国际石油公司在世界石油体系中的影响和作用
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摘要
国际石油公司,作为跨国石油公司中的独特一类,日益成为重要的国际政治经济行为体。要从根本上认识国际石油公司在国际关系中的影响和作用,必须超越传统的以国家为主要研究对象的理论范式。为此,本文把国际石油公司看作独立的国际行为体,提出二元行为体(即国家与国际石油公司)的理论假设,并在此基础上构建了一个有关世界石油体系的分析框架,旨在从体系层次上探究国际石油公司的地位和作用。
在本文所指的世界石油体系中,国际石油公司、产油国和消费国是构成体系的基本单位和主要行为体,它们通过三角相互依赖的互动模式,构成了鲜明的等级结构。世界石油体系是资源、权力和资本的复合体,体系的组织规则主要遵循现实主义的权力法则,体系结构最终由权力的分配决定。国际石油公司作为连接石油资源、国家权力和发达资本的桥梁,与产油国和消费国之间形成了不对称的三角相互依赖。国际石油公司和发达消费国因拥有丰富的物质性权力来源(如资金、技术、管理、营销、经济、军事等)和非物质性权力来源(即行为体在国际政治经济体系、国际金融体系、世界石油市场、国际贸易和分工体系中的优势地位)而居于体系权力结构的上层或中心地带。大多数产油国由于其权力来源主要依靠资源(原油),将资源性权力潜能转化为现实权力的能力有限,因此总体上处于体系权力结构的下层或边缘地带。“中心—外围”结构是世界石油体系权力结构的重要特征,但这种结构并不是一成不变的。
尽管世界石油体系的稳定与否与三角相互依赖链条的具体状态直接相关,但相互依赖链条的断裂并不必然意味着体系的结构性变革。导致世界石油体系变革的根本动因在于体系权力结构的变化。三方行为体之间权力对比的结构性变化必然导致体系的变革,新的权力结构重塑三方行为体之间的相互依赖关系,并重新界定“中心—外围”结构的具体内涵。其中,国际石油公司是构成世界石油体系及其互动模式的关键施动者,在世界石油体系发展和变革的进程中发挥着举足轻重的影响力。
1973年石油危机和冷战结束是国际石油公司影响世界石油体系的两个分水岭。从二战结束到1973年石油危机爆发前,国际石油公司(即所谓石油“七姊妹”)与发达消费国(主要是美国)在世界石油体系中建立并维持着体系权力核心的地位。1973年石油危机严重削弱了国际石油公司以及发达消费国的权力,改变了世界石油体系的权力结构,阿拉伯产油国在很大程度上“颠覆”了国际石油公司和美国的中心地位,或者说打破了它们对权力中心的垄断,成为体系的中心。但是这次体系结构变革的结果并不持久。
从1973年到冷战结束这一阶段,产油国受制于权力资源的局限性,缺少原油之外的权力资源来支撑其体系中心的地位,欧佩克盛极而衰。与之相反,国际石油公司以及西方发达消费国,利用物质性和非物质性权力来源的优势,经过战略调整,权力得到提升,体系中心的地位得以恢复。其结果是,世界石油体系形成了权力分散化、中心多元化和多维复合相互依赖的基本格局。国际石油公司、发达消费国(主要是美国)和欧佩克主要成员(沙特阿拉伯)组成权力轴心,分享世界石油体系的中心地位,其它生产国和不发达消费国仍处于体系的边缘。
冷战结束后,强势产油国俄罗斯和国家石油公司(即所谓石油“新七姐妹”)的出现,不仅对日益走向全球化的国际石油公司提出了挑战,而且给整个世界石油体系带来了冲击。世界石油体系的权力结构经历着新的转型。以发达消费国和国际石油公司为一方、强势产油国和国家石油公司为另一方的类似“两极”模式的权力结构正在形成。传统的以发达消费国和国际石油公司为中心、弱势产油国和不发达消费国为边缘的单一式“中心—外围”结构,有可能演变为以发达消费国和国际石油公司为一个中心、强势产油国和国家石油公司为另一个中心的复合式“双中心—外围”结构。
与战后世界石油体系变革历程相对应的是,国际石油公司的角色从资源垄断者和市场控制者逐渐转变为资源寻求者和资金、技术与市场的提供者。尽管国际石油公司的角色不断演变,面临的挑战不断增多,但它们总是能够找到回应挑战的办法,并在回应挑战的过程中实现新的发展。从历史上看,作为拥有独特权力资源的国际行为体,国际石油公司始终是世界石油体系中不可或缺的成员和该体系得以维持和运转的支柱。
International oil companies(IOCs),as a distinct kind of multinational oil companies, have been increasingly becoming important actors in international political economy.To essentially understand the role of IOCs in international relations,we should breakthrough the limitation of traditional theoretical paradigms,which primarily,even exclusively,focus on nation states.This article,therefore,takes IOCs as independent international actors, assumes that nation states and IOCs are dual actors,and puts forward an analytical framework about the world oil system to explore the role and impacts of IOCs.
In what this study defines as the world oil system,IOCs,oil producing countries and oil consuming countries are three key kinds of units and actors.These actors interact with one another in a triangular interdependence and constitute a clear hierarchical structure. The world oil system is a combination of resource,power,and capital.Its ordering principle mainly complies with the realist theory of power,according to which the structure of the world oil system is ultimately determined by the distribution of power among actors.IOCs,as bridges linking oil resource,national power,and developed capital, form an asymmetric triangular interdependence with oil producing countries and oil consuming countries.On the one hand,IOCs,and developed consuming countries as well, lie at the top of the power structure or in the core of the world oil system,because of their advantages both in material power resources(such as capital,technology,management, marketing,economic and military capabilities,etc) and non-material power resources(i.e., their prestigious positions in the systems of international politics,economy,finance,oil market,trade,industry,and division of labors,etc).On the other hand,most oil producing countries generally lie at the bottom of the power structure and in the periphery of the world oil system,because their power resources mainly derive from their petroleum and their ability to transform their power potentials into real is quite limited.In a word,the power structure of the world oil system could be mainly characterized as the dichotomy of "core-periphery",although this structure is changing with times.
The stability of the world oil system is directly related to the situation of triangular interdependence.However,the chain breaking of this interdependence does not necessarily lead to a structural change of the system.The fundamental factor that results in the transformation of the world oil system is the systemic change of its power structure.A sea change in the balance of power among the three actors will inevitably lead to a structural change of the world oil system.The newly formed power structure will reshape their triangular interdependence and redefine the "core-periphery" structure of the world oil system.It should be noted that IOCs play key roles in forming the structure of the world oil system and its model of interaction as well.And this is clearly evident in the process of the development and change of the world oil system.
Two historical events,the 1973 Oil Crisis and the end of the Cold War,are two turning points differentiating the impacts of IOCs on the world oil system.From the end of WWII to the 1973 Oil Crisis,IOCs(i.e.,the so called "Seven Sisters"),together with developed consuming countries(mainly the USA),established and maintained their role as the power center of the world oil system.The 1973 Oil Crisis substantially changed the structure of the world oil system.IOCs and developed consuming countries were significantly weakened,with their power position in the world oil system being overturned by the Arabic oil producing countries.Or in other words,the Arabic oil producing countries entered into the core and broke the monopoly of the power center by both IOCs and developed consuming countries in the world oil system.However,the result of systemic structural change of this time was not lasting.
During the period from 1973 to the end of the Cold War,some changes occurred in the world oil system.The OPEC countries fell from the power top of the world oil system to a lower level,because their ability to employ their power resources of petroleum was strictly limited and they lack other kinds of power resources besides oil so that they could not sustain their leading role in the world oil system.On the contrary,IOCs and developed oil producing countries quickly returned to the center of the world oil system,because they could make strategic adjustments and promote their power position by taking advantages of their both material and non-material power resources.As a result of this structural change,the world oil system became multi-centered,with power being decentralized in a multiple complex interdependence.In the "core-periphery" structure of the world oil system,the core was shared by IOCs,developed consuming countries(mainly the USA), and leading OPEC members(i.e.,Saudi Arabia),forming a kind of power axis,while other oil producing countries and undeveloped oil consuming countries still lied in the periphery.
With the end of the Cold War,Russia as strong oil producing country and national oil companies(NOCs,the so called "New Seven Sisters") are emerging.They not only pose direct challenges to globalizing IOCs,but also bring great impacts on the world oil system. The power structure of the world oil system is undergoing a new round of transformation. A new pattern of power distribution in the core might be in forming,with developed consuming countries and IOCs as one pole,and strong oil producing countries and NOCs as another,similar to a bipolar model in international politics.The traditional power structure of "single core-periphery" might be evolving into a new type of "dual core-periphery".In the past structure,developed consuming countries and IOCs lie in the core,while weak oil producing countries and undeveloped oil consuming countries in the periphery.In the emerging structure,however,there might be two competing cores, developed consuming countries and IOCs plus strong oil producing countries and NOCs, even though the actors that occupy the periphery are the same.
Along with the change of the world oil system since the end of WWII,IOCs have changed their role from petroleum monopolizer and market controller to resource seeker and provider of capital,technology,and market.Despite of their changing role and increasing challenges,IOCs can always manage to find solutions and further develop. Historically speaking,IOCs,as independent international actors with distinct power resources,are always indispensable players in the world oil system and key pillars that sustain its structure and keep it working.
在本文所指的世界石油体系中,国际石油公司、产油国和消费国是构成体系的基本单位和主要行为体,它们通过三角相互依赖的互动模式,构成了鲜明的等级结构。世界石油体系是资源、权力和资本的复合体,体系的组织规则主要遵循现实主义的权力法则,体系结构最终由权力的分配决定。国际石油公司作为连接石油资源、国家权力和发达资本的桥梁,与产油国和消费国之间形成了不对称的三角相互依赖。国际石油公司和发达消费国因拥有丰富的物质性权力来源(如资金、技术、管理、营销、经济、军事等)和非物质性权力来源(即行为体在国际政治经济体系、国际金融体系、世界石油市场、国际贸易和分工体系中的优势地位)而居于体系权力结构的上层或中心地带。大多数产油国由于其权力来源主要依靠资源(原油),将资源性权力潜能转化为现实权力的能力有限,因此总体上处于体系权力结构的下层或边缘地带。“中心—外围”结构是世界石油体系权力结构的重要特征,但这种结构并不是一成不变的。
尽管世界石油体系的稳定与否与三角相互依赖链条的具体状态直接相关,但相互依赖链条的断裂并不必然意味着体系的结构性变革。导致世界石油体系变革的根本动因在于体系权力结构的变化。三方行为体之间权力对比的结构性变化必然导致体系的变革,新的权力结构重塑三方行为体之间的相互依赖关系,并重新界定“中心—外围”结构的具体内涵。其中,国际石油公司是构成世界石油体系及其互动模式的关键施动者,在世界石油体系发展和变革的进程中发挥着举足轻重的影响力。
1973年石油危机和冷战结束是国际石油公司影响世界石油体系的两个分水岭。从二战结束到1973年石油危机爆发前,国际石油公司(即所谓石油“七姊妹”)与发达消费国(主要是美国)在世界石油体系中建立并维持着体系权力核心的地位。1973年石油危机严重削弱了国际石油公司以及发达消费国的权力,改变了世界石油体系的权力结构,阿拉伯产油国在很大程度上“颠覆”了国际石油公司和美国的中心地位,或者说打破了它们对权力中心的垄断,成为体系的中心。但是这次体系结构变革的结果并不持久。
从1973年到冷战结束这一阶段,产油国受制于权力资源的局限性,缺少原油之外的权力资源来支撑其体系中心的地位,欧佩克盛极而衰。与之相反,国际石油公司以及西方发达消费国,利用物质性和非物质性权力来源的优势,经过战略调整,权力得到提升,体系中心的地位得以恢复。其结果是,世界石油体系形成了权力分散化、中心多元化和多维复合相互依赖的基本格局。国际石油公司、发达消费国(主要是美国)和欧佩克主要成员(沙特阿拉伯)组成权力轴心,分享世界石油体系的中心地位,其它生产国和不发达消费国仍处于体系的边缘。
冷战结束后,强势产油国俄罗斯和国家石油公司(即所谓石油“新七姐妹”)的出现,不仅对日益走向全球化的国际石油公司提出了挑战,而且给整个世界石油体系带来了冲击。世界石油体系的权力结构经历着新的转型。以发达消费国和国际石油公司为一方、强势产油国和国家石油公司为另一方的类似“两极”模式的权力结构正在形成。传统的以发达消费国和国际石油公司为中心、弱势产油国和不发达消费国为边缘的单一式“中心—外围”结构,有可能演变为以发达消费国和国际石油公司为一个中心、强势产油国和国家石油公司为另一个中心的复合式“双中心—外围”结构。
与战后世界石油体系变革历程相对应的是,国际石油公司的角色从资源垄断者和市场控制者逐渐转变为资源寻求者和资金、技术与市场的提供者。尽管国际石油公司的角色不断演变,面临的挑战不断增多,但它们总是能够找到回应挑战的办法,并在回应挑战的过程中实现新的发展。从历史上看,作为拥有独特权力资源的国际行为体,国际石油公司始终是世界石油体系中不可或缺的成员和该体系得以维持和运转的支柱。
International oil companies(IOCs),as a distinct kind of multinational oil companies, have been increasingly becoming important actors in international political economy.To essentially understand the role of IOCs in international relations,we should breakthrough the limitation of traditional theoretical paradigms,which primarily,even exclusively,focus on nation states.This article,therefore,takes IOCs as independent international actors, assumes that nation states and IOCs are dual actors,and puts forward an analytical framework about the world oil system to explore the role and impacts of IOCs.
