Chu-yuan Cheng. (1978). Op. Cit., P.265:Also see Ying-Mao Kau, M. & Marsh, S. H. (eds.)(1993). China in the era of Deng Xiaoping; A Decade of Reform. M.E. Sharpe, Armonk, New York
240 Mei-Ling Hsu. (1985). Growth and Control of Population in China:The Urban-Rural Contrast. (Annals of the Association of American Geographers; Vol.75, Issue 2, Pp.242-257; 17 pages); Pp.243-245,253
241 Putterman, L. (1985). Extrinsic versus Intrinsic Problems of Agricultural Cooperation:Anti-incentivism in Tanzania and China. (Journal of Development Studies; Vol.21, Issue 2, P.175; 30 pages); P.194
242 Amin, S. (1977). Op. Cit., P.119:Mushi, S. S & Mathews, K. (eds.)(1981). Op. Cit., Pp.68-71
243 Mamdani, M. (2004). Op. Cit., P.177:Hyden, G (1980). Op. Cit., P.164
244 Mamdani, M. (2004). Op. Cit Pp.178-179
245 Perkins, F. C. (1983). Technology Choice. Industrialisation and Development Experiences in Tanzania. (Journal of Development Studies:Vol.19, Issue 2, P.213; 31 pages); P.218
246 Mkandawire, T. & Soludo, C.C. (eds.). (1998). Our Continent, Our Future; African Perspectives on Structural Adjustment. Council For The Development Of Social Science Research in Africa, Dakar; P.32
247 Ake, C. (1987). Notes for a Political Economy of Unemployment in Africa. (African Journal of Political Economy; Vol.1, No.2; P.99); Pp.99-100
248 Nyerere, J. K. (2011). Op. Cit., P.106
249 G Hyden described this impact as "...the largest resettlement effort in the history of Africa." See, Hyden, G. (1980). Op. Cit., P.130
250 See Maro.P. S. & Mlav, W. F. (eds.)(1979). Decentralization and the Organization of Space in Tanzania. (Edinburgh University Press:Volume 49, Issue 3. P.291:11 pages)
251 Szirmai, A. & Laperre, P. (eds.)(2001). Op. Cit., P.361
252 Shivji, I. G (2008). Op. Cit., Pp.108-110
253 Hyden, G. (1980). Op. Cit., P.151
254 Perkins, F. C. (1983). Op. Cit., P.236
255 Mushi, S. S & Mathews, K. (eds.)(1981). Op. Cit., Pp.301-312:Havnevik, K. & Isinika, A. C. (eds.)(2010). From Nyerere to Mkapa; Tanzania in Transition. Mkuki naNyota Publishers Ltd., Dar es Salaam; P.76
256 Shivji, I. G. (2010). Op. Cit., P.59
257 Ibid. Pp.59-60:Also see, Ho-fung Hung (ed.) (2009). Op. Cit., Pp.34-35
258 See Okita, S. (1979). Japan, China and the United States:Economic Relations and Prospects. (Foreign Affairs; Vol.57, Issue 5, P.1090; 21 pages); P.1107:Millar, T. B. (1979). The Triumph of Pragmatism:China's Links with the West. (International Affairs; Vol.5, Issue 2, P.195; 11 pages); Pp.195,197,204
259 Ho-fung Hung (ed.) (2009). Op. Cit., Pp.38-39
260 For a slightly critical take on this 'lack of acceptance', see Xi Cheng-fan. (1985). Managing China's Natural Resources. (Environment:Vol.27, Issue 11, P.14:7 pages):Bong-ho Mok. (1983).In the Service of Socialism: Social Welfare in China. (Social Work{National Association of Social Workers Inc.}; Vol.28, Issue 4, P.269,4 pages)
261 Johnson, C. (1978). The New Thrust in China's Foreign Policy. (Foreign Affairs; Vol.57. Issue 1, P.125:13 pages);Pp.128-129
262 See http://unctadstat.unctad.org/ReportFolders/reportFolders.aspx?sCS refercr=&sCS Chosenlane=en
263 S. Okihara documented that the estimated figure of investments (in USA Dollars) into a ten year plan agreed upon in 1978, stood at 600 million (an estimate based on currency exchange rates at the time). This was a sizeable chunk of its national budget dedicated to domestic 'modernization' efforts. See Okita, S. (1979). Op. Cit., P.1103
264 See http://unctadstat.unctad.org/ReportFolders/reportFolders.aspx?sCS_referer=&sCS Chosenlang=en:The GDP data in USA Dollars have been calculated at current exchange rates:Also see Hyden, G.(1980). Op. Cit., Pp.145-151
265 Amin, S. (1977). Op. Cit., Pp.66-67
266 Mushi, S. S & Mathews, K. (eds.)(1981). Op. Cit., Pp.177-184
257 Hirji, K. F. (ed.)(2010). Op. Cit., Op. Cit., P.143
258 Habermas. J. (trans, by A. Buchwalter)(1987). Observations on "The Spiritual Situation of the Age"; Contemporary German Perspectives. The MIT Press, Cambridge, Massachusetts. USA;P.12
269 Nabudere, D. W. (1982). Op. Cit., Pp.162-165
270 Nyerere, J. K. (2011). Freedom, Non-Alignment and South South Cooperation:A Selection from Speeches 1974-1999. Oxford University Press, Dar es Salaam; P.113
271 Ibid. P.148. Apparently, Mwalimu Nyerere was sometimes branded a 'communist' because of Tanzania's good relations with China, despite these financial realities.
272 Fatton Jr., B. (1985).The Political Ideology of Julius Nyerere; The Structural Limitations of African Socialism. (Studies in Comparative International Development; Vol.20, Issue 2, P.3; 22 pages); P.14,16-17
273 For example, by way of the Strasbourg Plan in 1952, and later the enforcement of protocols from the Lome Convention in 1975, capitalist expansion was completing an essential phase of its re-establishment as a 'world financial system'. For an overview of the Lome Convention protocols see W. Lyakurwa's chapter titled Tanzania and the European Economic Community:An analysis of the Lome Conventions in; Mushi, S.S & Mathews, K. (eds.)(1981). Op. Cit., Pp.186-201
274 Fatton Jr., B. (1985). Op. Cit., P.22:K. F. Hirji observed this type of thinking to be a product of 'lukewarm socialists'; see, Hirji, K. F. (ed.)(2010). Op. Cit., P.149
275 Amin, S. (1977). Op. Cit., Pp.170-171
276 Lao Tzu., (trans. By Arthur Waley). (1997). Tao Te Ching. Wordsworth Editions LTD., Ware, UK; P.8:For a cross-reference, see老子 (Laozi) (trans. by A. Waley, trans. in modern Chinese by Chen Guying, revised and annotated by Fu Huisheng). (1999). Laozi. Hunan People's Publishing House, Changsha; Pp.16-17
277 UNESCO (1985). Op. Cit., Pp.73-77
278 Wang Hui & Karl, R. E. (1998). Social Text; Intellectual Politics in Post-Tiananmen China. (No.55, Pp.9-44: Duke University Press). http://www.istor.org/stable/466684;Pp.9-10
279 A preset questionnaire was used in all interviews. These set of interviews were transcribed by the author, Liu Qian and Chen Jinlong.
280 Speech by J. K. Nyerere at the Dag Hammarskjold Seminar, Dar es Salaam, in May 1974. titled Education and Liberation, in;Lima, E. et al. (eds.)(2004). Nyerere on Education/Nyerere kuhusu Elimu; Selected Essays and Speeches 1954-1998.HakiElimu, E&D Limited. The Mwalimu Nyerere Foundation. Dar es Salaam;P.125 * The question of "civility" and "civilization" is, and always has been, a bone of contention amongst many. H. O. Oruka began tackling the credibility of this debate by returning the question of civility to its philosophic foundations. See his sub-chapter titled Philosophy and Class ideology in; Oruka. H. O. (1990). Sage Philosophy: indigenous thinkers and modern debate on African philosophy. Masaki Publishers. Nairobi:Pp.ⅹⅹⅳ-ⅹⅹⅴ
281 Ake, C. (1987). Op. Cit, Pp.98-99
282 See article titled China rediscovers free enterprise; (The Times Business News; 29 March 1981); P.16:For recent, Western perspectives on this development in China (in the decade between 1980 and 1990), see Goldman, M. & MacFarquhar, R. (eds.)(1999). The Paradox of China's Post-Mao Reforms. Harvard University Press, Cambridge, Massachusetts, US; Pp.295-307:T. D. Lutze went as far as to suggest that "... the social formation of post-Mao China might more accurately be described as 'capitalism with socialist characteristics', or., 'post-socialist capitalism'. Post-socialist capitalism is a social formation wherein the capitalist mode of production has become predominant in a society that had previously undergone a socialist revolution. Remnants of structures (such as Communist Party Leadership, centralized institutions, state control over the media, state or collective ownership of certain means of production-of all which had been established earlier with the intent of advancing socialism) continue to play a role in society, but these remnants have become subordinate to the rationalities of profit maximization imposed by capitalist production and market relations." Lynch, C., Marks, R. B., Pickowicz, P. G. (eds.)(2011). Radicalism, Revolution, and Reform in Modern China; Essays in Honor of Maurice Meisner. Lexington Books, Lanham, Maryland, US; P.134
283 Yu-ming Shaw. (1988). Changes and Continuities in Chinese Communism; Volume Ⅱ-The Economy, Society, and Technology. Westview Press, Boulder, Colorado, US; Pp.12-15
284 World Bank.(1981).Tanzania-Economic memorandum;P.8:See http://documents.worlbank.org/curated/en/1981/01/828200/tanzania-economic-memorandum.Also see庄仁兴 (trans.Zhuang Ren Xing)(1981).坦桑尼亚的农业.(China Academic Journal Electromic Publishing House).