In what this study defines as the world oil system,IOCs,oil producing countries and oil consuming countries are three key kinds of units and actors.These actors interact with one another in a triangular interdependence and constitute a clear hierarchical structure. The world oil system is a combination of resource,power,and capital.Its ordering principle mainly complies with the realist theory of power,according to which the structure of the world oil system is ultimately determined by the distribution of power among actors.IOCs,as bridges linking oil resource,national power,and developed capital, form an asymmetric triangular interdependence with oil producing countries and oil consuming countries.On the one hand,IOCs,and developed consuming countries as well, lie at the top of the power structure or in the core of the world oil system,because of their advantages both in material power resources(such as capital,technology,management, marketing,economic and military capabilities,etc) and non-material power resources(i.e., their prestigious positions in the systems of international politics,economy,finance,oil market,trade,industry,and division of labors,etc).On the other hand,most oil producing countries generally lie at the bottom of the power structure and in the periphery of the world oil system,because their power resources mainly derive from their petroleum and their ability to transform their power potentials into real is quite limited.In a word,the power structure of the world oil system could be mainly characterized as the dichotomy of "core-periphery",although this structure is changing with times.
The stability of the world oil system is directly related to the situation of triangular interdependence.However,the chain breaking of this interdependence does not necessarily lead to a structural change of the system.The fundamental factor that results in the transformation of the world oil system is the systemic change of its power structure.A sea change in the balance of power among the three actors will inevitably lead to a structural change of the world oil system.The newly formed power structure will reshape their triangular interdependence and redefine the "core-periphery" structure of the world oil system.It should be noted that IOCs play key roles in forming the structure of the world oil system and its model of interaction as well.And this is clearly evident in the process of the development and change of the world oil system.
Two historical events,the 1973 Oil Crisis and the end of the Cold War,are two turning points differentiating the impacts of IOCs on the world oil system.From the end of WWII to the 1973 Oil Crisis,IOCs(i.e.,the so called "Seven Sisters"),together with developed consuming countries(mainly the USA),established and maintained their role as the power center of the world oil system.The 1973 Oil Crisis substantially changed the structure of the world oil system.IOCs and developed consuming countries were significantly weakened,with their power position in the world oil system being overturned by the Arabic oil producing countries.Or in other words,the Arabic oil producing countries entered into the core and broke the monopoly of the power center by both IOCs and developed consuming countries in the world oil system.However,the result of systemic structural change of this time was not lasting.
During the period from 1973 to the end of the Cold War,some changes occurred in the world oil system.The OPEC countries fell from the power top of the world oil system to a lower level,because their ability to employ their power resources of petroleum was strictly limited and they lack other kinds of power resources besides oil so that they could not sustain their leading role in the world oil system.On the contrary,IOCs and developed oil producing countries quickly returned to the center of the world oil system,because they could make strategic adjustments and promote their power position by taking advantages of their both material and non-material power resources.As a result of this structural change,the world oil system became multi-centered,with power being decentralized in a multiple complex interdependence.In the "core-periphery" structure of the world oil system,the core was shared by IOCs,developed consuming countries(mainly the USA), and leading OPEC members(i.e.,Saudi Arabia),forming a kind of power axis,while other oil producing countries and undeveloped oil consuming countries still lied in the periphery.
With the end of the Cold War,Russia as strong oil producing country and national oil companies(NOCs,the so called "New Seven Sisters") are emerging.They not only pose direct challenges to globalizing IOCs,but also bring great impacts on the world oil system. The power structure of the world oil system is undergoing a new round of transformation. A new pattern of power distribution in the core might be in forming,with developed consuming countries and IOCs as one pole,and strong oil producing countries and NOCs as another,similar to a bipolar model in international politics.The traditional power structure of "single core-periphery" might be evolving into a new type of "dual core-periphery".In the past structure,developed consuming countries and IOCs lie in the core,while weak oil producing countries and undeveloped oil consuming countries in the periphery.In the emerging structure,however,there might be two competing cores, developed consuming countries and IOCs plus strong oil producing countries and NOCs, even though the actors that occupy the periphery are the same.
Along with the change of the world oil system since the end of WWII,IOCs have changed their role from petroleum monopolizer and market controller to resource seeker and provider of capital,technology,and market.Despite of their changing role and increasing challenges,IOCs can always manage to find solutions and further develop. Historically speaking,IOCs,as independent international actors with distinct power resources,are always indispensable players in the world oil system and key pillars that sustain its structure and keep it working.
引文
1 Susan Strange,The Retreat of the State:The Diffusion of Power in the Worm Economy,Cambridge Great Britain:Cambridge University Press,1996,preface p.xvi.
2 本章以拙文“跨国公司的国际政治经济学研究:反思与重构''(《国际政治研究》2007年第3期,第156-71页)为基础加以修改和拓展。
3 王正毅、张岩贵:《国际政治经济学——理论范式与现实经验研究》,北京:商务印书馆2003年版,第188、194页。
4 罗伯特·吉尔平:《国际关系政治经济学》(杨宇光等译),北京:经济科学出版社1989年版,第2章。
5 Karen Mingst,Essentials of International Relations,New York:W.W.Norton and Company,2004,p.237.
6 吉尔平:《国际关系政治经济学》,第102页。
7 Robert Gilpin,US.Power and the Multinational Corporation." The Political Economy of Foreign Direct Investment,New York:Basic Books,1975,p.113.
8 吉尔平:《国际关系政治经济学》,第272-276页。
9 罗伯特·吉尔平:《全球资本主义的挑战:21世纪的世界经济》(杨宇光译),上海:上海人民出版社2001年版,第179页。
10 斯蒂芬·克莱斯勒:《结构冲突:第三世界对抗全球自由主义》(李小华译),浙江:浙江人民出版社2001年版,第175-176页。
11 詹姆斯·多尔蒂、小罗伯特·普法尔茨格拉夫:《争论中的国际关系理论》(第五版)(阎学通等译),北京:世界知识出版社2003年版,第69页。
12 Darryl Jarvis,"Multinational Enterprises,International Relations and International Business:Reconstituting Intellectual Boundaries for the New Millennium," Australian Journal of International Affairs,Vol.59,No.2,June 2005,pp.201-223.
13 罗伯特·基欧汉、约瑟夫·奈:《权力与相互依赖——转变中的世界政治》(第三版)(门洪华译),北京:北京大学出版社2002年版,第58页。
14 Kenneth Waltz,Theory of International Politics,New York:McGraw-Hill,1979,p.73.
15 David Osterberg and Fouad Ajami,"The Multinational Corporation:Expanding the Frontiers of World Politics," Journal of Conflict Resolution,Vol.15,No.4,1971,pp.457-470.
16 约翰·米尔斯海默:《大国政治的悲剧》(王义桅、唐小松译),上海:上海人民出版社2003年版,英文版前言第41页。
17 Raymond Vernon,Sovereignty at Bay:The Multinational Spread of US Enterprises,New York:Basic Books,1971,chap.1.
18 Ibid.,pp.25-34.
19 苏珊·斯特兰奇:“全球化与国家的销蚀”,载王列、杨雪冬(编译):《全球化与世界》,北京:中央编译出版社1998年版,第110-121页。
20 多尔蒂、普法尔茨格拉夫:《争论中的国际关系理论》,第508页。
21 Arnold Wolfers,"The Actors in World Politics," in Arnold Wolfers,ed.,Discord and Collaboration:Essays on International Politics,Baltimore,MD:Johns Hopkins University Press,1962,p.23.
22 Chadwick Alger,"The Multinational Corporation and the Future International System," Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science,Vol.403,September 1972,pp.104-115.
23 关于新功能主义的论述,参见Joseph Nye,Peace in Parts:Integration and Conflict in Regional Organization,Boston:Little,Brown,1971;R.J.Harrison,"Neo-Functionalism," in A.J.R.Groom and Paul Taylor,eds.,Framework for International Cooperation,2~(nd) ed.,London:Printer,1994.
24 关于新自由制度主义的论述,参见Robert Keohane,After Hegemony:Cooperation and Discord in the World Political Economy,Princeton,N.J.:Princeton University Press,1984;Robert Keohane and Lisa Martin,"The Promise of Institutionalist Theory," International Security,Vol.20,No.1,Summer 1995,pp.39-51.
25 Jarvis,"Multinational Enterprises,International Relations and International Business," pp.206-208.
26 Jan Tullberg,"Illusion of Corporate Power:Revisiting the Relative Power of Corporations and Governments," Journal of Business Ethics,Vol.52,No.4,July 2004,pp.325-333.
27 戴维·赫尔德:《全球大变革:全球化时代的政治、经济与文化》(杨雪冬译),北京:社会科学文献出版社2001年版,第13页。
28 参见Jarvis,“Multinational Enterprises,International Relations and International Business,”p.206.
29 参见基欧汉、奈:《权力与相互依赖》,第11-12页。
30 相关分析,参见Mingst,Essentials of International Relations,chapter 3.
31 特奥托尼奥·多斯桑托斯:《帝国主义与依附》(毛金里等译),北京:社会科学文献出版社1999年版,中译本序,第1页。
32 Immanuel Wallerstein,The Capitalist World Economy,Cambridge:Cambridge University Press,1989,pp.160-161.
33 参见王逸舟:《西方国际政治学:历史与理论》,上海:上海人民出版社1998年版,第558页;王正毅、张岩贵:《国际政治经济学》,第302页。
34 Immanuel Wallerstein,The Modern World System,New York:Columbia University Press,1974;Jarvis,"Multinational Enterprises,International Relations and International Business," p.211.
35 王正毅、张岩贵:《国际政治经济学》,262-263页。
36 萨米尔·阿明:《不平等的发展:论外围资本主义的社会形态》(高锸译),北京:商务印书馆1990年版,第285-312页。
37 多斯桑托斯:《帝国主义与依附》,第67页。
38 王正毅、张岩贵:《国际政治经济学》,第303-304页。
39 阿兰·鲁格曼:《全球化的终结:对全球化及其商业影响的全新激进的分析》(常志霄等译),北京:生活·读书·新知三联书店2001年版,第149-150页。
40 参见多斯桑托斯:《帝国主义与依附》,第470-473页。
41 阿明:《不平等的发展:论外围资本主义的社会形态》。
42 多斯桑托斯:《帝国主义与依附》。
43 劳尔·普雷维什:“我的发展思想的五阶段”,载什杰拉尔德·迈耶、达德利·西尔斯编:《发展经济学的先驱》(谭崇台等译),北京:经济科学出版社1988年版,第179-181页。
44 威廉·内斯特编著:《国际关系:21世纪的政治与经济》(姚远、汪恒译),北京:北京大学出版社2005年版,第497页。
45 Louis Turner,"The Oil Majors in World Politics," International Affairs,July 1976,Vol.52,No.3,pp.368-380.
46 Robert Barnes,"International Oil Companies Confront Governments:A Half-Century of Experience," International Studies Quarterly,Vol.16,No.4,December 1972(Multinational Corporations and World Order),pp.453-471.
47 安东尼·桑普森:《石油大鳄》(林青译述),北京:石油化学工业出版社1977年版。
48 Turner,"The Oil Majors in World Politics".
49 Louis Turner,Oil Companies in the International System,London and Boston:The Royal Institute of International Affairs and George Allen & Unwin,Third edition,1983,Chap.6.
50 Frank R.Wyant,"The Role of Multinational Oil Companies in World Energy Trade," Annual Reviews Energy,No.2,November 1977,pp.125-151.
51 Franck Church,"The Importance of Oil Companies," Foreign Policy,S No.27,Summer 1977,pp. 27-51.
52 Charles F.Doran,"Book Review on Oil Company in International System," The Journal of Politics,Vol.42,No.1,February 1980,pp.349-351.
53 Turner,Oil Companies in the International System,Chap.12.
54 Vahan Zanoyan,"NOC-IOC Relations and Their Impact on Investment in the Upstream Sector,"Alexander's Gas &Oil Connections Features,Vol.7,Issue #21,October 2002.
55 Carola Hoyos,"The New Seven Sisters:Oil and Gas Giants Dwarf Western Rivals," Financial Times,March 12,2007.
56 中国的油气专业杂志《国际石油经济》2007年第9期刊登了这一专题的编译材料。
57 Amy Myers Jaffe,The Changing Role of National Oil Companies in International Energy Markets,Policy Report,No.35,Houston,TX.:The James A.Baker Ⅲ Institute for Public Policy,April 2007.
58 Chris Ellsworth and Shree Vikas,"Oil Companies Adjust as Government Roles Expand," Oil & Gas Journal,Vol.105,No.12,March 26,2007;Shree Vikas and Chris Ellsworth,"Relationships Changing as NOC,IOC Roles Evolve," Oil & Gas Journal,Vol.105,No.13,April 2,2007.
59 Turner,Oil Companies in the International System,p.15.
60 Ibid.,pp.118-120.
61 Franck Church,"The Importance of Oil Companies".
62 Turner,Oil Companies in the International System,pp.115-116.
63 Ibid.,p.17.
64 Jeffery A.Frieden,Global Capitalism:Its Fall and Rise in the Twentieth Century,New York:W.W.Norton & Company,2006,p.476.
1 苏珊·斯特兰奇:《国际政治经济学导论——国家与市场》(杨宇光等译),北京:经济科学出版社1990年版,第18页。
2 Karen Mingst,Essentials of International Relations,New York:W.W.Norton and Company,2004,p.74.
3 Ibid.
4 Ibid.
5 约翰·米尔斯海默:《大国政治的悲剧》(王义桅、唐小松译),上海:上海人民出版社2003年版,英文版前言第41页。
6 David Osterberg and Fouad Ajami,"The Multinational Corporation:Expanding the Frontiers of World Politics," Journal of Conflict Resolution,Vol.15,No.4,1971,pp.457-470.
7 肯尼斯·华尔兹:《国际政治理论》(信强译),上海:上海人民出版社2003年版,第127页。
8 有关将跨国公司看作国际政治或者全球政治行为体的论述,参见P.G.Bock and Vincent J.Fuccillo,"Transnational Corporations as International Political Actors," Studies in Comparative International Development,Vol.10,No.2,1975,pp.51-77;Anders Uhlin,"Transnational Corporations as Global Political Actors:A Literature Review," Cooperation and Conflict,Vol.23,No.2,1988,pp.231-247.