285 Ibid.Pp.13-14:However.certain Western observers were a little more lucid in their perspectives on the apparent dependencies that plagued the Tanzanian economy.See Saul,J.S.(1979).The State and Revolution in Eastern Africa.Heinemann.Nairobi:P.400:Pratt,C.(1980).The Development Debate-A Comment.(African Affairs;Vol.79,Issue 316;P.342):P.346
286 Yu-ming Shaw.(1988).Op.Cit.,Pp.197-201
287 Jia Hao, Lin Zhimin. (eds.)(1994). Changing Central-Local Relations in China; Reform and State Capacity. Westview Press, Boulder, Colorado, US; Pp.19-20:Ying-Mao Kau, M. & Marsh, S.H. (eds.)(1993). Op. Cit., Pp.38-41,105
288 Ying-Mao Kau, M. & Marsh, S. H. (eds.)(1993). Op. Cit., P.106:For a recent overview, see Wei Zhang (ed.)(2011). Economic Reform in Modern China. Routledge, Abingdon, UK; Pp.96-99:In terms of output rankings in the agricultural sector, matched against other global competitors, see Jianrong Huang. (2004). The dynamics of China's Rejuvenation. Pal grave Macmillan, New York; P.15
China's foreign loans debt totals $3,400-Future borrowing to be channeled into financing new technology: (The Times Business News; 1 September 1980); P.23:Ironically, credit cards were issued out for the first time in China the following year. See article titled China banks launch credit cards:(The Times Business News:21 January 1981); P.17:China had also been granted a 540 million USA Dollar' stabilizing loan from the International Monetary Fund (IMF), for the first time. See article titled $540m IMF 'stabilizing' loan for China. (The Times Business News:3 March 1981):P.15
290 Yu-ming Shaw. (1988). Op. Cit., Pp.94-95:Also see Pnbyla, J. S. (1984). China:Economic Development and Political Power. (SAIS Review:{n.s}; 4:1:P.45); Pp.46,53
291 Cheng,J. S. Y. (1985). China's Foreign Policy in the 1980s:From Anti-Hegemony to Modernization Diplomacy. (China Affairs; Vol.21, Issue 3, P.197); P.199
292 Jinghao Zhou. (2003). Remaking China's Public Philosophy for the Twenty-first Century. Praeger Publishers, Westport, Connecticut, US; P.84:Also see Chu Yuan Cheng. (1983). China's Industrialization and Economic Development. (Current History; 82:485:P.264)
293 Economic Commission for Africa. (1991). Foreign Trade Statistics for Africa; Direction of Trade. (Series A: No.33:New York). P.148
294 See http://unctadstat.unctad.org/ReportFolders/reportFolders.aspx?sCS referer=&sCS Chosenlang=en
295 Lee, P. N. S. (1987). Industrial Management and Economic Reform in China,1949-1984. Oxford University Press, Hong Kong; P.136:In another example of this perspective from the period, D. Wen-wei Chang stated that "... the ignorance of the consumer leadership on incentives for production efficiency, its blindness toward a sophisticated use of the theory of price, theory of taxation, a socialist commodity economy, flexible currency management, etc., were fundamental causes of China's failure in economic constructions between 1949 and 1979. Incentives and commodity theory have been largely responsible for the growth in wealth and prosperity in the West... A new soul-searching examination over the past economic productive strategy has helped to usher in new strategic priorities in various areas, including new proportional control between agricultural productivity and need for rural prosperity." See Chang, D. Wen-Wei (1988). China Under Deng Xiaoping:Political and Economic-Reforms. Macmillan Press, London:P.81
296 Due. J. M. (1980). Allocation of Credit to Ujamaa Ullages in Tanzania and Small Farms in Zambia. (African Studies Review; Vol.23. No.3:P.33); Pp.33,41-42:Also see Croll. E. J. (1981). Women in Rural Production and Reproduction in the Soviet Union. China, Cuba, and Tanzania:Socialist Development Experiences. (Signs; 7:2: P.361);P.363
297 Yeager, R. (1989). Op. Cit., P.53:Also see Associated Press (AP). Nyerere Says Tanzania is Facing a Major Famine. (New York Times. Late Edition. New York.16 March 1981):P.9
298 Apparently, "... the process of economic liberalization, which was ultimately carried out from above by the power of the international finance institutions (IFIs), had started well before Tanzania was compelled to sign an agreement with the IMF in 1986... (The) Structural Adjustment Program (SAP),... apparently intended to partially meet the demands of the IMF by dealing with the economy's structural problems. In the agricultural sector, SAP aimed at higher producer prices, improved input availability, and more efficient marketing (italicised input mine)." Havnevik, K. & Isinika. A. C. (eds.)(2010). Op. Cit., Pp.105-106:Yeager, R. (1989). Op. Cit., P.109
299 Cowell, A. Far From Tanzania, Nyerere Looks His Best. (New York Times; Late Edition, New York; 14 March 1981); P.6
300 See Associated Press (AP). Tanzanian Pleads to 6 Countries For Help to Purchase Medicines. (New York Times, Late Edition, New York,02 Oct 1980); P.9:Foreign Aid:Debating the Uses and Abuses. (New York Times, Late Edition, New York,1 March 1981):P.5
301 Amin, S. (1982). After the New International Economic Order; The Future of International Economic Relations. (Journal of Contemporary Asia; 12:4; P.432); P.432
302 Amin, S. (eds.)(1982). Dynamics of Global Crisis. The Macmillan Press LTD., London; P.77
303 Frank, A. G (1981). The World Crisis:Theory and Ideology. (Alternatives; 6:4; P.497):P.498:Also see Amin. S.& Hartman, L. (1993). The Future of Global Polarization. (African Quarterly; Vol.40, Issue 4:P.42)
304 Rotberg, R. I. (2008). China into Africa:Trade, Aid and Influence. Brookings Institution Press, Baltimore, US; Pp.27,28
305 Ghosh, P. K. (ed.)(1984). Foreign Aid and Third World Development. Greenwood Press, London; P.9
306 Jomo, K. S (ed.)(2005). The Great Divergence; Hegemony Uneven Development, and Global Inequality. Oxford University Press, New Delhi; Pp.233-240
307 Wong. C. (1985). Op. Cit., P.265
8 Garvey, M. (1923). The Negro's Greatest Enemy. (Current History; 18:6;P.951); P.957
309 Sun Yat-Sen. (1941). China and Japan; Natural Friends-Unnatural Enemies (A Guide for China's Foreign Policy). China United Press, Shanghai; Pp.141,145-146
310 Cohen, P. A. (2003). Op. Cit.
311 Prah, K. K. (2008). Op. Cit.
312 The patriarchy of science dictates that both M. Garvey (later W.E.B Du Bois) and Sun Yat-Sen were leaders sensitized to existing inequalities in the human family, (hence being iconic advocates of "Pan-humanity" in its varying degrees), and were a cultural testament of a discourse on'emancipation'. Both were engaged in a political environment that necessitated the use of certain linguistic expressions, within the forcefully-established, languages of dominance. Racism and its constructed language served both the oppressed and oppressor; more often than not. in favor of the oppressor. Seen in this light, their historical reflection was an overt and logical expression and extension of the discourse on anti-hegemony/anti-imperialism; to gain healthier control of their psychological and physical environment. Yet one must cautiously approach a critical analysis on whether their life-lessons (expressed in their literature) were understood primarily for the misuse of 'terminology', or for the poignancy of perspective on the developing political hierarchy/hegemony of their era. Furthermore, and most importantly, the simple fact that they were men re-enforced the logic of gender prejudice and perceived roles/associated capacities. Contemporary wisdom indicates that the atrocious legacy of ignorance concerning 'sexuality', and continued mystification of terminology such as 'traditional' and 'modern', stalls an inevitable understanding and acceptance of our commonality (in terms of human physiology), and subsequent progress. It is also clearly apparent that these linguistic digressions often find refugee in racist language and ideology, and often seek to subdue, subvert, and subsume self-healing institutions of education, political economy, and spiritual enlightenment. This is probably the greatest impediment to progress and emancipation (along side an increasing need to unilaterally expand cultural 'control'over human society at large).
313 Fung, E. S. K. (2010). The Intellectual Foundations of Chinese Modernity. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, UK:Also see Contemporary Chinese Thought and the Question of Modernity, Wang Hui and Rebecca E. Karl (1998). Op. Cit.
314 Gungwu, W. & Yongnian, Z. (eds.). (2008). China and the New International Order. Routledge, New York, US
315 Chih-yu Shih. (2000). Op. Cit.; Pp.310-311
316 Said, E. W. (1978). Orientalism. Penguin Books, New York.
317 In a recent State visit by the current President of China, Xi Jingping, acknowledged the importance of ties in the past century. He acknowledged the impact of custodianship granted by Tanzanian authorities during the liberation struggles in Africa. Furthermore, his emphasis on knowledge transfer and cultural exchange being enhanced was re-affirmation of constructive historical sentiment and perspective, on China-Tanzania relations. See http://www.tanzaniaembassy.org.cn/news/item/164-video-president-xi-iinping-gives-speech-on-china-africa-coope ration.html:(last visited on 08/04/2013)
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4 Ibid. P.280
5 Rweyemamu, J. (1973). Underdevelopment and Industrialization in Tanzania;A Study of Perverse Capitalist Industrial Development. Oxford University Press, London; (Back-page).
6 Ibid. P. ⅹⅱ
10 Nyerere, J.K. (1974). Man And Development. Oxford University Press, London; P.4
14 Ogunsanwo, A. (1974). China's Policy in Africa 1958-1971. Cambridge University Press, London; P. ⅸ
15 Ibid. P.251
16 Yu, G.T. (1975). China's African Policy; A study of Tanzania. Praeger Publishers. New York;P. x
17 Ibid. P.37
18 Ibid. P.64
19 Ibid. P.159
20 Shivji, I. G. (1976). Class Struggles in Tanzania. Heinemann, London; P.14
21 Ibid. P.19
22 Ibid. P.27
23 Ibid. P.147
24 Hyden, G. (1980). Beyond Ujamaa in Tanzania; Underdevelopment and an Uncaptured Peasantry. Heinemann. London;P.3
25 Ibid. P.3
29 Mushi, S.S & Mathews. K. (eds.)(1981). Foreign Policy of Tanzania 1961-1981. Tanzania Publishing House. Dar es Salaam;P. ⅸ
30 Ibid. P. ⅹ-ⅹⅷ
31 Chih-yu Shih. (2000). Reform, Identity and Chinese Foreign Policy. Vanguard Institute for Policy Studies, Taipei-Taiwan, China. P.102
32 Ibid.112
33 Ibid. P.193-324
34 Fanon, F. (2001). The Wretched of the Earth (trans. by Constance Farrington). Penguin Classics, London; Pn.77-78
35 For a contemporary annunciation of this reasoning, see T. Serequeberhan's chapter entitled Theory and the Actuality of Existence:Fanon and Cabral in Wiredu, K. (eds.)(2007). A Companion to African Philosophy. Blackwell Publishing LTD, Oxford, UK; Pp.225-230:Chih-yu Shih (2000). Reform, Identity and Chinese Foreign Policy. Vanguard Institute for Policy Studies, Taipei; Pp.59-68
36 Shivji. I. G. (1976). Class Struggles in Tanzania. Heincmann, London; P.28; Also see Xin Liu. (2009). The Mirage of China; Anti-humanism, narcissism, and corporeality of the contemporary world. Berghahn Books. New York; P.132:Oruka, H. O. (1997). Practical philosophy:in search of an ethical minimum. East African Educational Publishers. Nairobi; Pp.3-4
37 Blaut. J. M. (1992).1492:The Debate on Colonialism, Eurocentrism, and History. Africa World Press Inc., Trenton, NJ;Pp.ⅷ-ⅸ
38 Temu, A. & Swai, B. (1981). Historians and Africanist History:A Critique. Zed Press, London; P.5
39 By 'classical',I mean the particular heritage of historical science through the Western Eye (within the philosophical limits of the Gregorian Calendar, and the corresponding development theories), and its intellectual impact on realities today. Also, the 'Western Eye' is both a historiographic analogy and phenomenological reality. I argue that its intellectual awakening for most is quasi-biblical/philosophical in recent time. But for a growing number, the 'truer' science lies in the ability to study the 'natural' environment and its related physics/chemistry, as well as how this science controls its environment enough to self-observe, self-analyse, self-evaluate, self-appraise, and self-determine progress. For a more detailed erudition, see K. K. Prah's sub-chapter entitled Dialectics of Identity in:Prah, K. K. (2008). Anthropological Prisms; Studies on African Realities. Center for Advanced Studies in African Society (CASAS Book Series No.59), Cape Town; Pp.68-71,78-81:Mushi, S. S & Mathews, K. (eds.)(1981). Foreign Policy of Tanzania 1961-1981. Tanzania Publishing House, Dar es Salaam; Pp.x-xviii:Also see; Mafeje, A. (1998). Kingdoms of the Great Lakes Region:Ethnography of African Social Formations. Fountain Publishers, Kampala, Uganda; Pp.1-4
40 Interview with艾周昌(Ai Zhuo Chang) in Shanghai (28th March,2012). Also see沐涛et al (Mu Tao et al)(1995). History of China-Africa Relations (trans.). East China Normal University Press, Shanghai; Pp.214-216: Okwudiba, N. (1978). Self Reliance and Foreign Policy in Tanzania. NOK Publishers, New York; Pp.59-74:Li Baoping. (2007). Sino-Tanzanian Relations and Political Development (Monograph; Center for Advanced Studies in African Society Book Series No.45); Pp.126-140
41 See Volman, D. (2009). China, India, Russia and the United States; The Scramble for African Oil and the Militarization of the Continent. (Current African Issues:43) Nordiska Afrikainstitutet, Uppsala:Cheru, F. et al (eds.)(2010). The Rise of China & India in Africa. Zed Books and Nordic Africa Institute, Uppsala/New York: Pp.145-154.181-192
41 The use of the word 'imperial' has psychological and philosophical meanings throughout the paper. It cannot be outlined in this study because brevity and the idea being an already well studied reality. However, in general terms and for the context of this paper, it is to mean a growing human tragedy regarding the notion of dominance.
43 Ogunsanwo, A. (1974). China's Policy in Africa 1958-1971. Cambridge University Press. London. P.1
44 By formal, I refer to the policy orientation after the Bandung Conference in 1955.
45 See Zhongqi Pan's chapter entitled China's Changing Image of Engagement in World Order, in; Sujian Guo, (eds.). (2008). "Harmonious World" and China's New Foreign Policy. Lexington Books, Lanham; P.40
46 Ibid. P.40
47 W. Rodney was a Guyanese scholar, activist and revolutionary based in Tanzania between 1968 and 1974.
48 Rodney, W. (introduction by R. Hill and foreword by H. Dudson). (1990). Walter Rodney Speaks:The Making of an African Intellectual. Africa World Press, Trenton, New Jersey; Pp.14-15
49 Iliffe, J. (1969). Tanganyika Under German Rule-1905-1912. Cambridge University Press, New York; P.1
50 For a critical analysis of these socio-economic/political influences, and how it informed knowledge production about Africa, see; Rodney, W. (2001). How Europe Underdeveloped Africa (Introduction by Vincent Harding). East African Educational Publishers, Nairobi:Prah, K. K. (2006). The African Nation; The State of the Nation. Center for Advanced Studies in African Society (CASAS), Cape Town
51 Also see his reference to Africa's struggles and understanding of changes in population, in; Iliffe, J. (1995). Africans; The history of a continent. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge:His allusion to population growth being pivotal in determining modernization of economy and industry in Africa is both factually misplaced, and theoretically questionable. For a contrasting narrative, yet equally restricted by mechanistic categorizations, see: Kodjo. E. (1987). Africa Tomorrow. Continuum Publishing Company, New York;Pp.13-17
52 See Kimambo, I. N. & Temu. A. J. (eds.)(1969). A History of Tanzania. East African Publishing House, Nairobi; Pp.161-188:Oliver. R. & Atmore, A. (eds.)(2001). Medieval Africa; 1250-1800. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. UK
53 He, without any veiled logic, stated that it was "remarkable how racist and imperialist conceptions of African economies and societies constructed during the slave trade era and the colonial period persist, repackaged and re-labelled to fit currently fashionable discourses." Furthermore, "by looking at the nineteenth century as a whole,... all the characteristics of capitalism, from private ownership of the means of production, production for the market, the sale of labour power as a commodity, to class struggle, the pursuit of profit, company formation, and the possession of that enigmatic of capitalists qualities, the entrepreneurial spirit, already existed in various forms and combinations.... These economies may not have been, in the Marxian sense, capitalist social formations, but they were not 'pre-capitalist' either." See Zeleza, T. (1997). A Modern Economic History of Africa (Volume Ⅰ, the nineteenth century). East African Educational Publishers, Nairobi; P.8,424,425-426
54 Mafeje, A. (1998). Op. Cit., P.111
55 Mamdani, M. (2004). Citizen and Subject; Contemporary Africa and the legacy of Late Colonialism. Fountain Publishers, Kampala; P.23:Also see Ake, C. (1996). Democracy and Development in Africa. The Brookings Institution, Washington D.C; Pp.1-18:Nkrumah, K. (1980). Neo-Colonialism; the last stage of imperialism. International Publishers. New York.
56 Taylor, J. C. (1963). The Political Development of Tanganyika. Stanford University Press, Stanford, US. P.6: Also see Ogot, B. A.(ed.)(1992). General History of Africa-Volume Ⅴ; Africa from the sixteenth to the Eighteenth Century. UNESCO, Paris; Pp.750-751
57 Taylor. J. C. (1963). Op. Cit., P.7-9:Also see Thompson, A. R. (1966). The Story of Tanzania. Oxford University Press, Nairobi:Pp.25-42,58-81:Ogot, B. A.(ed.)(1992). Op. Cit., P.762-775:Kaniki, M. H. Y. (ed.)(1979). Tanzania Under Colonial Rule. Longman. (East Africana Library, University of Dar es Salaam); Pp.45-61
58 Ade Ajayi. J. F. (ed.)(1989). General History of Africa-Volume Ⅵ; Africa in the Nineteenth Century u 1880's. UNESCO, Paris; Pp.262-269:Kaniki, M. H. Y. (ed.)(1979). Op. Cit., P.78-80:
59 Barker, C. E.; Bhagavan. M. R.;von Mischke-Collande, P. M.; Wield. D. V. (1974). Industrial Production and Transfer of Technology in Tanzania:The Political Economy of Tanzanian Industrial Enterprises. Institute of Developmental Studies, University of Dar es Salaam. (Chapter Ⅱ); P.1:Kaniki, M. H. Y. (ed.)(1979). Op. Cit., P.160
60 Kaniki. M. H. Y. (ed.)(1979). Op. Cit., P.160,164
61 Ibid. P.165-169
62 Ibid. P.177-178
63 Freeston, L. B. (1940). Economic Control and Development. (National Archives, Dar es Salaam); P.2
64 Evans-Pritchard, E. E. & Fortes, M. (1940). Memorandum on a Plan of Research into Problems of Modern Political Development in Africa. (National Archives, Dar es Salaam); P.1
63 (Government Paper) (1949). Development of the Vilage Unit in Tanganyika. (National Archives. Dar es Salaam).
66 Kimambo, I. N. & Temu. A.J. (eds.)(1969). Op. Cit.. P.213
67 Ade Ajayi, J. F. (ed.)(1989). Op. Cit., Pp.774-775:Also see Kimambo, I. N. & Temu, A. J. (1969). Op. Cit., Pp.85-122.190-200
68 Fanon. F. (2001).Op. cit., P.58
69 Ogunsanwo, A. (1974). Op. Cit., P.260
70 The use of the term 'migrant worker' in this study must be understood within the terminological framework of capitalism. Here the 'capital' which this fragmented group pursues takes the form of monetary compensation; in which 'upward social and material mobility' corresponds with the accumulation of a higher credit/debt-repaying status. Migrant workers, in this context, thus describe a financially displaced community, attempting to survive price manipulation, environmental disaster and cultural dislocation.