9 Lorraine Eden,"Bringing the Firm Back In:Multinationals in International Political Economy,"Millennium Journal of International Studies,Vol.20,No.2,1991,pp.197-224.
10 华尔兹:《国际政治理论》,第127页。
11 相互依赖在本文中作为一种现象描述,是中性的不含价值判断的概念,不具有新自由主义学者所主张的导致和平与合作的含义和预期。学术界认为新自由主义学派的标签是,该学派坚信无政府状态下的国际合作是可能的,相互依赖、国际制度等因素可以加强国家间合作。(参见由秦亚青为《权力与相互依赖》第三版中译本所作的总序第3页)
12 2007年6月,在委内瑞拉的奥利诺科石油项目上,法国道达尔公司、英国石油公司以及美国的雪佛龙公司,迫于委内瑞拉政府压力,将该项目的大部分股权让给委内瑞拉国家石油公司,从而使委内瑞拉石油公司的控股权大约从40%提高到78%。如果彻底放弃这一项目,上述国际石油公司将彻底丧失在奥利诺科的盈利机会。这一事件为本观点提供了有力的支撑。
13 自由主义学者莉萨·马丁将“制度—利益”归纳为国际政治经济学的两个研究方向之一,另一方向是“国内—国际”层面,参见王正毅:“超越‘吉尔平'式的国际政治经济学——1990年代以来IPE及其在中国的发展”,《国际政治研究》2006年第2期,第22-39页。
14 关于对外直接投资的研究现状,参见钟飞腾:“国内联盟、制度与对外直接投资”,《国际政治研究》2006年第2期,第95-110页。
15 参见 Rboert D.Putnam,"Diplomacy and Domestic Politics:The Logic of Two-level Games,"International Organization,Vol.42,No.3,1988,pp.427-460.
16 John Spero,The Politics of International Economic Relations,New York:St.Martin's Press,1981,pp.109-119.
17 John Stopford,"The Growing Interdependence between Transnational Corporations and Governments," Transnational Corporations,Vol.3,No.1,February 1994,pp.53-76.
18 不宜采用劳动密集、技术密集和资本密集的标准进行分类,因为开采业,如石油开采业,既涉及到劳动密集,也涉及到技术密集和资本密集。
19 Susan Strange,The Retreat of the State:The Diffusion of Power in the World Economy,Cambridge,Great Britain:Cambridge University Press,1996,preface,p.xvi.
20 Stopford,"The Growing Interdependence between Transnational Corporations and Governments".
21 参见 John Stopford and Susan Strange,Rival States,Rival Firms:Competition for World Market Shares,Cambridge:Cambridge University Press,1991;Strange,The Retreat of the State,preface,p.xiv.
22 Andreas Jarblad,"The Global Political Economy of Transnational Corporations:A theory of asymmetric interdependence," Lulea University of Technology,C Extended Essay 2003:047http://epubl.luth.sc/1402-1773/2003/047/LTU-CUPP-03047-SE.pdf.(2006年3月18日。)
23 斯特兰奇:《国际政治经济学导论——国家与市场》,第18页。
24 同上。
25 罗伯特·基欧汉、约瑟夫·奈:《权力与相互依赖——转变中的世界政治》(第三版)(门洪华译),北京:北京大学出版社2002年版,第3页。
26 同上,第25-26页。
27 关于自由主义学者对经济相互依赖促进和平的研究成果,参见Richard Rosecrance,"War,Trade and Interdependence," in James Rosenau and Hylke Tromp,eds.,Interdependence and Conflict in World Politics,Aldershot,England:Avebury,1989,pp.48-57;Richard Rosecrance,The Rise of the Trading States:Commerce and Conquest in the Modern World,New York:Basic Books,1986;Bruce Russett and John Oneal,Triangulating Peace:Democracy,Interdependence,and International Organization,New York:W.W.Norton,2001.
28 Richard Cooper,The Economics of Interdependence,New York:McGraw Hill,1968.
29 Charles F.Doran,Myth,Oil,And Politics." Introduction to the Political Economy of Petroleum,New York:The Free Press,1977,p.181-184.
30 樊勇明:《西方国际政治经济学》(第二版),上海:上海人民出版社2006年版,第95页。
31 参见詹姆斯·多尔蒂、小罗伯特·普法尔茨格拉夫:《争论中的国际关系理论》(第五版)(阎学通等译),北京:世界知识出版社2003年版,第112-113页。
1 查尔斯·林德布洛姆:《政治与市场:世界的政治一经济制度》(王逸舟译),上海:三联书店上海分店、上海人民出版社1994年版,第9页。
2 Robert Lieber,Theory and World Politics,Cambridge,Mass.:Winthrop Publishers,1972,p.121.
3 Ibid.
4 Charles McClelland,Theory and the International System,New York:Macmillan,1966,p.20.
5 莫顿·卡普兰:《国际政治的系统和过程》(薄智跃译),北京:中国人民公安大学出版社1989年版,前言,第3、4页。
6 Lieber,Theory and World Politics,pp.132-133,120.
7 Karl Deutsch,The Analysis of International Relations,3rd edition,Englewood Cliffs,N.J.:Prentice Hall,1988,p.212.
8 戴维·辛格:“国际关系的层次分析问题”,载倪世雄、金应忠选编:《当代美国国际关系理论流派文选》,上海:学林出版社1987年版,第111页。
9 Kenneth Waltz,Theory of International Politics,New York:McGraw Hill Publishing Company,1979,p.18.
10 斯坦利·霍夫曼:“评均势”,载倪世雄、金应忠选编:《当代美国国际关系理论流派文选》,第152页。
11 Waltz,Theory oflnternational Politics,pp.95,93.
12 Joseph Nye,"Neorealism and Neoliberalism," World Politics,Vol.40,No.2,January 1998,pp.235-251.
13 McClelland,Theory and the International System,p.90.
14 George Modelski,"Agraria and Industria:Two Models of the International System," in Klaus Knorr and Sidney Verba,eds.,The International System:Theoretical Essays,Princeton,N.J.:Princeton University Press,1961,pp.121-122.
15 Helen Milner,"The Assumption of Anarchy in International Relations Theory:A Critique," in David Baldwin,ed.,Neorealism and Neoliberalism,New York:Columbia University Press,1993,p.165.
16 Kenneth Oye,ed.,Cooperation under Anarchy,Princeton:Princeton University Press,1986,p.11.
17 参见卡伦·明斯特:《国际关系精要》(潘忠岐译),上海:上海人民出版社2007年版,第87-93页。
18 Marc Genest,Conflict and Cooperation:Evolving Theories of International Relations,reprint version,Beijing:Peking University Press,2003,pp.226-235;V.Kubalkova and A.A.Cruickshank,Marxism-Leninism and Theory of International Relations,London:Routledge,1980.
19 马克思、恩格斯:《共产党宣言》,北京:人民出版社2000年版。
20 列宁:《帝国主义是资本主义的最高阶段》,北京:人民出版社1992年版。
21 毛泽东:《毛泽东选集》(第五卷),北京:人民出版社1977年版,第341页;毛泽东:《毛泽东外交文选》,北京:中央文献出版社、世界知识出版社1994年版,第600-601页。
22 Immanuel Wallerstein,The Modem World-System Ⅱ:Mercantilism and the Consolidation of the European World-Economy,1600-1750,New York:Academic Press,1980.
23 特奥托尼奥·多斯桑托斯:《帝国主义与依附》,北京:社会科学文献出版社1999年版。
24 James Caporaso,"Introduction to the special issue of International Organization on Dependence and Dependency in the Global System," International Organization,Vol.32,No.1,Winter 1978,pp.1-43;Theotonio Dos Santos,"The Structure of Dependence," The American Economic Review,Vol.60,No.2,May 1970,pp.231-236.
25 参见 Kenneth Waltz,Man,the State,and War,New York:Columbia University Press,1954;and David Singer,"The Levels of Analysis Problem," in James Rosenau,ed.,International Politics and Foreign Policy,New York:Free Press,1961,pp.20-29.
26 Waltz,Theory of International Politics,pp.100-101.
27 参见 Joseph Nye,Understanding International Conflicts:An Introduction to Theory and History,3rd edition,New York:Longman,2000,p.30.
28 领导体系的行为体不同于体系中的其它行为体,因其主导着体系的权力结构,因此主导者的变化具有体系性意义,而不属于一般行为体的范畴。
29 参见 Immanuel Wallerstein,The Modern Worm System,New York:Columbia University Press,1974.
30 肯尼斯·华尔兹:《国际政治理论》(信强译),上海:上海人民出版社2003年版,第96页。
31 同上,第97页。
32 约翰·米尔斯海默:《大国政治的悲剧》(王义桅、唐小松译),上海:上海人民出版社2003年版,第4-5页。
33 华尔兹:《国际政治理论》,第97页。
34 Barry Buzan and Ole Waever,Regions and Powers." The Structure of International Security,New York,Cambridge:Cambridge University Press,2003,pp.34-37.
35 Ibid.,p.32.
36 Hedley Bull,The Anarchical Society:A Study of Order in Worm Politics,London:Macmillan,1977,pp.200-202.
37 这组国家中实际上还应该包括伊拉克,因为人所共知的美国发动伊拉克战争的原因,伊拉克近几年的石油生产受到很大影响,以至于产量排名跌至可怜的第十四位。
38 "Worldwide Look at Reserves and Production," Oil & Gas Journal,Vol.104,No.47,December 18,2006,pp.24-25.
39 参见安维华、钱雪梅主编:《海湾石油新论》,北京:社会科学文献出版社2000年版,第三编第一、四、五章。
40 Fiona Hill,"Energy Empire:Oil,Gas and Russia's Revival," Foreign Policy Center,London,September 2004,at www.brookings.edu/views/articles/Fhill/20040930.pdf.(2008年4月5日)
41 保罗·罗伯茨:《石油的终结:濒临危险的新世界》,吴文忠译,北京:中信出版社2005年版,第83页。
42 最近的国有化运动是,委内瑞拉总统查韦斯2007年1月宣布对国内整个能源行业和电力行业实施国有化。
43 中国进口的成品油主要是燃料油、润滑油、航空煤油等。参见杨雪雁等:《论中国石油国际经营环境与策略》,北京:石油工业出版社2004年版,第50页。
44 日兹宁:《俄罗斯能源外交》(王海运、石泽译),北京:人民出版社2006年版,第445页。
45 同上,第453-454、664-665页。
46 同上,第453页。
47 同上,第448页。
48 参见 UNCTC,Transnational Corporations in Worm Development:Trends and Prospects,New York:United Nations,1988.
49 石油老“七姊妹”是指:新泽西标准石油公司(Standard Oil of New Jersey)(后来的埃克森石油公司)、皇家荷兰壳牌公司(Royal Dutch Shell)、盎格鲁波斯石油公司(Anglo Persian Oil Company)(后来的英国石油公司)、纽约标准石油公司(Standard Oil of New York)(后来的美孚石油公司)、加利福尼亚标准石油公司(Standard Oil of California)(后来的雪佛龙石油公司)、海湾石油公司(GulfOil)和德士古石油公司(Texaco)。
50 Shree Vikas and Chris Ellsworth,"Relationships Changing as NOC,IOC Roles Evolve," Oil & Gas Journal,Vol.105,No.13,April 2,2007,pp.22-26.
51 其中包括产油国和发展中消费大国的国家石油公司,即石油“新七姐妹”,以及其它较为重要的国家石油公司。
52 Amy Myers Jaffe,The Changing Role of National Oil Companies in International Energy Markets,Policy Report,No.35,Houston,TX.:The James A.Baker Ⅲ Institute for Public Policy,April 2007.
53 Amy Myers Jaffe and Ronald Soligo,The International Oil Companies,Houston,TX.:The James A.Baker Ⅲ Institute for Public Policy,November 2007.
54 分别是埃克森美孚公司、雪佛龙德士古公司、大陆菲利普公司、英国石油公司和皇家荷兰壳牌公司(其中前三家是美国的国际石油公司)。
55 现金流比利润能更好地衡量一个公司所具有的可支配的财力。
56 Jaffe and Soligo,The International Oil Companies.
57 Jaffe and Soligo,The International Oil Companies.
58 《洛杉矶时报》2007年8月1日。
59 此处主要分析公司行为体的目的,有关国际石油公司支出结构变化的原因和影响,本文将在第七章作深入分析,在此不做具体展开。
60 Jaffe,The Changing Role of National Oil Companies in International Energy Markets.
61 Robert Pirog,"The Role of National Oil Companies in the International Oil Market," CRS Report for Congress,RL 34137,August 21,2007.
62 吕建中、戴家权、陈蕊:“国家石油公司上下游一体化的内因及影响”,《国际石油经济》2007年第11期,第22-28页。
63 "Exxon,Conoco to Exit Orinoco Oil Projects," OilDaily,Vol.57,No.123,June 27,2007,p.1.
64 Shaofeng Chert,"Motivations behind China's Foreign Oil Quest:A Perspective from the Chinese Government and the Oil Companies," Journal of Chinese Political Science,Vol.13,No.1,2008,pp.79-104.
65 Pirog,"The Role of National Oil Companies in the International Oil Market".
66 数据转引自 Shaofeng Chen,"Motivations behind China's Foreign Oil Quest:A Perspective from the Chinese Government and the Oil Companies".
67 "Worldwide Look at Reserves and Production," Oil & Gas Journal,Vol.104,No.47,December 18,2006,pp.24-25.