71 Fellow contributors were Bu Jinzhi, Tang Yuyuan, Sun Kaitai. See He Zhaowu et al. (1998). An Intellectual History of China. Foreign Languages Press, Beijing; Pp.419-420
72 Ibid. P.420
73 However, the 'uni-linear evolutionism' inherent in this historiographic approach to determine the futility of efforts made by the Chinese in rebuffing the violently invasive tendencies of British and Japanese expansionist aims can hardly be ignored. In fact, it corroborates G. Blue and T. Brook's assertion that "... nineteenth-century analysts almost uniformly assumed that Chinese society had remained essentially unchanged in an inferior state since antiquity. Because of these assumptions, the approach of contrasting civilizational totalities seemed to support the conclusion that China's inferiority to the West at that time, rather than being shaped primarily by recent trends in internal socio-political development or international relations, was instead a long-term consequence of quasi-permanent structural features identifiable as deficient because they differed from features characteristic of the West." See Brook, T. & Blue, G. (eds.)(1999). China and Historical Capitalism; Genealogies of Sinological Knowledge. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, UK; P.3
74 Hu Jichuang (2009). A Concise History of Chinese Economic Thought. Foreign Languages Press, Beijing; P.527
75 Gernet, J. (1996). A History of Chinese Civilization. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge. UK; P.602:Also see Kang Youwei et al. (trans.)(1976). The Reform Movement of 1898. Foreign Languages Press, Peking; P.21
76 Gernet, J. (1996). Op. Cit., P.603
77 Hu Jichuang (2009). Op. Cit., P.528
78 See Chen Jian. (2001). Mao's China & The Cold War. University of North Carolina Press. Chapel Hill/London; Pp.277-283; Also see Bergere, M-C. (translated by Janet Lloyd) (1986). The Golden Age of the Chinese Bourgeoisie 1911-1937. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, UK; Pp.191-197
79 Chih-yu Shih. (2000). Op. Cit., P.88
80 Chu-yuan Cheng, (ed.) (1989). Sun Yat-Sen s Doctrine in the Modern World. Westview Press. London:P.74
81 Fung, E. S. K. (2010). The Intellectual Foundations of Chinese Modernity. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, UK:P.31:Also see Bergere, M-C. (translated by Janet Lloyd) (1986). Op. Cit., Pp.55-60
82 Friedman, E., Pickowicz, P. G., Selden, M. (eds.)(1991). Chinese Village, Socialist State. Yale University Press, London;P.28
3 Brook, T. & Blue, G. (eds.)(1999). Op. Cit., P.110
84 Mao Tse-Tung (1967). Quotations From Chairman Mao Tse-Tung. Dong Fang Gong, Beijing:Pp.381.383
85 Bergere, M-C. (translated by Janet Lloyd) (1986). Op. Cit., P.63,64-139:Thus in the first decade of the twentieth century, the prevalence of secret sects was popular-all attempting to re-dress the economic and cultural imbalances created by monarchic rule and colonial economics.
86 Chen Jian. (2001). Op. Cit., P.11
87 Wang, Y. Chu. (1958). The Intelligentsia in Changing China. (Foreign Affairs; Vol.36, Issue 2, Pp.315-329; 15 pages); Pp.326-329
88 The development 'myth' that encouraged the global deployment and enforcement of 'non-human' commerce (and related colonialisms) was questioned by A. Mafeje, in his study of African social formations in the Great Lakes Region. He concluded that; "The level of development of material and social forces is supposed to determine the standard of living of members of society. But from historical experience the benefits of development are rarely shared evenly. Distribution of goods and services is often skewed in favour of politically dominant groups.... Their capacity to make more than they actually produce is usually described as extraction of 'economic surplus' or 'surplus value'. Once again, theoretically, all societies are capable of producing in aggregate more than they need for immediate purposes. But if disaggregated to meet the consumption needs of the privileged as well as the underprivileged, then there is no way to objectively determine whether or not what was being extracted from the underprivileged was 'surplus'." See Mafeje, A. (1998). Kingdoms of the Great Lakes Region:Ethnography of African Social Formations. Fountain Publishers, Kampala, Uganda; P.127:For more examples of this perspective, see Fanon, F. (2001); Op. Cit., Pp.28-35:Hountondji, P. J. (2002). The Struggle for Meaning:Reflections on Philosophy, Culture and Democracy in Africa. Ohio University Press, Athens, Ohio; Taiwo, O. (2010). How Colonialism Preempted Modernity in Africa. Indiana University Press, Bloomington, Indiana, USA
89 Chih-yu Shih. (2000). Op. Cit., Pp.119-123:李安山(trans. Li AnShan)(1983).浅谈十九世纪欧洲商业资本在非洲的活动及其对瓜分的影响.China Academic Journal Electronic Publishing House (1994-2010)
90 Amin. S.(1977). Op. Cit.. P.133
91 Hutchison, A. (1975). China's African Revolution. Westview Press, Boulder:Pp.230-249:He controversially asserted that "political power, runs Maoist doctrine, grows out of the barrel of a gun, and however attractive and relevant Chinese theories might be, it is Chinese guns which African revolutionaries have most need of. But China's material assistance to the groups has been as sparing as her support for splinter groups has been generous." (P.244). This represented a distinct perspective based on United States Foreign policy concerns.
92 See Yu, G. T. (1975). Op. Cit.
93 Ogunsanwo, A. (1974). Op. Cit., P.81
94 Ibid. P.88-93:The notion of 'aid' also testified to the economic order in place-and how financial capital was changing the reality of human interaction.
95 See Hountondji, P. J. (2002). Op. Cit.:Taiwo, O. (2010). Op. Cit.
96 Campbell, H. (1985). Rasta and Resistance; From Marcus Garvey to Walter Rodney. Tanzania Publishing House, Dar es Salaam; P.39
97 Mafeje, A. (1998). Op. Cit., P.123
98 Also, one can not over-emphasize the sub-argument that "colonialism claimed to bring civilization.. Civilization here meant the rule of law. The torchbearers of that civilization were supposed to be the colonial courts. The courts were intended neither just as sites where disputes would be settled nor simply as testimony to effective imperial control; rather, they were to shine as beacons of Western civilization. Yet no sooner was this claim made than it lay in shreds as power was forced to find ways of controlling multitudes on the ground. The history of that moral surrender was one of a shift in perspective and practice, from a civilizing mission to a law-and-order administration." See Mamdani, M. (2004). Op. Cit., Pp.109,110-137
99 See Mu Tao et al., (trans.). (1995). Op. Cit.
100 Sujian Guo, (eds.). (2008). Op. Cit., Pp.106-114
101 Taylor, I. (2006). China and Africa:Engagement and compromise. Routledge, New York; Pp.49-58
102 Nabudere, D. W. (1981). Imperialism in East Africa-Volume Ⅰ:Imperialism and Exploitation. Zed Press, London:Nabudere, D. W. (1982). Imperialism in East Africa-Volume Ⅱ:Imperialism and Integration. Zed Press, London:Nabudere, D. W. (2009). The Crash of the International Finance-Capital and its implications for the Third World. Pambazuka Press, Cape Town, SA
103 Prah, K. K. (2006). Op. Cit., Pp.341-342
104 See Cheru, F. & Obi, C. (eds.)(2010). Op. Cit, Pp.107-119,121-141,181-192
105 Liu Hongwu & Yang Jiemian., (eds.) (2009). Fiftv Years of Sino-African Cooperation:Background, Progress & Significance-Chinese Perspectives on Sino-African Relations. Yunnan University Press. Kunming; P.23
106 Amin,S.(1977).Op.Cit.,Pp.169-177
107 Rodney. W. (2001). Op. Cit., P.162
Kahama, C. G. (1962-1964). Tanganyika Trade Journal (foreword). (Vol. Ⅰ., No.1):P.2
109 Ibid. P.15
110 Kimambo, I. N. & Temu, A. J. (eds.)(1969). Op. Cit., Pp.170-197:Also see Shivji, I. G. (2008). Pan-Africanism or Pragmatism? Lessons of Tanganyika-Zanzibar Union. Mkuki Na Nyota Publishers, Dar es Salaam; Pp.18-38: Magubane, B. & Nzongola-Ntalaja. (eds.)(1983). Proletarianization and Class Struggle in Africa. Synthesis Publications, San Francisco; Pp.15-16
111 Shivji, I. G. (1976). Op. Cit., Pp.5-9:Also see Nabudere, D. W. (1982). Op. Cit., P.43
112 Amin, S. (1977). Op. Cit., P.236
113 Shivji, I. G. (1976). Op. Cit., P.34
114 Rweyemamu. J. (1973). Underdevelopment and Industrialization in Tanzania; A Study of Perverse Capitalist Industrial Development. Oxford University Press, London; Pp.3-4:Shivji. I. G (1976). Op. Cit, Pp.35-40
115 Hyden. G (1980). Beyond Ujamaa in Tanzania; Underdevelopment and an Uncaptured Peasantry. Heinemann, London:P.33
116 Shivji.1. G (1976). Op. Cit., P.53
117 See A. Mafeje's chapter titled 'Neo-colonialism, State Capitalism, or Revolution?' in; Gutkind, P. C. W. & Waterman, P. (eds.)(1977). African Social Studies:A Radical Reader. Monthly Review/Heinemann, New York/ London:Also see Wallerstein, I. & de Braganca, A. (eds.)(1982). The African Liberation Reader; Documents of the national liberation movements (Volume 3; The Strategy of Liberation). Zed Press, London; P. iv
118 UNESCO (1985).(The general history of Africa:studies and documents 9) The educational process and historiography in Africa. (Final Report and papers of the symposium organized by Unesco in Dakar {Senegal} from 25 to 29 January 1982:United Nations Educational, Scientific and Cultural Organization, Paris); Pp.30-31:M. Mamdani reminds the reader of this fact by arguing that "Britain was the first to marshal authoritarian possibilities in indigenous cultures. It was the first to realize that key to an alien power's achieving a hegemonic domination was a cultural project:one of harnessing the moral, historical, and community impetus behind local custom to a larger colonial project. There were three distinctive features about the customary as colonial power came to define it. First, the customary was considered synonymous with the tribal; each tribe was defined as a cultural group with its own customary law. Second, the world of the customary came to be all-encompassing; more so than in any other colonial experience, it came to include a customary access to land. Third, custom was defined and enforced by customary Native Authorities in the local state-backed up by the armed might of the central state." See Mamdani, M. (2004). Op. Cit., P.286
119 Rweyemamu, J. (1973). Op. Cit., Pp.34,36:Nabudere, D. W. (1981). Op. Cit., Pp.82-89
120 Rweyemamu, J. (1973). Op. Cit., Pp.177-178
121 Kimambo, I. N. & Temu, A. J. (eds.)(1969). Op. Cit., P.241:Nabudere, D. W. (1982). Op. Cit., Pp.48-52.77
122 See sub-chapter, The East African Currency Board, in Nabudere, D. W. (1982). Op. Cit., Pp.57-60
123 Mitchell, B. R. (1982). International Historical Statistics Africa and Asia. Macmillan Press LTD.. London: Pp.41,742:Nabudere, D. W. (1982). Op. Cit.,85:Yeager, R. (1989). Tanzania; An African Experiment (Second Edition). Westview Press. Boulder. Colorado. US:P.42
124 Hyden, G. (1980). Op. Cit., P.71:Also see Shivji. I. G. (1976). Op. Cit., Pp.85-90:Rodney, W. (2001). Op. Cit., Pp.163-164
125 Nabudere, D. W. (1982). Op. Cit., Pp.69-71
126 Nyerere, J. K. (1966). Freedom and Unity; A Selection From Writings and Speeches 1952-65. Oxford University Press, Dar es Salaam; Pp.23-52
127 Ibid. P.38