68 阿拉伯石油输出国组织成立于1968年,初始成员国有科威特、利比亚和沙特阿拉伯,总部设在科威特。1970年,阿尔及利亚、阿布扎比、巴林、迪拜和卡塔尔五国加入。目前共有11个成员国,分别是阿尔及利亚、利比亚、巴林、埃及、伊拉克、科威特、卡塔尔、沙特、叙利亚、突尼斯、阿联酋,其中突尼斯于1986年起自愿冻结其成员资格。参见
http://www.fmprc.gov.cn/chn/ziliao/wzzt/2006z1/zahzltdejbzjhy/bjzl/amzzigjj/t253869.htm*(2008年3
月26日)
69 参见国际能源机构官方网站http://www.iea.org/about/index.asp。(2008年3月26日)
70 参见国际能源机构官方网站http://www.iea.org/about/membercountries.asp。(2008年3月26日)
71 参见国际能源机构官方网站http://www.iea.org/about/index.asp。(2008年3月26日)
72 John Mearsheimer,"The False Promise of International Institutions," International Security,Vol.19,No.3,Winter 1994/95,pp.5-49.
73 Robert Crawford,Regime Theory in the Post-Cold War World:Rethinking Neoliberal Approaches to International Relations,Aldershot,England:Dartmouth,1996,p.57.
74 Kenneth Waltz,"Limitation of Multipolarity," in Birthe Hansen and Bertel Heurlin,eds.,The New World Order:Contrasting Theories,London:Macmillan,2000,p.5.
75 Kenneth Waltz,"Structural Realism after the Cold War," International Security,Vol.25,No.1,Summer 2000,pp.5-41.
76 Susan Strange,The Retreat of the State:The Diffusion of Power in the World Economy,Cambridge,England:Cambridge University Press,1996,p.xiv and pp.192-193.
77 Susan Strange,"Cave! Hie Dragones:A Critique of Regime Analysis," International Organization,Vol.36,No.2,Spring 1982,pp.479-496.
78 Randall Schweller,"The Problem of International Order Revisited:A Review Essay," International Security,Vol.26,No.1,Summer 2001,pp.161-186.
79 Robert Keohane,After Hegemony:Cooperation and Discord in the World Political Economy,Princeton,N.J.:Princeton University Press,1984,p.65.
80 安维华、钱雪梅主编:《海湾石油新论》,第154页。
81 Fadhil J.AI-Chalabi,"OPEC:An Obituary," Foreign Policy,No.109.Winter 1997-1998,pp.126-140.
82 日兹宁:《俄罗斯能源外交》,第128页。
83 James E.Katz,"The International Energy Agency:Energy Cooperation or Illusion?" World Affairs,Vol.144,No.1,Summer 1981,pp.55-82.
84 Statement of Joseph J.Malone in U.S.House,Committee on Foreign Affairs,U.S.Policy and the International Energy Agency,December 18,1974,Washington:U.S.Government Printing Office,1975;Statement of Senator Howard Metzenbaum,U.S.Senate,Interior and Insular Affairs Committee,International Energy Program,November 26,1974,Washington:U.S.Government Printing Office,1975.
85 日兹宁:《俄罗斯能源外交》,第39页。
86 明斯特:《国际关系精要》,第86页。
87 Ernest J.Wilson Ⅲ,"World Politics and International Energy Markets," International Organization,Vol.41,No.1,Winter 1987,pp.125-149.
88 关于国际体系稳定的根源,现实主义中的霸权稳定论认为是霸权国家,基欧汉的国际机制论认为是霸权国家倡导下的国际制度。
89 参见 Keohane,After Hegemony:Cooperation and Discord in the World Political Economy.
90 Stephen G.Bunker,"Regional Development Theory and the Subordination of Extractive Peripheries," in A.Douglas Kincaid and Alejandro Portes,eds,Comparative National Development:Society and Economy in the New Global Order,Chapel Hill,NC:The University of North Carolina Press,1994,pp.112-141.
91 参见 Stephen Krasner,Defending the National Interest:Raw Materials Investments and U.S.Foreign Policy,Princeton,N.J.:Princeton University Press,1976;Keohane,After Hegemony:Cooperation and Discord in the World Political Economy.
92 Stephen G.Bunker,"Regional Development Theory and the Subordination of Extractive Peripheries".
93 参见 Wassily W.Leontief,The Structure of American Economy,1919-1939,New York:Oxford University Press,1951.
94 林德布洛姆:《政治与市场:世界的政治—经济制度》,第9页。
1 罗伯特·基欧汉、约瑟夫·奈:《权力与相互依赖——转变中的世界政治》(第三版)(门洪华译),北京:北京大学出版社2002年版,第12页。
2 卡伦·明斯特:《国际关系精要》(潘忠岐译),上海:上海人民出版社2007年版,第109页。
3 参见上书,第109-113页。
4 参见基欧汉、奈:《权力与相互依赖》,第14-17页。
5 参见明斯特:《国际关系精要》,第111页。
6 肯尼斯·华尔兹:《国际政治理论》(信强译),上海:上海人民出版社2003年版,第20页。
7 马修·西蒙斯:《沙漠黄昏:即将来临的沙特石油危机与世界经济》(徐小杰主译),上海:华东师范大学出版社2006年版,第50页。
8 Joan Edelman Spero and Jeffrey A.Hart,The Politics of International Economic Relations,6~(th) edition,Belmont,CA:Wadsworth/Thomson Learning,2003,p.301.
9 Ibid.,pp.301-302.
10 第一次世界大战后,英法瓜分了土耳其奥斯曼帝国的属地,包括巴格达和摩苏尔产油区。1925年,伊拉克新政府在英国的压力下,与土耳其石油公司签订了协议,让这家以英国资本为主的公司享有在摩苏尔地区开采石油的特权,并将土耳其石油公司改名为伊拉克石油公司。同时规定,这家公司将永远属于英国,取消1919年圣雷蒙条约中规定伊拉克政府可分享油田20%收益的条款。面对英国的扩张,美国多方面施加压力,于1928年在比利时的奥斯廷召开了一个多边会议,经过激烈的讨价还价后又达成一个协议,同意以埃克森石油公司为首的5家美国石油公司在伊拉克石油公司中占23.75%的股份,并在原奥斯曼属地享有开采权。英法为了防止美国资本在中东和海湾地区任意扩张,遂又与美国石油垄断财团签订了一项协议,规定凡是伊拉克石油公司及其
分公司,或参加该公司的任何一家公司,如在原奥斯曼帝国境内得到了新的石油租借权,则参加
伊拉克石油公司的整个国际集团和其它公司也应得到同样的权利,其分配比例与伊拉克石油公司
的股份比例相同。在这次签订协议的会议上,美国人卡洛斯·古本金用红笔在地图上划了一圈红线,
除伊朗和科威特外,中东所有盛产石油和可能产油的国家和地区都被划在红线圈内。这个石油协
定因此被称为“红线协定”,是欧美列强开始瓜分中东石油资源的一个标志性协定。
11 William Engdahl,A Century of War:Anglo-American Oil Politics and the New Worm Order,Revised Edition,London:Pluto Press,2004,pp.74-75.
12 Engdahl,A Century of War:Anglo-American Oil Politics and the New World Order,chap.9.
13 Ibid.,p.136.
14 西蒙斯:《沙漠黄昏:即将来临的沙特石油危机与世界经济》,第50页。
15 同上。
16 同上。
17 Vsssilis K.Fouskas and Bulent Gokay,The New American Imperialism:Bush's War on Terror and Blood for Oil,Westport,Connecticut:Praeger Security International,2004,p.17.
18 参见Spero and Hart,The Politics of International Economic Relations,p.314;滕泰、羿伟强、赵虹、杨东华:“全球大宗商品供求价格弹性分析”,《世界经济研究》2006年第6期,第59-64页。
19 参见杰奎斯·克莱默、德贾瓦德·沙雷西—伊斯法哈里:《石油市场模型》(王芳译),北京:北京大学出版社2004年,第9页。
20 其前身为石油“七姊妹”中的盎格鲁波斯石油公司(Anglo Persian Oil Company),后来演变为英国石油公司(BP)。
21 基欧汉、奈:《权力与相互依赖》,第13页。
22 分别是1971年、1973-74年、1975年三次石油价格上涨。
23 参见基欧汉、奈:《权力与相互依赖》,第12-20页。
24 基欧汉、奈:《权力与相互依赖》,第14页。
25 理查德·库珀认为,脆弱性相互依赖关注的是在经济联系中断的情况下没有交易行为的代价;敏感性相互依赖关注的是“在正常的经济活动条件下”为回应外部事件国家付出的政策调整成本(adjustment costs)。相对而言,敏感性相互依赖涉及的是处于与他国经济关系之中的成本,而脆弱性相互依赖涉及的是处于与他国经济关系之外的成本。换言之,敏感性和脆弱性都与相互依赖中断之后的代价有关,前者指的是为适应相互依赖中断或者为继续维持原有依赖而付出的短期代价,后者指的是为适应相互依赖中断而付出的长期代价。参见Richard Cooper,“Economic Interdependence and Coordination of Economic Policies," in Ronald Jones and Peter Kenen,eds.,Handbook of International Economics,Vol.Ⅱ,Amsterdam:North-Holland,1985,pp.1195-1234.
26 基欧汉、奈:《权力与相互依赖》,第16、18页。
27 参见基欧汉、奈:《权力与相互依赖》,第17页。
28 杨光主编:《中东非洲发展报告No.8(2004～2005):防范石油危机的国际经验》,北京:社会科学文献出版社2005年版,第13页。
29 基欧汉、奈:《权力与相互依赖》,第12页。
30 Mira Wilkins,The Maturing of Multinational Enterprise:American Business Abroad from 1914 to 1970,Cambridge,MA:Harvard University Press,1974,pp.386-387.
31 参见丹尼尔·耶金:《石油风云》(上海市政协翻译组编译),上海:上海译文出版社1997年版, 第779页。
32 参见上书,第781页。
33 哈里·马格多夫:《帝国主义时代——美国对外政策的经济学》(伍仞译),北京:商务印书馆1975年版,第25页。
34 参见 Joseph Nye,Understanding International Conflicts:An Introduction to Theory and History,3rd edition,New York:Longman,2000,p.30.
35 Lowell S.Feld:"Oil Markets in Crisis:Major Oil Supply Disruptions Since 1973," in Siamack Shojai ed.,The New Global Oil Market:Understanding Energy Issues In The World Economy,Westport CT:Praeger Publishers,1995,pp.101-115.
1 Fadhil J.AI-Chaiabi,OPEC and the International Oil Industry,Oxford:Oxford University Press,1980,p.132.
2 法德希尔·查拉比(Fadhil J.Al-Chalabi)曾于20世纪70年代担任阿拉伯石油输出国组织(OAPEC)助理秘书长,1983—88年担任欧佩克执行秘书长,90年代在伦敦全球能源研究中心(Center for Global Energy Studies)担任执行主任。
3 阿梅德·扎吉·亚马尼(Sheikh Ahmed Zaki Yamani)是前沙特阿拉伯石油大臣和欧佩克秘书长。
4 海湾公司(Gulf Oil International)是美国一家主要石油公司,1984年被雪佛龙公司并购。
5 Mira Wilkins,The Maturing oj Multinational Enterprise:American Business Abroadfrom 1914 t01970,Cambridge,MA:Harvard University Press,1974,pp.386-387.
6 保罗·罗伯茨:《石油的终结:濒临危险的新世界》(吴文忠译),北京:中信出版社2005年版,第23页。
7 同上。
8 同上。
9 丹尼尔·耶金:《石油风云》(上海市政协翻译组编译),上海:上海译文出版社1997年版,第517页。
10 Louis Turner,Oil Companies in the International System,London and Boston:The Royal Institute of International Affairs and George Allen & Unwin,Third edition,1983,p.40.
11 Franck Church,"The Importance of Oil Companies," Foreign Policy,No.27,Summer 1977,pp.27-51.
12 Burton I.Kaufman,"Oil and Antitrust:The Oil Cartel Case and the Cold War," The Business History Review,Vol.51,No.1,Spring 1977,pp.35-56.
13 卡伦·明斯特:《国际关系精要》(潘忠岐译),上海:上海人民出版社2007年版,第41页。
14 参见金宜久、吴云贵:《伊斯兰与国际热点》,北京:东方出版社2001年版,第268页。
15 本章第三节将详细分析产油国如何挑战国际石油公司的权力中心地位,以及改变世界石油体系的权力结构。
16 乔万尼·阿瑞吉、贝弗里·西尔弗等:《现代世界体系的混沌与治理》(王宇洁译),北京:生活·读书·新知三联书店2003年版,第145页。
17 Frank Church,The International Petroleum Cartel,the Iranian Consortium and US National Security,prepared for the use of the Sub-Committee on Multinational Corporations of the Committee on Foreign Relations,US Senate,Washington,DC:US Govermnent Printing Office,1974,pp.41-42.
18 Turner,Oil Companies in the International System,p.41.
19 安东尼·桑普森:《石油大鳄》(林青译述),北京:石油化学工业出版社1977年版,第96— 97页。
20 Turner,Oil Companies in the International System,p.44.
21 罗伯特·基欧汉、约瑟夫·奈:《权力与相互依赖——转变中的世界政治》(第三版)(门洪华译),北京:北京大学出版社2002年版,第19页。
22 FRUS(The Foreign Relations of the United States),Vol.V,1950,p.594.
23 桑普森:《石油大鳄》,第104-105页。
24 同上,第106页。
25 同上,第106-107页。
26 Frances Fitzgerald,"Giving the Shah Everything He Wants," Harper's,November 1974,pp.55-82.
27 Tumer,Oil Companies in the International System,p.44.
28 参见桑普森:《石油大鳄》,第109-110页。
29 Daniel Yergin,The Prize:The Epic Quest for Oil,Money,and Power,New York:Simon and Schuster,1992,pp.409-40.
30 杰奎斯·克莱默、德贾瓦德·沙雷西一伊斯法哈里:《石油市场模型》(王芳译),北京:北京大学出版社2004年版,第9页。
31 转引自 Charles F.Doran,Myth,Oil,and Politics:Introduction to the Political Economy of Petroleum,New York:The Free Press,1977,p.181.参见 Richard Cooper,The Economics of Interdependence,New York:McGraw Hill,1968;George Liska,Nations in Alliance:the Limits of Interdependence,Baltimore:Johns Hopkins University Press,1962;Nazli Chouchri,Global Energy Interdependence,Cambridge:MIT,Center for International Studies,1974;Louis Beres and Harry Targ,eds.,Planning Alternative World Futures:Values,Methods and Models,New York:Praeger,1975.
32 Al-Chalabi,OPEC and the International Oil Industry,p.132.
33 Edith Penrose,The Large International Firm in Developing Countries:The International Petroleum Industry,London:Allen and Unwin,1968,p.78.
34 Ibid.,p.146.
35 威廉·内斯特编著:《国际关系:21世纪的政治与经济》(姚远、汪恒译),北京:北京大学出版社2005年版,第472页。
36 罗伯茨:《石油的终结:濒临危险的新世界》,第86页;内斯特:《国际关系:21世纪的政治与经济》,第474页。
37 参见 Lowell S.Feld,"Oil Markets in Crisis:Major Oil Supply Disruptions Since 1973," in Siamack Shojai,ed.,The New Global Oil Market:Understanding Energy lssues In The Worm Economy,Westport,CT:Praeger,1995,p.104.
38 克莱默、沙雷西一伊斯法哈里:《石油市场模型》,第9页。
39 同上,第9-10页。
40 参见石油输出国组织《1982年统计年报》,转引自季国兴、陈和丰等:《第二次世界大战后中东战争史》,北京:中国社会科学出版社1987年版,第392-393页。
41 博·黑恩贝克:《石油与安全》,北京:商务印书馆1976年版,第98-99页。
42 同上,第102、104页。
43 Joel Darmstadter and Hans Landsberg,"The Economic Background," Daedalus,No.104,Fall 1975,pp.15-38.
44 Joan Edelman Spero and Jeffrey A.Hart,The Politics of International Economic Relations,6~(th)edition,Belmont,CA:Wadsworth/Thomson Learning,2003,p.304.
45 James E.Akins,"The Oil Crisis:This Time The Wolf Is Here," Foreign Affairs,Vol.51,No.3,April 1973,pp.462-490.
46 参见 Joe Stork,"Oil and the International Crisis," MERIP Reports,No.32,November 1974,pp.3-20+34.
47 1956年和1967年的石油减产分别造成持续4个月和2个月的供应短缺,日平均短缺量均为200万桶。
48 安维华、钱雪梅主编:《海湾石油新论》,北京:社会科学文献出版社2000年版,第370页。
49 Zuhayr Mikdashi,The Community of Oil Exporting Countries:A Study in Governmental Cooperation,Ithaca,N.Y.:Cornell University Press,1972,pp.196-207.
50 分别是委内瑞拉、伊朗、伊拉克、沙特阿拉伯和科威特。
51 新成员分别是阿尔及利亚、利比亚、卡塔尔、阿联酋、尼日利亚、厄瓜多尔、印度尼西亚和加蓬。
52 Zuhayr Mikdashi,"The OPEC Process," Daedalus,No.104,Fall 1975,p.203.
53 安维华、钱雪梅主编:《海湾石油新论》,第154页。
54 《第三世界石油斗争》编写组:《第三世界石油斗争》,北京:生活.读书.新知三联书店1981年版,第211页。
55 安维华、钱雪梅主编:《海湾石油新论》,第373页。
56 参见Al-Chalabi,OPEC and the International Oil Industry,p.v.
57 耶金:《石油风云》,第703-704页。
58 金宜久、吴云贵:《伊斯兰与国际热点》,第305页。
59 金宜久、吴云贵:《伊斯兰与国际热点》,第308-309页。
60 耶金:《石油风云》,第767页。
61 依赖的脆弱性要通过相对较长时段的政策调整及其结果才能得以体现,本文将在第六章对此加以详细阐释。
62 不过,如果产油国的行为忤逆了市场法则,那么它们将会遭到市场的报复,最终抵消资源性权力的作用。关于产油国滥用石油市场最终遭到市场报复和欧佩克由盛而衰的原因,笔者将在第六章详细分析。
1 罗伯特·基欧汉、约瑟夫·奈:《权力与相互依赖——转变中的世界政治》(第三版)(门洪华译),北京:北京大学出版社2002年版,第18页。
2 关于相互依赖的敏感性和脆弱性及其区别,参见基欧汉、奈:《权力与相互依赖——转变中的世界政治》,第一章。
3 Fadhil J.Al-Chalabi,"OPEC:An Obituary," Foreign Policy,No.109.Winter 1997-1998,pp.126-140.
4 丹尼尔·耶金:《石油风云》(上海市政协翻译组编译),上海:上海译文出版社1997年版,第796页。
5 AI-Chalabi,"OPEC:An Obituary".
6 Ibid.
7 参见杨光:“美国的中东石油外交”,《国际经济评论》2003年3期,第33-35页。
8 参见 Robert Lieber,The Oil Decade:Conflict and Cooperation in the West,New York:Praeger Publishers,1983,p.17.
9 中国现代国际关系研究院经济安全研究中心:《全球能源大棋局》,北京:时事出版社2005年版,第45页。
10 转引自“1973年,中东石油危机(五)”http://news.163.com/40831/1/0V2UVJC000011211.html。(2008年4月10日)
11 中国现代国际关系研究院经济安全研究中心:《全球能源大棋局》,第39页。
12 同上,第45页。
13 杨光主编:《中东非洲发展报告No.8(2004～2005):防范石油危机的国际经验》,北京:社会科学文献出版社2005年版,第66-67页。
14 中国现代国际关系研究院经济安全研究中心:《全球能源大棋局》,第40页。
15 关于对第一次石油危机时经济合作与发展组织石油合作机制的评价,参见Ulf Lantzke,“The OECD and Its International Energy Agency," in Raymond Vernon,ed.,The Oil Crisis,New York: Norton,1976,pp.218-220.
16 Lieber,The Oil Decade:Conflict and Cooperation in the West,p.17.
17 参见 Richard Scott,History of the IF.A:The First 20 Years-Volume Ⅱ:Major Policies and Actions,Paris:International Energy Agency,1995;王才良:“从20世纪的发展看世界石油工业的趋势和动向”(上、下),《世界石油经济》2001年第4期,第35-38页:第5期,第41-42页。
18 参见杨光主编:《中东非洲发展报告No.8(2004～2005):防范石油危机的国际经验》,第71-75页。
19 石油的替代能源主要是指天然气、核能、可再生能源(如风能、水力、太阳能、地热、海洋能等)。
20 陈悠久:“欧佩克三十年的成就及其影响”,《西亚非洲》1990年第4期,第64-69、17页。
21 Joshua S.Goldstein,Xiaoming Huang,and Burcu Akan,"Energy In The World Economy,1950-1992," International Studies Quarterly,Vol.41,No.2,June 1997,pp.241-266.
22 杨光主编:《中东非洲发展报告No.8(2004～2005):防范石油危机的国际经验》,第81页。
23 耶金:《石油风云》,第812-820页。
24 同上,第820页。
25 王才良:“国家石油公司的角色转变”,《国际石油经济》2007年第9期,第1-7页。
26 Louis Turner,Oil Companies in the International System,London and Boston:The Royal Institute of International Affairs and George Allen & Unwin,Third edition,1983,p.237.
27 Mary Ann Tetreault,The Organization of Arab Petroleum Exporting Countries:History,Policies and Prospects,Westport,Conn.:Greenwood Press,1981,pp.105-109.
28 杨光主编:《中东非洲发展报告No.8(2004～2005):防范石油危机的国际经验》,第67页。
29 Brian Levy,"World Oil Marketing in Transition," International Organization,Vol.36,No.1,Winter 1982,pp.113-33.
30 从资源的势力范围来看,那些实行国有化的产油国以及它们的国家石油公司虽然对国际石油公司提出了挑战,但是与国际石油公司相比,它们并不具有压倒性的和全面的竞争优势。在部分产油国实行石油工业国有化之后,国际石油公司的石油资源主要来自在非欧佩克产油区,如北美和欧洲。
31 Chase Manhattan,Capital Investment of the World Petroleum Industry:1980,New York:Chase Manhattan,1982,pp.12-19.
32 Turner,Oil Companies in the International System,p.240.
33 徐小杰:《新世纪的油气地缘政治:中国面临的机遇与挑战》,北京:社会科学文献出版社1998年版,第64-66页。
34 参见 Turner,Oil Companies in the International System,p.241.
35 Ibid.
36 Ibid.
37 Ibid.,p.242.
38 Ibid.
39 Ibid.
40 Ibid.
41 Ibid.,pp.244-245.
42 参见基欧汉、奈:《权力与相互依赖——专变中的世界政治》,第9页。
43 同上,第12页。
44 同上。
45 Behrooz Fattahi and Omid Fattahi,"The Political Economy of Oil:United States and Middle East Post-World War Ⅱ Relations," in Abbas P.Grammy and C.Kaye Bragg,eds.,UnitedStates-Third World Relations in the New World Order,New York:Nova Science Publishers,Inc.1996,pp.23-47.
46 Al-Chalabi,"OPEC:An Obituary".
47 Goldstein,Huang,and Akan,"Energy In The World Economy,1950-1992".
48 威廉·内斯特:《国际关系:21世纪的政治与经济》(姚远、汪恒译),北京:北京大学出版社2005年版,第475页。
49 同上。
50 同上,第476页。
51 所谓“石油美元”是指石油生产国用石油收入进口了必要的商品和劳务以及用于国内投资以后所剩余的那部分外汇资金。由于这部分资金来自于石油销售,而国际石油贸易主要以美元作为结算货币,因此这部分剩余资金通常被称为“石油美元”。
52 安维华、钱雪梅主编:《海湾石油新论》,北京:社会科学文献出版社2000年版,第222页。
53 同上,第156页。
54 基欧汉、奈:《权力与相互依赖——转变中的世界政治》,第18页。
55 参见 Ernest J.Wilson llI and Paul Kemezis,The Decade of Energy Policy:Policy Analysis in Oil Importing Countries,New York:Praeger,1984,chap.2;Levy,"World Oil Marketing in Transition";Ernest J.Wilson Ⅲ,"World Politics and International Energy Markets," International Organization,Vol.41,No.1,Winter 1987,pp.125-149.
56 基欧汉、奈:《权力与相互依赖——转变中的世界政治》,第16页。
57 同上,第19页。
58 约翰·梅森:《冷战》(余家驹译),上海:上海译文出版社2003年版,第81页。
59 同上,第83页。
60 Fattahi and Fattahi,"The Political Economy of Oil:United States and Middle East Post-World War ⅡRelations".
61 Goldstein,Huang,and Akan,"Energy In The World Economy,1950-1992".
62 王才良:“从20世纪的发展看世界石油工业的趋势和动向”。
63 转引自陈悠久:“欧佩克三十年的成就及其影响”。
64 Edward N.Krapels,"The Commanding Heights:International Oil in A Changed World,"InternationalAffairs,Vol.69,No.1,January 1993,pp.71-88.
65 参见耶金:《石油风云》,第916页。
66 参见 Lowell S.Feld,"Oil Markets in Crisis:Major Oil Supply Disruptions since 1973," in Siamaek Shojai,ed.,The New Global Oil Market." Understanding Energy Issues In The World Economy,Westport,CT:Praeger,1995,p.109.
67 杰奎斯·克莱默、德贾瓦德·沙雷西—伊斯法哈里:《石油市场模型》(王芳译),北京:北京大学出版社2004年版,第24页。
68 Goldstein,Huang,and Akan,"Energy In The World Economy,1950-1992".
69 Shojai,Siamack,ed.,The New Global Oil Market:Understanding Energy Issues In The World Economy,Westport,CT:Praeger,1995,p.110.
70 Ibid.
71 Ibid.
72 Ibid.
73 关于基欧汉和奈对“联系战略”的论述,参见基欧汉、奈:《权力与相互依赖——转变中的世 界政治》,第31-33页。
74 同上,第32页。
75 此外,在欧元出现后,一些产油国采用欧元作为石油贸易的计价和结算货币,挑战美元的石油交易主导货币的地位。
1 丹尼尔·耶金:《石油风云》(上海市政协翻译组编译),上海:上海译文出版社1997年版,第985页。
2 Edward L.Morse,"A New Political Economy of Oil?" Journal of International Affairs,Vol.53,No.1,Fall 1999,pp.1-29.
3 参见马修·西蒙斯:《沙漠黄昏:即将来临的沙特石油危机与世界经济》(徐小杰主译),上海:华东师范大学出版社2006年版,中文版前言第4页。
4 Robert Kagan,"Strategic Dissonance," Survival,Vol.44,No.4,Winger 2002/3,pp.135-139.
5 王郦久:“俄罗斯东方能源外交与中俄能源合作”,《现代国际关系》2006年第8期,第8-13、20页。
6 王海运:“‘能源超级大国':俄罗斯的能源外交”,《世界石油经济》2006年第10期,第8-16页。
7 日兹宁:《俄罗斯能源外交》(王海运、石泽译),北京:人民出版社2006年版,第16页。
8 Fiona Hill,"Energy Empire:Oil,Gas and Russia's Revival," Foreign Policy Center,London, September 2004,at www.brookings.edu/views/articles/Fhill/20040930.pdf.(2008年4月5日)
9 日兹宁:《俄罗斯能源外交》,第51页。
10 同上,第47页。
11 苏联解体后,原苏联燃料动力系统各部均被撤销,1992年由新成立的俄罗斯燃料和动力部接管,并开始重要经济部门的非国有化、企业股份化和私有化进程。“再国有化”是针对这一波私有化而言的。
12 日兹宁:《俄罗斯能源外交》,第532页。
13 同上,第51页。
14 王海运:“‘能源超级大国':俄罗斯的能源外交”。
15 Carola Hoyos,"The New Seven Sisters:Oil and Gas Giants Dwarf Western Rivals," Financial Times,March 12,2007.
16 Ibid.
17 吕建中、戴家权、陈蕊:“国家石油公司上下游一体化的内因及影响”,《国际石油经济》2007年第11期,第22-28页。
18 Alexandre M.Oliveira,Melissa Stark,and Claire Lawrie,"The Rise of the National Oil Company,"at www.rice.edu/energy/publications/docs/NOCs/Presentations/Accenture-RiseOfNOCs.pdf.(2008年4月10日)
19 参见 Toni Johnson,"The Return of Resource Nationalism," August 13,2007 at http://www.cfr.org/publication/13989/return of resource nationalism.html.(2008年4月10日)
20 奥利诺科石油带是一个面积为55314平方公里的地区,拥有世界上最大的石油储备(重油),储量达1.3万亿桶。
21 "Exxon,Conoco to Exit Orinoco Oil Projects," Oil Daily,Vol.57,No.123,June 27,2007,p.1.