128 El-Namaki, M. S. S. (1979). Problems of Management in a Developing Environment; The Case of Tanzania (State Enterprises between 1967 and 1975). North-Holland Publishing House, Amsterdam; P.51:P. Temu describes J. K. Nyerere's perspective on an 'African Socialism' in the following manner; "...Africans, by tradition, have always been socialists. Their socialism, or Ujamaa, was governed by three fundamental principles:first, people lived together and worked together; second, all the basic goods were held in common-no one could go hungry while others hoarded food, or be denied shelter if others had some to spare; third everyone (even guests) had an obligation to work." Although this analysis was controversially simplistic, one must bear in mind that the political 'objective' was to enable a re-distribution of wealth (in tangible ways), and this purpose necessitated a summary of value-orientations at an institutional level. See Mabele, R. B. et al (eds.)(1979). Papers on the Political Economy of Tanzania. Heinemann Educational Books LTD., Nairobi; P.197:Clark, W. E. (1978). Socialist Development and Public Investment in Tanzania,1964-73. University of Toronto Press, Toronto; Pp.42-43
129 Kimambo. I. N. & Temu. A. J. (eds.)(1969). Op. Cit.. Pp.209-210
130 Nyerere, J. K. (1966). Op. Cit.,59
131 See K. A. Appiah's chapter titled 'Language, Race, and Legacies' in; Morgan, P. D. & Hawkins, S. (eds.)(2004). Black Experience And The Empire. Oxford University Press, Oxford, UK:Pp.387-407:For a less ambiguous perspective, see Prah, K. K. (2006). Op. Cit., Pp.93-119
132 El-Namaki. M. S. S. (1979). Op. Cit., P.55
133 Nabudere, D. W. (1982). Op. Cit., P.105:For a statistical breakdown, see Shivji, I. G. (1976). Op. Cit., Pp.149-162:In contrast. M. F. Lofchie's description concerning the political and economic pragmatism of that era as being "sick", was clearly biased, and based on specific interests. He states that this "sickness" was a manifestation of policies between 1960-1985, which "... resulted in sharply lowered levels of output of export crops, and in a pattern of food-crop production that, while registering modest gains, did not enable the country to avert high levels of grain imports." This assertion was a reflection of a serious need to validate the authority of banking interests and established multi-national corporations, as well as the legal legacy that gave birth to their existence. Thus the notion that 'Tanzanian's GDP' was a quantitative measure of the people's national will and productive capacity became the basic logic behind economic development theory. This perspective was indicative of American policy interests in the region. See Lofchie, M. F. (1989). The Policy Factor; Agricultural Performance in Kenya and Tanzania. Lynne Reinner Publishers, Inc., London; P.108:For a rough overview of these perspectives, see Hart, K. & Hann, C. (eds.)(2011). Economic Anthropology; History, Ethnography, Critique. Polity Press, Cambridge, UK; Pp.105-109
134 Shivji, I. G. (2008). Op. Cit., Pp.244-245
135 El-Namaki, M. S. S. (1979). Op. Cit., P.53:Nabudere, D. W. (1982). Op. Cit, Pp.107-114
136 Interview with K. F. Hirji in Dar es Salaam (3rd July,2012). For a similar perspective, see Rodney, W. (2001). Op. C it., Pp.197-198
137 Mushi, S. S & Mathews, K. (eds.)(1981). Op. Cit., Pp.298-299:Nabudere, D. W. (1982). Op. Cit., Pp.165-169
138 Amin. S. (1977). Op. Cit., P.139:Rodney, W. (2001). Op. Cit., Pp.208-210
139 Nabudere, D. W. (1982). Op. Cit., Pp.110,112
140 Kimambo, I. N. & Temu, A. J. (eds.)(1969). Op. Cit., P.248:Mbughuni, L. A. (1974). The Cultural policy of the United Republic of Tanzania. The UNESCO Press, Paris; P.13:Ogunsanwo, A. (1974). Op. Cit., P.136:Shivji, I. G (2008). Op. Cit., P.81
141 Kimambo,I. N. & Temu, A. J. (eds.)(1969). Op. Cit., Pp.243-246
142 Nabudere, D. W. (1981). Op. Cit, P.101
143 Mabele, R. B. et al (eds.)(1979). Op. Cit, Pp.70-71
144 Ibid. P.71
145 How the idea of 'Contradiction' is expressed in realitv is a determining factor in universalizing Marxist dialectics.
146 Mao Tse-Tung. (1964). Selected Works of Mao Tse-Tung:Volume Ⅰ. Foreign Languages Press, Peking; P.311
147 Ibid. Pp.313-315
148 Ibid. Pp.322-323,325
149 Cohen, P. A. (2003). China Unbound; Evolving Perspectives on the Chinese Past. RoutledgeCurzon, London; Pp.190-191
150 Linsun Cheng (2003). Banking in Modern China; Entrepreneurs, Professional Managers. and the Development of Chinese Banks.1897-1937. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, UK; P.7:Piaohao, (or ticketing stores) were the institutions that initially conducted the business of remittance around the country. Their reliability soon gained respectability, and by 1893, they were officially the distributors of tax payments. Qianzhuang, (or native banks) were not as renowned, yet their scope of operations soon became popular. As Linsun Cheng puts it, "whereas the piaohao grew through their involvement in the government remittance business, qianzhuang. particularly Shanghai's qianzhuang, saw their businesses boom through China's opening to the world." Ibid. Pp.10-15
151 Ibid. P.25
152 Ibid.P.26
153 Yu, G T, (1975). China's African Policy; A study of Tanzania. Praeger Publishers, New York; P.2; Ogunsanwo, A. (1974). Op. Cit., Pp.5-7,10-14
154 Recently, G. Arrighi argued that during the Cold War era, "the crisis of the U.S militaristic regime and the contemporaneous expansion of the Japanese national market and business networks in the region marked the reemergence of a pattern of interstate relations that resembled more closely the indigenous (East Asian) pattern-in which centrality was determined primarily by the relative size and sophistication of the system's national economies-than the transplanted (Western) pattern, in which centrality was determined primarily by the relative strength of the system's military-industrial complexes. While the defeat of the United States in Vietnam laid bare the limits of industrial militarism as a source of power, Japan's growing influence in world politics in the 1980s demonstrated the increasing effectiveness of economic relative to military sources of power." See Ho-fung Hung (ed.)(2009). China and the Transformation of Global Capitalism. The John Hopkins University Press, Baltimore, US:P.34
155 The focus here is imperialism in its exploitative senses.
156 The reality of violent invasion prompted毛泽东and his fellow cadres to understand the balance of power and its influences in the following manner; "In China the main form of struggle is war and the main form of organization is the army. Other forms, like mass organizations and mass struggles, are also extremely important and definitely indispensible and must not be overlooked, but they are all for the sake of war....There are only three armies in the whole world, led respectively by the Communist Parties of the Soviet Union, of China and of Spain, which belong to the proletariat and the toiling masses:hence our army and our military experience are all the more to be treasured." See Mao Tse-Tung. (1964). Mao Tse-Tung Selected Works; Volume Two; 1937-1938. International Publishers Co., New York; P.268:He later adjusted his viewpoint in his now famously quoted speech, in 1956 (a year after the Bandung Conference); "To achieve a lasting world peace, we must further develop our friendship and co-operation with the fraternal countries in the socialist camp and strengthen our solidarity with all peace-loving countries. We must endeavour to establish normal diplomatic relations, on the basis of mutual respect for territorial integrity and sovereignty and of equality and mutual benefit, with all countries willing to live together with us in peace. We must give active support to the national independence and liberation movement in countries in Asia, Africa and Latin America as well as to the peace movement and to just struggles in all the countries of the world." Mao Tse-Tung (1967). Op. Cit., Pp.127,129
157 See Friedman, E. (eds.)(1991). Chinese Village, Socialist State. Yale University Press. New Haven, US; P.112
158 Ogunsanwo, A. (1974). Op. Cit., Pp.15-17:Hutchison, A. (1975). China's African Revolution. Westview Press. Boulder:Pp.17-23
159 Yu, G.T. (1975). Op. Cit., P.5
160 Ogunsanwo, A. (1974). Op. Cit., P.98:This was the same year Nan Han-Chen and a delegation from Beijing announced that "... the financial and economic power of the Asian and African countries must rest in the hands of the Asian and African peoples. This road is the only road that truly leads to the development of the national economy." Quoted from Ogunsanwo, A. (1974). Op. Cit., P.88
161 See A. Cabral's speech titled Culture. Colonization, and National Liberation in; Wallerstein, I. & de Braganca, A. (eds.)(1982). The African Liberation Reader; Documents of the national liberation movements (Volume 1; The Anatomy of Colonialism). Zed Press, London; Pp.157-166:Also see M. Sobukwe's speech titled The State of the Nation in; Wallerstein, I. & de Braganca, A. (eds.)(1982). The African Liberation Reader; Documents of the national liberation movements (Volume 2; The National Liberation Movements). Zed Press, London:P.48
162 Ogunsanwo, A. (1974). Op. Cit., Pp.32,37,56
163 Yu.G.T. (1975). Op. Cit., Pp.20-32
164 Clark. W. E. (1978). Op. Cit., Pp.36-37:In rebuttal to this gross simplification, S. Amin correctly asserts that; "there is no doubt that the forces of nature intervene in the productive process. The question is to know the social conditions that govern the right to use these forces. This right is seldom free...." For those people historically bound to the consequences of violent suppression and eventual domination, power to influence these forces changes accordingly (a feature of colonial legacy). Thus "labor power reduced to a commodity is the second key to the system. This commodity, whose use-value has the property of producing more value than it itself consumes, enables us to discover the source of the surplus (the surplus labour of the proletariat), to understand its specific form (surplus value), to define productive labor (productive of surplus value), to uncover its appearance (that of the productivity of capital), and to grasp the nature of the ideology of the capitalist mode (economism) and its relations with the base (the latter's dominance). Hence capital appears primarily as a relation between social classes:it exists only because one class controls the means of production while the other class sells its labor power. Capital is therefore an overall social relation involving the whole society." Amin. S. (1977). Op. Cit., Pp.42.44
165 Clark, W. E. (1978). Op. Cit., Pp.38-41:For a critique of this perspective, see Rodney, W. (2001). Op. Ci Pp.216-223:Mamdani, M. (2004). Op. Cit.,Pp.207-217:
166 Mushi, S. S & Mathews, K. (eds.)(1981). P.135
167 Nabudere, D. W. (1982). Op. Cit., Pp.134-141
168 Quoted from; Clark, W. E. (1978). Op. Cit., P.41
169 Linsun Cheng (2003). Op. Cit., Pp.88-89
170 Chang, P. H. (1975). Power and Policy in China. Pennsylvania State University Press, London; Pp.122-127
171 Okwdiba, N. (1978); Pp.75,80-81:Mushi, S. S & Mathews, K. (eds.)(1981).bp. Cit., P.34:Yu, G. T. (1975). Op. Cit., Pp.22-25