22 关于美国在后冷战时代的军事行动与油气资源的关系,参见Vassilis K.Fouskas,Zones of Conflict:US Foreign Policy in the Balkans and the Greater Middle East,London:Pluto,2003.
23 典型的硬权力是指军事权力和经济权力。参见约瑟夫·奈:《硬权力与软权力》(门洪华译),北京:北京大学出版社2005年版,第6页。
24 Edward N.Krapels,"The Commanding Heights:International Oil in A Changed World,"International Affairs,Vol.69,No.1,January 1993,pp.71-88.
25 Kevin Phillips,American Theocracy:The Peril and Politics of Radical Religion,Oil,and Borrowed Money in the 21~(st) Century,New York:Viking Penguin,2006,p.5.
26 Morse,"A New Political Economy of Oil?"
27 Ibid.
28 耶金:《石油风云》,第985页。
29 同上,第985页。
30 转引自罗伯特.吉尔平:《世界政治中的战争与变革》(武军等译),北京:中国人民公安大学出版社1994年版,第141页。
31 Phillips,American Theocracy:The Peril and Politics of Radical Religion,Oil,and Borrowed Money in the 21~(st) Century,p.76.
32 莫尼卡·卡罗利:《冬天里的尼克松》(杨仁敬等译),南京:江苏人民出版社2000年版,第346页。
33 Fouskas,The Zone of Conflict." US Foreign Policy in the Balkans and the Greater Middle East,p.5.
34 参见 Vsssilis K.Fouskas and Bulent Gokay,The New American Imperialism:Bush's War on Terror and Blood for Oil,Westport,Connecticut:Praeger Security International,2004.
35 George Monbiot,"A Discreet Deal in the Pipeline," The Guardian,February 15,2001.
36 Paul Michael Wihbey,"Looking at Balkans Route for Caspian Crude," United Press International,June 23,1999.
37 B.Schwarz and C.Layne,"The Case against Intervention in Kosovo," The Nation,April 19,1999;Peter Gowan,"The Euro-Atlantic Origins of NATO's Attack on Yugoslavia," in Tadq Ali,ed.,Masters of the Universe? NATO's Balkan Crusade,London:Verso,2000,pp.3-45.
38 Fouskas and Gokay,The New American Imperialism." Bush's War on Terror and Blood for Oil,p.153.
39 日兹宁:《俄罗斯能源外交》,第460页。
40 同上。
41 由三位学者共同开发的估算石油公司行为效率的模型。该模型把收入作为公司的产出,把油气储量和雇员数量作为生产投入。估计的效率值在1和0之间。参见Peter Hartley,Kenneth B.Medlock,Ⅲ,and Stacy L.Eller,"Empirical Evidence on the Operational Efficiency of National Oil Companies,"in Amy Myers Jail'e,The Changing Role of National Oil Companies in International Energy Markets,Policy Report,No.35,Houston,TX.:The James A.Baker Ⅲ Institute for Public Policy,April 2007.
42 同上,另见张一弛:“处于商业和非商业目标之间——一部分国外专家对国家石油公司的研究和认识”,《国际石油经济》2007年第9期,第8-14、18页。
43 Oliveira,Stark,and Lawrie,"The Rise of the National Oil Company".
44 参见王才良:“国家石油公司的角色转变”,《国际石油经济》2007年第9期,第1-7页。
45 日兹宁:《俄罗斯能源外交》,第460页。
46 杨雪雁等:《论中国石油国际经营环境与策略》,北京:石油工业出版社2004年版,第41页。
47 同上,第464-465页。
48 参见 Fouskas and Gokay,The New American Imperialism:Bush's War on Terror and Blood for Oil,p.149.
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2 Peter Hartley,Kenneth B.Medlock,Ⅲ,and Stacy L.Eller,"Empirical Evidence on the Operational Efficiency of National Oil Companies," in Amy Myers Jaffe,The Changing Role of National Oil Companies in International Energy Markets,Policy Report,No.35,Houston,TX.:The James A.Baker Ⅲ Institute for Public Policy,April 2007.
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2 本章以拙文“跨国公司的国际政治经济学研究:反思与重构''(《国际政治研究》2007年第3期,第156-71页)为基础加以修改和拓展。
3 王正毅、张岩贵:《国际政治经济学——理论范式与现实经验研究》,北京:商务印书馆2003年版,第188、194页。
4 罗伯特·吉尔平:《国际关系政治经济学》(杨宇光等译),北京:经济科学出版社1989年版,第2章。
5 Karen Mingst,Essentials of International Relations,New York:W.W.Norton and Company,2004,p.237.
6 吉尔平:《国际关系政治经济学》,第102页。
7 Robert Gilpin,US.Power and the Multinational Corporation." The Political Economy of Foreign Direct Investment,New York:Basic Books,1975,p.113.
8 吉尔平:《国际关系政治经济学》,第272-276页。
9 罗伯特·吉尔平:《全球资本主义的挑战:21世纪的世界经济》(杨宇光译),上海:上海人民出版社2001年版,第179页。
10 斯蒂芬·克莱斯勒:《结构冲突:第三世界对抗全球自由主义》(李小华译),浙江:浙江人民出版社2001年版,第175-176页。
11 詹姆斯·多尔蒂、小罗伯特·普法尔茨格拉夫:《争论中的国际关系理论》(第五版)(阎学通等译),北京:世界知识出版社2003年版,第69页。
12 Darryl Jarvis,"Multinational Enterprises,International Relations and International Business:Reconstituting Intellectual Boundaries for the New Millennium," Australian Journal of International Affairs,Vol.59,No.2,June 2005,pp.201-223.
13 罗伯特·基欧汉、约瑟夫·奈:《权力与相互依赖——转变中的世界政治》(第三版)(门洪华译),北京:北京大学出版社2002年版,第58页。
14 Kenneth Waltz,Theory of International Politics,New York:McGraw-Hill,1979,p.73.
15 David Osterberg and Fouad Ajami,"The Multinational Corporation:Expanding the Frontiers of World Politics," Journal of Conflict Resolution,Vol.15,No.4,1971,pp.457-470.
16 约翰·米尔斯海默:《大国政治的悲剧》(王义桅、唐小松译),上海:上海人民出版社2003年版,英文版前言第41页。
17 Raymond Vernon,Sovereignty at Bay:The Multinational Spread of US Enterprises,New York:Basic Books,1971,chap.1.
18 Ibid.,pp.25-34.
19 苏珊·斯特兰奇:“全球化与国家的销蚀”,载王列、杨雪冬(编译):《全球化与世界》,北京:中央编译出版社1998年版,第110-121页。
20 多尔蒂、普法尔茨格拉夫:《争论中的国际关系理论》,第508页。
21 Arnold Wolfers,"The Actors in World Politics," in Arnold Wolfers,ed.,Discord and Collaboration:Essays on International Politics,Baltimore,MD:Johns Hopkins University Press,1962,p.23.
22 Chadwick Alger,"The Multinational Corporation and the Future International System," Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science,Vol.403,September 1972,pp.104-115.
23 关于新功能主义的论述,参见Joseph Nye,Peace in Parts:Integration and Conflict in Regional Organization,Boston:Little,Brown,1971;R.J.Harrison,"Neo-Functionalism," in A.J.R.Groom and Paul Taylor,eds.,Framework for International Cooperation,2~(nd) ed.,London:Printer,1994.
24 关于新自由制度主义的论述,参见Robert Keohane,After Hegemony:Cooperation and Discord in the World Political Economy,Princeton,N.J.:Princeton University Press,1984;Robert Keohane and Lisa Martin,"The Promise of Institutionalist Theory," International Security,Vol.20,No.1,Summer 1995,pp.39-51.
25 Jarvis,"Multinational Enterprises,International Relations and International Business," pp.206-208.
26 Jan Tullberg,"Illusion of Corporate Power:Revisiting the Relative Power of Corporations and Governments," Journal of Business Ethics,Vol.52,No.4,July 2004,pp.325-333.
27 戴维·赫尔德:《全球大变革:全球化时代的政治、经济与文化》(杨雪冬译),北京:社会科学文献出版社2001年版,第13页。
28 参见Jarvis,“Multinational Enterprises,International Relations and International Business,”p.206.
29 参见基欧汉、奈:《权力与相互依赖》,第11-12页。
30 相关分析,参见Mingst,Essentials of International Relations,chapter 3.
31 特奥托尼奥·多斯桑托斯:《帝国主义与依附》(毛金里等译),北京:社会科学文献出版社1999年版,中译本序,第1页。
32 Immanuel Wallerstein,The Capitalist World Economy,Cambridge:Cambridge University Press,1989,pp.160-161.
33 参见王逸舟:《西方国际政治学:历史与理论》,上海:上海人民出版社1998年版,第558页;王正毅、张岩贵:《国际政治经济学》,第302页。
34 Immanuel Wallerstein,The Modern World System,New York:Columbia University Press,1974;Jarvis,"Multinational Enterprises,International Relations and International Business," p.211.
35 王正毅、张岩贵:《国际政治经济学》,262-263页。
36 萨米尔·阿明:《不平等的发展:论外围资本主义的社会形态》(高锸译),北京:商务印书馆1990年版,第285-312页。
37 多斯桑托斯:《帝国主义与依附》,第67页。
38 王正毅、张岩贵:《国际政治经济学》,第303-304页。
39 阿兰·鲁格曼:《全球化的终结:对全球化及其商业影响的全新激进的分析》(常志霄等译),北京:生活·读书·新知三联书店2001年版,第149-150页。
40 参见多斯桑托斯:《帝国主义与依附》,第470-473页。
41 阿明:《不平等的发展:论外围资本主义的社会形态》。
42 多斯桑托斯:《帝国主义与依附》。
43 劳尔·普雷维什:“我的发展思想的五阶段”,载什杰拉尔德·迈耶、达德利·西尔斯编:《发展经济学的先驱》(谭崇台等译),北京:经济科学出版社1988年版,第179-181页。
44 威廉·内斯特编著:《国际关系:21世纪的政治与经济》(姚远、汪恒译),北京:北京大学出版社2005年版,第497页。
45 Louis Turner,"The Oil Majors in World Politics," International Affairs,July 1976,Vol.52,No.3,pp.368-380.
46 Robert Barnes,"International Oil Companies Confront Governments:A Half-Century of Experience," International Studies Quarterly,Vol.16,No.4,December 1972(Multinational Corporations and World Order),pp.453-471.
47 安东尼·桑普森:《石油大鳄》(林青译述),北京:石油化学工业出版社1977年版。
48 Turner,"The Oil Majors in World Politics".
49 Louis Turner,Oil Companies in the International System,London and Boston:The Royal Institute of International Affairs and George Allen & Unwin,Third edition,1983,Chap.6.
50 Frank R.Wyant,"The Role of Multinational Oil Companies in World Energy Trade," Annual Reviews Energy,No.2,November 1977,pp.125-151.
51 Franck Church,"The Importance of Oil Companies," Foreign Policy,S No.27,Summer 1977,pp. 27-51.
52 Charles F.Doran,"Book Review on Oil Company in International System," The Journal of Politics,Vol.42,No.1,February 1980,pp.349-351.
53 Turner,Oil Companies in the International System,Chap.12.
54 Vahan Zanoyan,"NOC-IOC Relations and Their Impact on Investment in the Upstream Sector,"Alexander's Gas &Oil Connections Features,Vol.7,Issue #21,October 2002.
55 Carola Hoyos,"The New Seven Sisters:Oil and Gas Giants Dwarf Western Rivals," Financial Times,March 12,2007.
56 中国的油气专业杂志《国际石油经济》2007年第9期刊登了这一专题的编译材料。
57 Amy Myers Jaffe,The Changing Role of National Oil Companies in International Energy Markets,Policy Report,No.35,Houston,TX.:The James A.Baker Ⅲ Institute for Public Policy,April 2007.
58 Chris Ellsworth and Shree Vikas,"Oil Companies Adjust as Government Roles Expand," Oil & Gas Journal,Vol.105,No.12,March 26,2007;Shree Vikas and Chris Ellsworth,"Relationships Changing as NOC,IOC Roles Evolve," Oil & Gas Journal,Vol.105,No.13,April 2,2007.
59 Turner,Oil Companies in the International System,p.15.
60 Ibid.,pp.118-120.
61 Franck Church,"The Importance of Oil Companies".
62 Turner,Oil Companies in the International System,pp.115-116.
63 Ibid.,p.17.
64 Jeffery A.Frieden,Global Capitalism:Its Fall and Rise in the Twentieth Century,New York:W.W.Norton & Company,2006,p.476.
1 苏珊·斯特兰奇:《国际政治经济学导论——国家与市场》(杨宇光等译),北京:经济科学出版社1990年版,第18页。
2 Karen Mingst,Essentials of International Relations,New York:W.W.Norton and Company,2004,p.74.
3 Ibid.
4 Ibid.
5 约翰·米尔斯海默:《大国政治的悲剧》(王义桅、唐小松译),上海:上海人民出版社2003年版,英文版前言第41页。
6 David Osterberg and Fouad Ajami,"The Multinational Corporation:Expanding the Frontiers of World Politics," Journal of Conflict Resolution,Vol.15,No.4,1971,pp.457-470.