172 Interview with I. G. Shivji,28 June,2012.
173 Hirji, K. F. (ed.)(2010). Cheche; Reminiscences of a Radical Magazine. Mkuki na Nyota, Dar es Salaam;P.81
174 Mwalimu Nyerere Professional Chair in Pan-African Studies;The Arusha Declaration-Socialism and Self-Reliance (reprinted,2010). (The 2nd Julius Nyerere Intellectual Festival Week April 12-15,2010, University of Dar es Salaam); Pp.4-5
175 Wallerstein, I. & de Braganca, A. (eds.)(1982). (Volume 3; The Strategy of Liberation);Op. Cit., Pp.72-175
176 Ogunsanwo, A. (1974). Op. Cit., P.120
177 Yu, G. T. (1975). Op. Cit., P.57
178 Mitchell, B. R. (1982). Op. Cit., P.41,43
179 Mabele, R. B. et al (eds.)(1979). Op. Cit., P.170
180 Okwudiba,N.(1978);P171
181 Clark, W. E. (1978). Op. Cit., P.56:Once again, this point was well understood by S. Amin. He states that; "Expansionism, both premonopolist and monopolist, appears as the immediate expression of the search for markets, either for commodities or for capital. Our argument is that the capitalist mode does not 'need' external markets, either for its products or for capital. Dynamic equilibrium is in fact always 'possible,'and there is no problem of its 'accomplishment' as soon as one understands the active role of money and credit in accumulation. The active search for these markets is therefore a product of class struggle, and it is in this way that the 'internal' national conditions of accumulation are interrelated with the conditions of the world system of premonopolist and then imperialist capitalist formations. Capital knows only one 'law':the search for a maximum rate of surplus value, disguised by its immediate form-the pursuit of a maximum rate of profit. In this search, it confronts only one obstacle:the resistance of the producers of this surplus value-proletarians and immediate producers formally subordinated to the exploitation of capital." Amin, S. (1977). Op. Cit., Pp.104-105
182 As a result, decision-making on policy required that "...central leadership regularly involved the provincial leaders in the decision-making process at the highest level. This widened political participation took place within the institutional frame-work of the central work conference, which was convened at regular intervals from 1960 to 1966 and which was connected with decisions on important policy issues." Chang, P. H. (1975). Op. Cit., P.146
183 Ogunsanwo, A. (1974). Op. Cit.. Pp.282-283:Yu, G. T. (1975). Op. Cit., P.66
184 Okwudiba, N. (1978); P.40:Also see J. K. Nyerere's address to the TANU National Conference, on 16 October 1967. referenced from; Mushi, S. S & Mathews, K. (eds.)(1981). Op. Cit., Pp.234-235
185 Ibid. P.42-49,59
186 Both K. F. Hirji and I. G Shivji corroborated this fact in their interviews.
187 Ogunsanwo, A. (1974). Op. Cit., Pp.136-141
150 Mabele, R. B. et al (eds.)(1979). Op. Cit, P.288:Yu, G. T. (1975). Op. Cit., Pp.110-114
189 “我省援助坦桑尼亚医疗队积极开展针灸疗法”(trans. 'Medical team actively carries out assistance in Tanzania'),“难忘的友情-中国医疗队在坦桑尼亚”(trans. 'Memorable Friendship; China's Medical Team in Tanzania'). China Academic Journal Electronic Publishing House (1994-2010).
190 Mabele, R. B. et al(eds.)(1979). Op. Cit., P.11
191 Ibid. Pp.12-13
192 A memorandum by J. K. Nyerere. June 1966. Quoted from; Mushi, S. S & Mathews, K. (eds.)(1981). Op. Cit., P.220
193 Chang. P. H. (1975). Op. Cit., P.177
194 Mao Tse-Tung (1967). Op. Cit., P.253
195 Mwalimu Nyerere Professional Chair in Pan-African Studies; The Arusha Declaration-Socialism and Self-Reliance (reprinted,2010);Op. Cit., Pp.22-23
196 Ibid. P.4
7 Quoted from; Mushi, S. S & Mathews, K. (eds.)(1981). Op. Cit., P.226
8 Clark. W. E. (1978). Op. Cit., P.178:Shivji,I. G. (1976). Op. Cit., P.78
199 Ogunsanwo, A. (1974). Op. Cit., Pp.149-153:Yu, G. T. (1970). China and Tanzania; A study in Cooperative Interaction. (Center for Chinese Studies-China Research Monograph:University of California, Berkeley); Pp.47-52:Hutchison, A. (1975). Op. Cit., Pp.92-100
200 Yu, G. T. (1975). Op. Cit., P.111
201 See letter from the Nanyang Development & Finance Corporation in February 1948, to the Tanga Oversees Agency which was based in Dar es Salaam. (Shanghai Municipal Archives; Shanghai)
202 Mabele, R. B. et al (eds.)(1979). Op. Cit., P.225:El-Namaki, M. S. S. (1979). Op. Cit., P.170-171
203 Yu, G. T. (1970). Op. Cit., P.45:Nabudere, D. W. (1982). Op. Cit, Pp.74-78
204 For an example of the protocol regarding preparations for the building and operation of the CFTM, see the statement from the Office of aid to foreign countries in the Shanghai Textile Industry Bureau (25 April 1967): (Shanghai Municipal Archives; Shanghai).
205 It was completed and came into operation on 6 July 1968:See, Ogunsanwo, A. (1974). Op. Cit., Pp.197-199: Yu, G. T. (1970). Op. Cit., P.55:Yu, G. T. (1975). Op. Cit.. P.80
206 Yu, G. T. (1975). Op. Cit., P.81: 'Urafiki' in KiSwahili means-Friendship".
207 Mabele, R. B. et al(eds.)(1979). Op. Cit., P.274
208 Okwudiba, N. (1978):P.174
209 Clark. W. E. (1978). Op. Cit., Pp.140-142:Yu, G. T. (1975). Op. Cit., P.81:I. G. Shivji notes that the labour-intensive nature of the CTFM was beneficial, in comparison to the Mwanza Textile Mill, in terms its loan agreement with China. The specificity of technology (and techniques required) was thus important, given the social-economic climate, because technology that required more human-power, empowered more people. See Shivji, I. G. (1976). Op. Cit., Pp.176-177
210 Amin. S. (1977). Op. Cit., P.70
211 The government had invested in two other textile mills, Tasini and Kiltex. For a breakdown of government investments in 1970, see; Clark, W. E. (1978). Op. Cit., P.160:Szirmai, A. & Laperre, P. (eds.)(2001). The Industrial Experience of Tanzania. Palgrave, New York; P.142
212 Shivji, I. G. (1976). Op. Cit., P.159
213 Okwudiba, N. (1978):P.169
214 Hyden, G. (1980). Op. Cit., Pp.171-172
215 Clark, W. E. (1978). Op. Cit., Pp.130-131
216 Nabudere, D. W. (1982). Op. Cit., Pp.147-148
217 Yu, G. T. (1975). Op. Cit., P.79
218 Helleiner, G. K. (1972). Socialism and Economic Development in Tanzania. (Journal of Development Studies; Vol.8, Issue 2, P.183; 22 pages); P.185:Clark, W. E. (1978). Op. Cit., Pp.198-200
219 The exact date of its closure could not be obtained, although data is available. It was speculated that it shut down in the mid 1970s. Informal interview with X, Dar es Salaam, July 2012.
220 Nabudere, D. W. (1982). Op. Cit., P.148
221 Mabele, R. B. et al (eds.)(1979). Op. Cit., P.87
222 Ogunsanwo, A. (1974). Op. Cit., Pp.206-207:Yu. G T. (1975). Op. Cit., P.129
223 Ogunsanwo, A. (1974). Op. Cit., P.207,242 (100/169 million British pounds):Yu. G. T. (1975). Op. Cit., P.132 (400 million US dollars)
224 Yu, G. T. (1975). Op. Cit., P.135:Clark, W. E. (1978). Op. Cit., P.57:Shivji,I. G (1976). Op. Cit, P.160
225 Xipeng Shen. (2009). China Aid to Tan-Zam Railway:Its Considerations, Building Progress and Impacts. (East China Normal University:Department of History, PhD Dissertation):P.l:Yu. G. T. (1975). Op. Cit., P.142
226 Xipeng Shen. (2009). Op. Cit.:Also see Monson, J. (2009). Africa's Freedom Railway; how a Chinese Development Project Changed Lives and livelihoods in Tanzania. Indiana University Press, Indiana, US
227 Shivji, I. G. (2010). Accumulation in an African Periphery. Mkuki na Nyota Publishers, Dar es Salaam; Pp.34-38,59-67:Rodney, W. (2001). Op. Cit., Pp.284-285
228 Mwansasu, B. U. (1971). Commentary on Mwongozo wa TANU 1971. (Mimeograph:African Review); Pp.17-19
229 Shivji, I. G. (1976). Op. Cit., Pp.75-77:Clark, W. E. (1978). Op. Cit., Pp.76-80
230 Shivji, I. G (1976). Op. Cit., Pp.106-107:Hyden, G (1980). Op. Cit., Pp.119-120:I. G. Shivji also noted that the commonly cited challenges experienced by the Ujamaa initiatives were that they lacked in analyses regarding differentiation among the peasantry in a given area:as well as the fact the Ujamaa policies were implemented in a bureaucratic fashion (as opposed to democratic), and technocratic fashion (as opposed to political); Shivji, I. G. (1976). Op. Cit., P.108; G Hyden recognized that the 'petty-bourgeoisie' or bureaucratic class of society were at political and productive odds with farmers and labourers or peasants, in terms of perceived dependencies. Hyden, G. (1980). Op. Cit., Pp.123-124:What perhaps was not fully appreciated was the fact that the Ujamaa Vijijini initiative had indeed aroused massive public sentiment, enough to provide stimulus for action by the 'uncaptured' peasantry. But they too were also struggling to meet the demands of capitalism. This more often than not perpetuated the hegemonic relationship between state-bureaucracy and the 'uncaptured' peasantry, perpetuating dependency.