7 肯尼斯·华尔兹:《国际政治理论》(信强译),上海:上海人民出版社2003年版,第127页。
8 有关将跨国公司看作国际政治或者全球政治行为体的论述,参见P.G.Bock and Vincent J.Fuccillo,"Transnational Corporations as International Political Actors," Studies in Comparative International Development,Vol.10,No.2,1975,pp.51-77;Anders Uhlin,"Transnational Corporations as Global Political Actors:A Literature Review," Cooperation and Conflict,Vol.23,No.2,1988,pp.231-247.
9 Lorraine Eden,"Bringing the Firm Back In:Multinationals in International Political Economy,"Millennium Journal of International Studies,Vol.20,No.2,1991,pp.197-224.
10 华尔兹:《国际政治理论》,第127页。
11 相互依赖在本文中作为一种现象描述,是中性的不含价值判断的概念,不具有新自由主义学者所主张的导致和平与合作的含义和预期。学术界认为新自由主义学派的标签是,该学派坚信无政府状态下的国际合作是可能的,相互依赖、国际制度等因素可以加强国家间合作。(参见由秦亚青为《权力与相互依赖》第三版中译本所作的总序第3页)
12 2007年6月,在委内瑞拉的奥利诺科石油项目上,法国道达尔公司、英国石油公司以及美国的雪佛龙公司,迫于委内瑞拉政府压力,将该项目的大部分股权让给委内瑞拉国家石油公司,从而使委内瑞拉石油公司的控股权大约从40%提高到78%。如果彻底放弃这一项目,上述国际石油公司将彻底丧失在奥利诺科的盈利机会。这一事件为本观点提供了有力的支撑。
13 自由主义学者莉萨·马丁将“制度—利益”归纳为国际政治经济学的两个研究方向之一,另一方向是“国内—国际”层面,参见王正毅:“超越‘吉尔平'式的国际政治经济学——1990年代以来IPE及其在中国的发展”,《国际政治研究》2006年第2期,第22-39页。
14 关于对外直接投资的研究现状,参见钟飞腾:“国内联盟、制度与对外直接投资”,《国际政治研究》2006年第2期,第95-110页。
15 参见 Rboert D.Putnam,"Diplomacy and Domestic Politics:The Logic of Two-level Games,"International Organization,Vol.42,No.3,1988,pp.427-460.
16 John Spero,The Politics of International Economic Relations,New York:St.Martin's Press,1981,pp.109-119.
17 John Stopford,"The Growing Interdependence between Transnational Corporations and Governments," Transnational Corporations,Vol.3,No.1,February 1994,pp.53-76.
18 不宜采用劳动密集、技术密集和资本密集的标准进行分类,因为开采业,如石油开采业,既涉及到劳动密集,也涉及到技术密集和资本密集。
19 Susan Strange,The Retreat of the State:The Diffusion of Power in the World Economy,Cambridge,Great Britain:Cambridge University Press,1996,preface,p.xvi.
20 Stopford,"The Growing Interdependence between Transnational Corporations and Governments".
21 参见 John Stopford and Susan Strange,Rival States,Rival Firms:Competition for World Market Shares,Cambridge:Cambridge University Press,1991;Strange,The Retreat of the State,preface,p.xiv.
22 Andreas Jarblad,"The Global Political Economy of Transnational Corporations:A theory of asymmetric interdependence," Lulea University of Technology,C Extended Essay 2003:047http://epubl.luth.sc/1402-1773/2003/047/LTU-CUPP-03047-SE.pdf.(2006年3月18日。)
23 斯特兰奇:《国际政治经济学导论——国家与市场》,第18页。
24 同上。
25 罗伯特·基欧汉、约瑟夫·奈:《权力与相互依赖——转变中的世界政治》(第三版)(门洪华译),北京:北京大学出版社2002年版,第3页。
26 同上,第25-26页。
27 关于自由主义学者对经济相互依赖促进和平的研究成果,参见Richard Rosecrance,"War,Trade and Interdependence," in James Rosenau and Hylke Tromp,eds.,Interdependence and Conflict in World Politics,Aldershot,England:Avebury,1989,pp.48-57;Richard Rosecrance,The Rise of the Trading States:Commerce and Conquest in the Modern World,New York:Basic Books,1986;Bruce Russett and John Oneal,Triangulating Peace:Democracy,Interdependence,and International Organization,New York:W.W.Norton,2001.
28 Richard Cooper,The Economics of Interdependence,New York:McGraw Hill,1968.
29 Charles F.Doran,Myth,Oil,And Politics." Introduction to the Political Economy of Petroleum,New York:The Free Press,1977,p.181-184.
30 樊勇明:《西方国际政治经济学》(第二版),上海:上海人民出版社2006年版,第95页。
31 参见詹姆斯·多尔蒂、小罗伯特·普法尔茨格拉夫:《争论中的国际关系理论》(第五版)(阎学通等译),北京:世界知识出版社2003年版,第112-113页。
1 查尔斯·林德布洛姆:《政治与市场:世界的政治一经济制度》(王逸舟译),上海:三联书店上海分店、上海人民出版社1994年版,第9页。
2 Robert Lieber,Theory and World Politics,Cambridge,Mass.:Winthrop Publishers,1972,p.121.
3 Ibid.
4 Charles McClelland,Theory and the International System,New York:Macmillan,1966,p.20.
5 莫顿·卡普兰:《国际政治的系统和过程》(薄智跃译),北京:中国人民公安大学出版社1989年版,前言,第3、4页。
6 Lieber,Theory and World Politics,pp.132-133,120.
7 Karl Deutsch,The Analysis of International Relations,3rd edition,Englewood Cliffs,N.J.:Prentice Hall,1988,p.212.
8 戴维·辛格:“国际关系的层次分析问题”,载倪世雄、金应忠选编:《当代美国国际关系理论流派文选》,上海:学林出版社1987年版,第111页。
9 Kenneth Waltz,Theory of International Politics,New York:McGraw Hill Publishing Company,1979,p.18.
10 斯坦利·霍夫曼:“评均势”,载倪世雄、金应忠选编:《当代美国国际关系理论流派文选》,第152页。
11 Waltz,Theory oflnternational Politics,pp.95,93.
12 Joseph Nye,"Neorealism and Neoliberalism," World Politics,Vol.40,No.2,January 1998,pp.235-251.
13 McClelland,Theory and the International System,p.90.
14 George Modelski,"Agraria and Industria:Two Models of the International System," in Klaus Knorr and Sidney Verba,eds.,The International System:Theoretical Essays,Princeton,N.J.:Princeton University Press,1961,pp.121-122.
15 Helen Milner,"The Assumption of Anarchy in International Relations Theory:A Critique," in David Baldwin,ed.,Neorealism and Neoliberalism,New York:Columbia University Press,1993,p.165.
16 Kenneth Oye,ed.,Cooperation under Anarchy,Princeton:Princeton University Press,1986,p.11.
17 参见卡伦·明斯特:《国际关系精要》(潘忠岐译),上海:上海人民出版社2007年版,第87-93页。
18 Marc Genest,Conflict and Cooperation:Evolving Theories of International Relations,reprint version,Beijing:Peking University Press,2003,pp.226-235;V.Kubalkova and A.A.Cruickshank,Marxism-Leninism and Theory of International Relations,London:Routledge,1980.
19 马克思、恩格斯:《共产党宣言》,北京:人民出版社2000年版。
20 列宁:《帝国主义是资本主义的最高阶段》,北京:人民出版社1992年版。
21 毛泽东:《毛泽东选集》(第五卷),北京:人民出版社1977年版,第341页;毛泽东:《毛泽东外交文选》,北京:中央文献出版社、世界知识出版社1994年版,第600-601页。
22 Immanuel Wallerstein,The Modem World-System Ⅱ:Mercantilism and the Consolidation of the European World-Economy,1600-1750,New York:Academic Press,1980.
23 特奥托尼奥·多斯桑托斯:《帝国主义与依附》,北京:社会科学文献出版社1999年版。
24 James Caporaso,"Introduction to the special issue of International Organization on Dependence and Dependency in the Global System," International Organization,Vol.32,No.1,Winter 1978,pp.1-43;Theotonio Dos Santos,"The Structure of Dependence," The American Economic Review,Vol.60,No.2,May 1970,pp.231-236.
25 参见 Kenneth Waltz,Man,the State,and War,New York:Columbia University Press,1954;and David Singer,"The Levels of Analysis Problem," in James Rosenau,ed.,International Politics and Foreign Policy,New York:Free Press,1961,pp.20-29.
26 Waltz,Theory of International Politics,pp.100-101.
27 参见 Joseph Nye,Understanding International Conflicts:An Introduction to Theory and History,3rd edition,New York:Longman,2000,p.30.
28 领导体系的行为体不同于体系中的其它行为体,因其主导着体系的权力结构,因此主导者的变化具有体系性意义,而不属于一般行为体的范畴。
29 参见 Immanuel Wallerstein,The Modern Worm System,New York:Columbia University Press,1974.
30 肯尼斯·华尔兹:《国际政治理论》(信强译),上海:上海人民出版社2003年版,第96页。
31 同上,第97页。
32 约翰·米尔斯海默:《大国政治的悲剧》(王义桅、唐小松译),上海:上海人民出版社2003年版,第4-5页。
33 华尔兹:《国际政治理论》,第97页。
34 Barry Buzan and Ole Waever,Regions and Powers." The Structure of International Security,New York,Cambridge:Cambridge University Press,2003,pp.34-37.
35 Ibid.,p.32.
36 Hedley Bull,The Anarchical Society:A Study of Order in Worm Politics,London:Macmillan,1977,pp.200-202.
37 这组国家中实际上还应该包括伊拉克,因为人所共知的美国发动伊拉克战争的原因,伊拉克近几年的石油生产受到很大影响,以至于产量排名跌至可怜的第十四位。
38 "Worldwide Look at Reserves and Production," Oil & Gas Journal,Vol.104,No.47,December 18,2006,pp.24-25.
39 参见安维华、钱雪梅主编:《海湾石油新论》,北京:社会科学文献出版社2000年版,第三编第一、四、五章。
40 Fiona Hill,"Energy Empire:Oil,Gas and Russia's Revival," Foreign Policy Center,London,September 2004,at www.brookings.edu/views/articles/Fhill/20040930.pdf.(2008年4月5日)
41 保罗·罗伯茨:《石油的终结:濒临危险的新世界》,吴文忠译,北京:中信出版社2005年版,第83页。
42 最近的国有化运动是,委内瑞拉总统查韦斯2007年1月宣布对国内整个能源行业和电力行业实施国有化。
43 中国进口的成品油主要是燃料油、润滑油、航空煤油等。参见杨雪雁等:《论中国石油国际经营环境与策略》,北京:石油工业出版社2004年版,第50页。
44 日兹宁:《俄罗斯能源外交》(王海运、石泽译),北京:人民出版社2006年版,第445页。
45 同上,第453-454、664-665页。
46 同上,第453页。
47 同上,第448页。
48 参见 UNCTC,Transnational Corporations in Worm Development:Trends and Prospects,New York:United Nations,1988.
49 石油老“七姊妹”是指:新泽西标准石油公司(Standard Oil of New Jersey)(后来的埃克森石油公司)、皇家荷兰壳牌公司(Royal Dutch Shell)、盎格鲁波斯石油公司(Anglo Persian Oil Company)(后来的英国石油公司)、纽约标准石油公司(Standard Oil of New York)(后来的美孚石油公司)、加利福尼亚标准石油公司(Standard Oil of California)(后来的雪佛龙石油公司)、海湾石油公司(GulfOil)和德士古石油公司(Texaco)。
50 Shree Vikas and Chris Ellsworth,"Relationships Changing as NOC,IOC Roles Evolve," Oil & Gas Journal,Vol.105,No.13,April 2,2007,pp.22-26.
51 其中包括产油国和发展中消费大国的国家石油公司,即石油“新七姐妹”,以及其它较为重要的国家石油公司。
52 Amy Myers Jaffe,The Changing Role of National Oil Companies in International Energy Markets,Policy Report,No.35,Houston,TX.:The James A.Baker Ⅲ Institute for Public Policy,April 2007.
53 Amy Myers Jaffe and Ronald Soligo,The International Oil Companies,Houston,TX.:The James A.Baker Ⅲ Institute for Public Policy,November 2007.
54 分别是埃克森美孚公司、雪佛龙德士古公司、大陆菲利普公司、英国石油公司和皇家荷兰壳牌公司(其中前三家是美国的国际石油公司)。
55 现金流比利润能更好地衡量一个公司所具有的可支配的财力。
56 Jaffe and Soligo,The International Oil Companies.
57 Jaffe and Soligo,The International Oil Companies.
58 《洛杉矶时报》2007年8月1日。
59 此处主要分析公司行为体的目的,有关国际石油公司支出结构变化的原因和影响,本文将在第七章作深入分析,在此不做具体展开。
60 Jaffe,The Changing Role of National Oil Companies in International Energy Markets.
61 Robert Pirog,"The Role of National Oil Companies in the International Oil Market," CRS Report for Congress,RL 34137,August 21,2007.
62 吕建中、戴家权、陈蕊:“国家石油公司上下游一体化的内因及影响”,《国际石油经济》2007年第11期,第22-28页。
63 "Exxon,Conoco to Exit Orinoco Oil Projects," OilDaily,Vol.57,No.123,June 27,2007,p.1.
64 Shaofeng Chert,"Motivations behind China's Foreign Oil Quest:A Perspective from the Chinese Government and the Oil Companies," Journal of Chinese Political Science,Vol.13,No.1,2008,pp.79-104.