231 Mabele, R. B. et al (eds.)(1979). Op. Cit., Pp.213-214:These sources of credit were well documented to have been provided by foreign aid sources, under excessive debt-repayment schemes.
232 Silver. M. S. (1980). Ownership Indices of Industrial Production for Tanzania:1965-1972. (Studies in Comparative International Development:Vol.15, Issue 1, P.61; 22 pages); P.64
233 G. Hyden captured this notion well. Apparently "... Mwongozo gave the workers an opportunity to free themselves from the shackles of modern production. The struggle between management and workers in Tanzania after 1971 centred more on the contradiction between capitalism and pre-capitalist structures than it did on the conflict between capitalism and socialism." Hyden, G (1980). Op. Cit, P.165
234 Ross, T. (1976). China and the World:Self-Reliance or Interdependence? (Mimeograph); P.297:We are to assume these are currency exchange rate estimates from the period in discussion.
235 Shao-Chuan Leng. (1976). China and the International System. (World Affairs; Vol.138, Issue 4. P.267; 21 pages); P.269
236 Mushi. S. S & Mathews, K. (eds.)(1981). Op. Cit., P.60
237 Shao-Chuan Leng. (1976). Op. Cit., P.271
238 Lieberthal, K. (1978). Modernization and Succession Politics in China. (Journal of International Affairs;Vol. 32, Issue 2, P.239;16 pages); Pp.242:Chu-yuan Cheng. (1978). Leadership Changes and Economic Policies in China. (Journal of International Affairs; Vol.32, Issue 2, P.255; 19 pages); Pp.261,263-264,268
239 Lieberthal, K. (1978). Op. Cit., Pp.243-245:Chu-yuan Cheng. (1978). Op. Cit., P.265:Also see Ying-Mao Kau, M. & Marsh, S. H. (eds.)(1993). China in the era of Deng Xiaoping; A Decade of Reform. M.E. Sharpe, Armonk, New York
240 Mei-Ling Hsu. (1985). Growth and Control of Population in China:The Urban-Rural Contrast. (Annals of the Association of American Geographers; Vol.75, Issue 2, Pp.242-257; 17 pages); Pp.243-245,253
241 Putterman, L. (1985). Extrinsic versus Intrinsic Problems of Agricultural Cooperation:Anti-incentivism in Tanzania and China. (Journal of Development Studies; Vol.21, Issue 2, P.175; 30 pages); P.194
242 Amin, S. (1977). Op. Cit., P.119:Mushi, S. S & Mathews, K. (eds.)(1981). Op. Cit., Pp.68-71
243 Mamdani, M. (2004). Op. Cit., P.177:Hyden, G (1980). Op. Cit., P.164
244 Mamdani, M. (2004). Op. Cit Pp.178-179
245 Perkins, F. C. (1983). Technology Choice. Industrialisation and Development Experiences in Tanzania. (Journal of Development Studies:Vol.19, Issue 2, P.213; 31 pages); P.218
246 Mkandawire, T. & Soludo, C.C. (eds.). (1998). Our Continent, Our Future; African Perspectives on Structural Adjustment. Council For The Development Of Social Science Research in Africa, Dakar; P.32
247 Ake, C. (1987). Notes for a Political Economy of Unemployment in Africa. (African Journal of Political Economy; Vol.1, No.2; P.99); Pp.99-100
248 Nyerere, J. K. (2011). Op. Cit., P.106
249 G Hyden described this impact as "...the largest resettlement effort in the history of Africa." See, Hyden, G. (1980). Op. Cit., P.130
250 See Maro.P. S. & Mlav, W. F. (eds.)(1979). Decentralization and the Organization of Space in Tanzania. (Edinburgh University Press:Volume 49, Issue 3. P.291:11 pages)
251 Szirmai, A. & Laperre, P. (eds.)(2001). Op. Cit., P.361
252 Shivji, I. G (2008). Op. Cit., Pp.108-110
253 Hyden, G. (1980). Op. Cit., P.151
254 Perkins, F. C. (1983). Op. Cit., P.236
255 Mushi, S. S & Mathews, K. (eds.)(1981). Op. Cit., Pp.301-312:Havnevik, K. & Isinika, A. C. (eds.)(2010). From Nyerere to Mkapa; Tanzania in Transition. Mkuki naNyota Publishers Ltd., Dar es Salaam; P.76
256 Shivji, I. G. (2010). Op. Cit., P.59
257 Ibid. Pp.59-60:Also see, Ho-fung Hung (ed.) (2009). Op. Cit., Pp.34-35
258 See Okita, S. (1979). Japan, China and the United States:Economic Relations and Prospects. (Foreign Affairs; Vol.57, Issue 5, P.1090; 21 pages); P.1107:Millar, T. B. (1979). The Triumph of Pragmatism:China's Links with the West. (International Affairs; Vol.5, Issue 2, P.195; 11 pages); Pp.195,197,204
259 Ho-fung Hung (ed.) (2009). Op. Cit., Pp.38-39
260 For a slightly critical take on this 'lack of acceptance', see Xi Cheng-fan. (1985). Managing China's Natural Resources. (Environment:Vol.27, Issue 11, P.14:7 pages):Bong-ho Mok. (1983).In the Service of Socialism: Social Welfare in China. (Social Work{National Association of Social Workers Inc.}; Vol.28, Issue 4, P.269,4 pages)
261 Johnson, C. (1978). The New Thrust in China's Foreign Policy. (Foreign Affairs; Vol.57. Issue 1, P.125:13 pages);Pp.128-129
262 See http://unctadstat.unctad.org/ReportFolders/reportFolders.aspx?sCS refercr=&sCS Chosenlane=en
263 S. Okihara documented that the estimated figure of investments (in USA Dollars) into a ten year plan agreed upon in 1978, stood at 600 million (an estimate based on currency exchange rates at the time). This was a sizeable chunk of its national budget dedicated to domestic 'modernization' efforts. See Okita, S. (1979). Op. Cit., P.1103
264 See http://unctadstat.unctad.org/ReportFolders/reportFolders.aspx?sCS_referer=&sCS Chosenlang=en:The GDP data in USA Dollars have been calculated at current exchange rates:Also see Hyden, G.(1980). Op. Cit., Pp.145-151
265 Amin, S. (1977). Op. Cit., Pp.66-67
266 Mushi, S. S & Mathews, K. (eds.)(1981). Op. Cit., Pp.177-184
257 Hirji, K. F. (ed.)(2010). Op. Cit., Op. Cit., P.143
258 Habermas. J. (trans, by A. Buchwalter)(1987). Observations on "The Spiritual Situation of the Age"; Contemporary German Perspectives. The MIT Press, Cambridge, Massachusetts. USA;P.12
269 Nabudere, D. W. (1982). Op. Cit., Pp.162-165
270 Nyerere, J. K. (2011). Freedom, Non-Alignment and South South Cooperation:A Selection from Speeches 1974-1999. Oxford University Press, Dar es Salaam; P.113
271 Ibid. P.148. Apparently, Mwalimu Nyerere was sometimes branded a 'communist' because of Tanzania's good relations with China, despite these financial realities.
272 Fatton Jr., B. (1985).The Political Ideology of Julius Nyerere; The Structural Limitations of African Socialism. (Studies in Comparative International Development; Vol.20, Issue 2, P.3; 22 pages); P.14,16-17
273 For example, by way of the Strasbourg Plan in 1952, and later the enforcement of protocols from the Lome Convention in 1975, capitalist expansion was completing an essential phase of its re-establishment as a 'world financial system'. For an overview of the Lome Convention protocols see W. Lyakurwa's chapter titled Tanzania and the European Economic Community:An analysis of the Lome Conventions in; Mushi, S.S & Mathews, K. (eds.)(1981). Op. Cit., Pp.186-201
274 Fatton Jr., B. (1985). Op. Cit., P.22:K. F. Hirji observed this type of thinking to be a product of 'lukewarm socialists'; see, Hirji, K. F. (ed.)(2010). Op. Cit., P.149
275 Amin, S. (1977). Op. Cit., Pp.170-171
276 Lao Tzu., (trans. By Arthur Waley). (1997). Tao Te Ching. Wordsworth Editions LTD., Ware, UK; P.8:For a cross-reference, see老子 (Laozi) (trans. by A. Waley, trans. in modern Chinese by Chen Guying, revised and annotated by Fu Huisheng). (1999). Laozi. Hunan People's Publishing House, Changsha; Pp.16-17
277 UNESCO (1985). Op. Cit., Pp.73-77
278 Wang Hui & Karl, R. E. (1998). Social Text; Intellectual Politics in Post-Tiananmen China. (No.55, Pp.9-44: Duke University Press). http://www.istor.org/stable/466684;Pp.9-10
279 A preset questionnaire was used in all interviews. These set of interviews were transcribed by the author, Liu Qian and Chen Jinlong.
280 Speech by J. K. Nyerere at the Dag Hammarskjold Seminar, Dar es Salaam, in May 1974. titled Education and Liberation, in;Lima, E. et al. (eds.)(2004). Nyerere on Education/Nyerere kuhusu Elimu; Selected Essays and Speeches 1954-1998.HakiElimu, E&D Limited. The Mwalimu Nyerere Foundation. Dar es Salaam;P.125 * The question of "civility" and "civilization" is, and always has been, a bone of contention amongst many. H. O. Oruka began tackling the credibility of this debate by returning the question of civility to its philosophic foundations. See his sub-chapter titled Philosophy and Class ideology in; Oruka. H. O. (1990). Sage Philosophy: indigenous thinkers and modern debate on African philosophy. Masaki Publishers. Nairobi:Pp.ⅹⅹⅳ-ⅹⅹⅴ
281 Ake, C. (1987). Op. Cit, Pp.98-99
282 See article titled China rediscovers free enterprise; (The Times Business News; 29 March 1981); P.16:For recent, Western perspectives on this development in China (in the decade between 1980 and 1990), see Goldman, M. & MacFarquhar, R. (eds.)(1999). The Paradox of China's Post-Mao Reforms. Harvard University Press, Cambridge, Massachusetts, US; Pp.295-307:T. D. Lutze went as far as to suggest that "... the social formation of post-Mao China might more accurately be described as 'capitalism with socialist characteristics', or., 'post-socialist capitalism'. Post-socialist capitalism is a social formation wherein the capitalist mode of production has become predominant in a society that had previously undergone a socialist revolution. Remnants of structures (such as Communist Party Leadership, centralized institutions, state control over the media, state or collective ownership of certain means of production-of all which had been established earlier with the intent of advancing socialism) continue to play a role in society, but these remnants have become subordinate to the rationalities of profit maximization imposed by capitalist production and market relations." Lynch, C., Marks, R. B., Pickowicz, P. G. (eds.)(2011). Radicalism, Revolution, and Reform in Modern China; Essays in Honor of Maurice Meisner. Lexington Books, Lanham, Maryland, US; P.134
283 Yu-ming Shaw. (1988). Changes and Continuities in Chinese Communism; Volume Ⅱ-The Economy, Society, and Technology. Westview Press, Boulder, Colorado, US; Pp.12-15
284 World Bank.(1981).Tanzania-Economic memorandum;P.8:See http://documents.worlbank.org/curated/en/1981/01/828200/tanzania-economic-memorandum.Also see庄仁兴 (trans.Zhuang Ren Xing)(1981).坦桑尼亚的农业.(China Academic Journal Electromic Publishing House).
285 Ibid.Pp.13-14:However.certain Western observers were a little more lucid in their perspectives on the apparent dependencies that plagued the Tanzanian economy.See Saul,J.S.(1979).The State and Revolution in Eastern Africa.Heinemann.Nairobi:P.400:Pratt,C.(1980).The Development Debate-A Comment.(African Affairs;Vol.79,Issue 316;P.342):P.346
286 Yu-ming Shaw.(1988).Op.Cit.,Pp.197-201
287 Jia Hao, Lin Zhimin. (eds.)(1994). Changing Central-Local Relations in China; Reform and State Capacity. Westview Press, Boulder, Colorado, US; Pp.19-20:Ying-Mao Kau, M. & Marsh, S.H. (eds.)(1993). Op. Cit., Pp.38-41,105
288 Ying-Mao Kau, M. & Marsh, S. H. (eds.)(1993). Op. Cit., P.106:For a recent overview, see Wei Zhang (ed.)(2011). Economic Reform in Modern China. Routledge, Abingdon, UK; Pp.96-99:In terms of output rankings in the agricultural sector, matched against other global competitors, see Jianrong Huang. (2004). The dynamics of China's Rejuvenation. Pal grave Macmillan, New York; P.15
China's foreign loans debt totals $3,400-Future borrowing to be channeled into financing new technology: (The Times Business News; 1 September 1980); P.23:Ironically, credit cards were issued out for the first time in China the following year. See article titled China banks launch credit cards:(The Times Business News:21 January 1981); P.17:China had also been granted a 540 million USA Dollar' stabilizing loan from the International Monetary Fund (IMF), for the first time. See article titled $540m IMF 'stabilizing' loan for China. (The Times Business News:3 March 1981):P.15
290 Yu-ming Shaw. (1988). Op. Cit., Pp.94-95:Also see Pnbyla, J. S. (1984). China:Economic Development and Political Power. (SAIS Review:{n.s}; 4:1:P.45); Pp.46,53
291 Cheng,J. S. Y. (1985). China's Foreign Policy in the 1980s:From Anti-Hegemony to Modernization Diplomacy. (China Affairs; Vol.21, Issue 3, P.197); P.199
292 Jinghao Zhou. (2003). Remaking China's Public Philosophy for the Twenty-first Century. Praeger Publishers, Westport, Connecticut, US; P.84:Also see Chu Yuan Cheng. (1983). China's Industrialization and Economic Development. (Current History; 82:485:P.264)
293 Economic Commission for Africa. (1991). Foreign Trade Statistics for Africa; Direction of Trade. (Series A: No.33:New York). P.148
294 See http://unctadstat.unctad.org/ReportFolders/reportFolders.aspx?sCS referer=&sCS Chosenlang=en
295 Lee, P. N. S. (1987). Industrial Management and Economic Reform in China,1949-1984. Oxford University Press, Hong Kong; P.136:In another example of this perspective from the period, D. Wen-wei Chang stated that "... the ignorance of the consumer leadership on incentives for production efficiency, its blindness toward a sophisticated use of the theory of price, theory of taxation, a socialist commodity economy, flexible currency management, etc., were fundamental causes of China's failure in economic constructions between 1949 and 1979. Incentives and commodity theory have been largely responsible for the growth in wealth and prosperity in the West... A new soul-searching examination over the past economic productive strategy has helped to usher in new strategic priorities in various areas, including new proportional control between agricultural productivity and need for rural prosperity." See Chang, D. Wen-Wei (1988). China Under Deng Xiaoping:Political and Economic-Reforms. Macmillan Press, London:P.81
296 Due. J. M. (1980). Allocation of Credit to Ujamaa Ullages in Tanzania and Small Farms in Zambia. (African Studies Review; Vol.23. No.3:P.33); Pp.33,41-42:Also see Croll. E. J. (1981). Women in Rural Production and Reproduction in the Soviet Union. China, Cuba, and Tanzania:Socialist Development Experiences. (Signs; 7:2: P.361);P.363
297 Yeager, R. (1989). Op. Cit., P.53:Also see Associated Press (AP). Nyerere Says Tanzania is Facing a Major Famine. (New York Times. Late Edition. New York.16 March 1981):P.9
298 Apparently, "... the process of economic liberalization, which was ultimately carried out from above by the power of the international finance institutions (IFIs), had started well before Tanzania was compelled to sign an agreement with the IMF in 1986... (The) Structural Adjustment Program (SAP),... apparently intended to partially meet the demands of the IMF by dealing with the economy's structural problems. In the agricultural sector, SAP aimed at higher producer prices, improved input availability, and more efficient marketing (italicised input mine)." Havnevik, K. & Isinika. A. C. (eds.)(2010). Op. Cit., Pp.105-106:Yeager, R. (1989). Op. Cit., P.109
299 Cowell, A. Far From Tanzania, Nyerere Looks His Best. (New York Times; Late Edition, New York; 14 March 1981); P.6
300 See Associated Press (AP). Tanzanian Pleads to 6 Countries For Help to Purchase Medicines. (New York Times, Late Edition, New York,02 Oct 1980); P.9:Foreign Aid:Debating the Uses and Abuses. (New York Times, Late Edition, New York,1 March 1981):P.5
301 Amin, S. (1982). After the New International Economic Order; The Future of International Economic Relations. (Journal of Contemporary Asia; 12:4; P.432); P.432
302 Amin, S. (eds.)(1982). Dynamics of Global Crisis. The Macmillan Press LTD., London; P.77
303 Frank, A. G (1981). The World Crisis:Theory and Ideology. (Alternatives; 6:4; P.497):P.498:Also see Amin. S.& Hartman, L. (1993). The Future of Global Polarization. (African Quarterly; Vol.40, Issue 4:P.42)
304 Rotberg, R. I. (2008). China into Africa:Trade, Aid and Influence. Brookings Institution Press, Baltimore, US; Pp.27,28
305 Ghosh, P. K. (ed.)(1984). Foreign Aid and Third World Development. Greenwood Press, London; P.9
306 Jomo, K. S (ed.)(2005). The Great Divergence; Hegemony Uneven Development, and Global Inequality. Oxford University Press, New Delhi; Pp.233-240
307 Wong. C. (1985). Op. Cit., P.265
8 Garvey, M. (1923). The Negro's Greatest Enemy. (Current History; 18:6;P.951); P.957
309 Sun Yat-Sen. (1941). China and Japan; Natural Friends-Unnatural Enemies (A Guide for China's Foreign Policy). China United Press, Shanghai; Pp.141,145-146
310 Cohen, P. A. (2003). Op. Cit.
311 Prah, K. K. (2008). Op. Cit.
312 The patriarchy of science dictates that both M. Garvey (later W.E.B Du Bois) and Sun Yat-Sen were leaders sensitized to existing inequalities in the human family, (hence being iconic advocates of "Pan-humanity" in its varying degrees), and were a cultural testament of a discourse on'emancipation'. Both were engaged in a political environment that necessitated the use of certain linguistic expressions, within the forcefully-established, languages of dominance. Racism and its constructed language served both the oppressed and oppressor; more often than not. in favor of the oppressor. Seen in this light, their historical reflection was an overt and logical expression and extension of the discourse on anti-hegemony/anti-imperialism; to gain healthier control of their psychological and physical environment. Yet one must cautiously approach a critical analysis on whether their life-lessons (expressed in their literature) were understood primarily for the misuse of 'terminology', or for the poignancy of perspective on the developing political hierarchy/hegemony of their era. Furthermore, and most importantly, the simple fact that they were men re-enforced the logic of gender prejudice and perceived roles/associated capacities. Contemporary wisdom indicates that the atrocious legacy of ignorance concerning 'sexuality', and continued mystification of terminology such as 'traditional' and 'modern', stalls an inevitable understanding and acceptance of our commonality (in terms of human physiology), and subsequent progress. It is also clearly apparent that these linguistic digressions often find refugee in racist language and ideology, and often seek to subdue, subvert, and subsume self-healing institutions of education, political economy, and spiritual enlightenment. This is probably the greatest impediment to progress and emancipation (along side an increasing need to unilaterally expand cultural 'control'over human society at large).
313 Fung, E. S. K. (2010). The Intellectual Foundations of Chinese Modernity. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, UK:Also see Contemporary Chinese Thought and the Question of Modernity, Wang Hui and Rebecca E. Karl (1998). Op. Cit.
314 Gungwu, W. & Yongnian, Z. (eds.). (2008). China and the New International Order. Routledge, New York, US
315 Chih-yu Shih. (2000). Op. Cit.; Pp.310-311
316 Said, E. W. (1978). Orientalism. Penguin Books, New York.
317 In a recent State visit by the current President of China, Xi Jingping, acknowledged the importance of ties in the past century. He acknowledged the impact of custodianship granted by Tanzanian authorities during the liberation struggles in Africa. Furthermore, his emphasis on knowledge transfer and cultural exchange being enhanced was re-affirmation of constructive historical sentiment and perspective, on China-Tanzania relations. See http://www.tanzaniaembassy.org.cn/news/item/164-video-president-xi-iinping-gives-speech-on-china-africa-coope ration.html:(last visited on 08/04/2013)
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