65 Pirog,"The Role of National Oil Companies in the International Oil Market".
66 数据转引自 Shaofeng Chen,"Motivations behind China's Foreign Oil Quest:A Perspective from the Chinese Government and the Oil Companies".
67 "Worldwide Look at Reserves and Production," Oil & Gas Journal,Vol.104,No.47,December 18,2006,pp.24-25.
68 阿拉伯石油输出国组织成立于1968年,初始成员国有科威特、利比亚和沙特阿拉伯,总部设在科威特。1970年,阿尔及利亚、阿布扎比、巴林、迪拜和卡塔尔五国加入。目前共有11个成员国,分别是阿尔及利亚、利比亚、巴林、埃及、伊拉克、科威特、卡塔尔、沙特、叙利亚、突尼斯、阿联酋,其中突尼斯于1986年起自愿冻结其成员资格。参见
http://www.fmprc.gov.cn/chn/ziliao/wzzt/2006z1/zahzltdejbzjhy/bjzl/amzzigjj/t253869.htm*(2008年3
月26日)
69 参见国际能源机构官方网站http://www.iea.org/about/index.asp。(2008年3月26日)
70 参见国际能源机构官方网站http://www.iea.org/about/membercountries.asp。(2008年3月26日)
71 参见国际能源机构官方网站http://www.iea.org/about/index.asp。(2008年3月26日)
72 John Mearsheimer,"The False Promise of International Institutions," International Security,Vol.19,No.3,Winter 1994/95,pp.5-49.
73 Robert Crawford,Regime Theory in the Post-Cold War World:Rethinking Neoliberal Approaches to International Relations,Aldershot,England:Dartmouth,1996,p.57.
74 Kenneth Waltz,"Limitation of Multipolarity," in Birthe Hansen and Bertel Heurlin,eds.,The New World Order:Contrasting Theories,London:Macmillan,2000,p.5.
75 Kenneth Waltz,"Structural Realism after the Cold War," International Security,Vol.25,No.1,Summer 2000,pp.5-41.
76 Susan Strange,The Retreat of the State:The Diffusion of Power in the World Economy,Cambridge,England:Cambridge University Press,1996,p.xiv and pp.192-193.
77 Susan Strange,"Cave! Hie Dragones:A Critique of Regime Analysis," International Organization,Vol.36,No.2,Spring 1982,pp.479-496.
78 Randall Schweller,"The Problem of International Order Revisited:A Review Essay," International Security,Vol.26,No.1,Summer 2001,pp.161-186.
79 Robert Keohane,After Hegemony:Cooperation and Discord in the World Political Economy,Princeton,N.J.:Princeton University Press,1984,p.65.
80 安维华、钱雪梅主编:《海湾石油新论》,第154页。
81 Fadhil J.AI-Chalabi,"OPEC:An Obituary," Foreign Policy,No.109.Winter 1997-1998,pp.126-140.
82 日兹宁:《俄罗斯能源外交》,第128页。
83 James E.Katz,"The International Energy Agency:Energy Cooperation or Illusion?" World Affairs,Vol.144,No.1,Summer 1981,pp.55-82.
84 Statement of Joseph J.Malone in U.S.House,Committee on Foreign Affairs,U.S.Policy and the International Energy Agency,December 18,1974,Washington:U.S.Government Printing Office,1975;Statement of Senator Howard Metzenbaum,U.S.Senate,Interior and Insular Affairs Committee,International Energy Program,November 26,1974,Washington:U.S.Government Printing Office,1975.
85 日兹宁:《俄罗斯能源外交》,第39页。
86 明斯特:《国际关系精要》,第86页。
87 Ernest J.Wilson Ⅲ,"World Politics and International Energy Markets," International Organization,Vol.41,No.1,Winter 1987,pp.125-149.
88 关于国际体系稳定的根源,现实主义中的霸权稳定论认为是霸权国家,基欧汉的国际机制论认为是霸权国家倡导下的国际制度。
89 参见 Keohane,After Hegemony:Cooperation and Discord in the World Political Economy.
90 Stephen G.Bunker,"Regional Development Theory and the Subordination of Extractive Peripheries," in A.Douglas Kincaid and Alejandro Portes,eds,Comparative National Development:Society and Economy in the New Global Order,Chapel Hill,NC:The University of North Carolina Press,1994,pp.112-141.
91 参见 Stephen Krasner,Defending the National Interest:Raw Materials Investments and U.S.Foreign Policy,Princeton,N.J.:Princeton University Press,1976;Keohane,After Hegemony:Cooperation and Discord in the World Political Economy.
92 Stephen G.Bunker,"Regional Development Theory and the Subordination of Extractive Peripheries".
93 参见 Wassily W.Leontief,The Structure of American Economy,1919-1939,New York:Oxford University Press,1951.
94 林德布洛姆:《政治与市场:世界的政治—经济制度》,第9页。
1 罗伯特·基欧汉、约瑟夫·奈:《权力与相互依赖——转变中的世界政治》(第三版)(门洪华译),北京:北京大学出版社2002年版,第12页。
2 卡伦·明斯特:《国际关系精要》(潘忠岐译),上海:上海人民出版社2007年版,第109页。
3 参见上书,第109-113页。
4 参见基欧汉、奈:《权力与相互依赖》,第14-17页。
5 参见明斯特:《国际关系精要》,第111页。
6 肯尼斯·华尔兹:《国际政治理论》(信强译),上海:上海人民出版社2003年版,第20页。
7 马修·西蒙斯:《沙漠黄昏:即将来临的沙特石油危机与世界经济》(徐小杰主译),上海:华东师范大学出版社2006年版,第50页。
8 Joan Edelman Spero and Jeffrey A.Hart,The Politics of International Economic Relations,6~(th) edition,Belmont,CA:Wadsworth/Thomson Learning,2003,p.301.
9 Ibid.,pp.301-302.
10 第一次世界大战后,英法瓜分了土耳其奥斯曼帝国的属地,包括巴格达和摩苏尔产油区。1925年,伊拉克新政府在英国的压力下,与土耳其石油公司签订了协议,让这家以英国资本为主的公司享有在摩苏尔地区开采石油的特权,并将土耳其石油公司改名为伊拉克石油公司。同时规定,这家公司将永远属于英国,取消1919年圣雷蒙条约中规定伊拉克政府可分享油田20%收益的条款。面对英国的扩张,美国多方面施加压力,于1928年在比利时的奥斯廷召开了一个多边会议,经过激烈的讨价还价后又达成一个协议,同意以埃克森石油公司为首的5家美国石油公司在伊拉克石油公司中占23.75%的股份,并在原奥斯曼属地享有开采权。英法为了防止美国资本在中东和海湾地区任意扩张,遂又与美国石油垄断财团签订了一项协议,规定凡是伊拉克石油公司及其
分公司,或参加该公司的任何一家公司,如在原奥斯曼帝国境内得到了新的石油租借权,则参加
伊拉克石油公司的整个国际集团和其它公司也应得到同样的权利,其分配比例与伊拉克石油公司
的股份比例相同。在这次签订协议的会议上,美国人卡洛斯·古本金用红笔在地图上划了一圈红线,
除伊朗和科威特外,中东所有盛产石油和可能产油的国家和地区都被划在红线圈内。这个石油协
定因此被称为“红线协定”,是欧美列强开始瓜分中东石油资源的一个标志性协定。
11 William Engdahl,A Century of War:Anglo-American Oil Politics and the New Worm Order,Revised Edition,London:Pluto Press,2004,pp.74-75.
12 Engdahl,A Century of War:Anglo-American Oil Politics and the New World Order,chap.9.
13 Ibid.,p.136.
14 西蒙斯:《沙漠黄昏:即将来临的沙特石油危机与世界经济》,第50页。
15 同上。
16 同上。
17 Vsssilis K.Fouskas and Bulent Gokay,The New American Imperialism:Bush's War on Terror and Blood for Oil,Westport,Connecticut:Praeger Security International,2004,p.17.
18 参见Spero and Hart,The Politics of International Economic Relations,p.314;滕泰、羿伟强、赵虹、杨东华:“全球大宗商品供求价格弹性分析”,《世界经济研究》2006年第6期,第59-64页。
19 参见杰奎斯·克莱默、德贾瓦德·沙雷西—伊斯法哈里:《石油市场模型》(王芳译),北京:北京大学出版社2004年,第9页。
20 其前身为石油“七姊妹”中的盎格鲁波斯石油公司(Anglo Persian Oil Company),后来演变为英国石油公司(BP)。
21 基欧汉、奈:《权力与相互依赖》,第13页。
22 分别是1971年、1973-74年、1975年三次石油价格上涨。
23 参见基欧汉、奈:《权力与相互依赖》,第12-20页。
24 基欧汉、奈:《权力与相互依赖》,第14页。
25 理查德·库珀认为,脆弱性相互依赖关注的是在经济联系中断的情况下没有交易行为的代价;敏感性相互依赖关注的是“在正常的经济活动条件下”为回应外部事件国家付出的政策调整成本(adjustment costs)。相对而言,敏感性相互依赖涉及的是处于与他国经济关系之中的成本,而脆弱性相互依赖涉及的是处于与他国经济关系之外的成本。换言之,敏感性和脆弱性都与相互依赖中断之后的代价有关,前者指的是为适应相互依赖中断或者为继续维持原有依赖而付出的短期代价,后者指的是为适应相互依赖中断而付出的长期代价。参见Richard Cooper,“Economic Interdependence and Coordination of Economic Policies," in Ronald Jones and Peter Kenen,eds.,Handbook of International Economics,Vol.Ⅱ,Amsterdam:North-Holland,1985,pp.1195-1234.
26 基欧汉、奈:《权力与相互依赖》,第16、18页。
27 参见基欧汉、奈:《权力与相互依赖》,第17页。
28 杨光主编:《中东非洲发展报告No.8(2004～2005):防范石油危机的国际经验》,北京:社会科学文献出版社2005年版,第13页。
29 基欧汉、奈:《权力与相互依赖》,第12页。
30 Mira Wilkins,The Maturing of Multinational Enterprise:American Business Abroad from 1914 to 1970,Cambridge,MA:Harvard University Press,1974,pp.386-387.
31 参见丹尼尔·耶金:《石油风云》(上海市政协翻译组编译),上海:上海译文出版社1997年版, 第779页。
32 参见上书,第781页。
33 哈里·马格多夫:《帝国主义时代——美国对外政策的经济学》(伍仞译),北京:商务印书馆1975年版,第25页。
34 参见 Joseph Nye,Understanding International Conflicts:An Introduction to Theory and History,3rd edition,New York:Longman,2000,p.30.
35 Lowell S.Feld:"Oil Markets in Crisis:Major Oil Supply Disruptions Since 1973," in Siamack Shojai ed.,The New Global Oil Market:Understanding Energy Issues In The World Economy,Westport CT:Praeger Publishers,1995,pp.101-115.
1 Fadhil J.AI-Chaiabi,OPEC and the International Oil Industry,Oxford:Oxford University Press,1980,p.132.
2 法德希尔·查拉比(Fadhil J.Al-Chalabi)曾于20世纪70年代担任阿拉伯石油输出国组织(OAPEC)助理秘书长,1983—88年担任欧佩克执行秘书长,90年代在伦敦全球能源研究中心(Center for Global Energy Studies)担任执行主任。
3 阿梅德·扎吉·亚马尼(Sheikh Ahmed Zaki Yamani)是前沙特阿拉伯石油大臣和欧佩克秘书长。
4 海湾公司(Gulf Oil International)是美国一家主要石油公司,1984年被雪佛龙公司并购。
5 Mira Wilkins,The Maturing oj Multinational Enterprise:American Business Abroadfrom 1914 t01970,Cambridge,MA:Harvard University Press,1974,pp.386-387.
6 保罗·罗伯茨:《石油的终结:濒临危险的新世界》(吴文忠译),北京:中信出版社2005年版,第23页。
7 同上。
8 同上。
9 丹尼尔·耶金:《石油风云》(上海市政协翻译组编译),上海:上海译文出版社1997年版,第517页。
10 Louis Turner,Oil Companies in the International System,London and Boston:The Royal Institute of International Affairs and George Allen & Unwin,Third edition,1983,p.40.
11 Franck Church,"The Importance of Oil Companies," Foreign Policy,No.27,Summer 1977,pp.27-51.
12 Burton I.Kaufman,"Oil and Antitrust:The Oil Cartel Case and the Cold War," The Business History Review,Vol.51,No.1,Spring 1977,pp.35-56.
13 卡伦·明斯特:《国际关系精要》(潘忠岐译),上海:上海人民出版社2007年版,第41页。
14 参见金宜久、吴云贵:《伊斯兰与国际热点》,北京:东方出版社2001年版,第268页。
15 本章第三节将详细分析产油国如何挑战国际石油公司的权力中心地位,以及改变世界石油体系的权力结构。
16 乔万尼·阿瑞吉、贝弗里·西尔弗等:《现代世界体系的混沌与治理》(王宇洁译),北京:生活·读书·新知三联书店2003年版,第145页。
17 Frank Church,The International Petroleum Cartel,the Iranian Consortium and US National Security,prepared for the use of the Sub-Committee on Multinational Corporations of the Committee on Foreign Relations,US Senate,Washington,DC:US Govermnent Printing Office,1974,pp.41-42.
18 Turner,Oil Companies in the International System,p.41.
19 安东尼·桑普森:《石油大鳄》(林青译述),北京:石油化学工业出版社1977年版,第96— 97页。
20 Turner,Oil Companies in the International System,p.44.
21 罗伯特·基欧汉、约瑟夫·奈:《权力与相互依赖——转变中的世界政治》(第三版)(门洪华译),北京:北京大学出版社2002年版,第19页。
22 FRUS(The Foreign Relations of the United States),Vol.V,1950,p.594.
23 桑普森:《石油大鳄》,第104-105页。
24 同上,第106页。
25 同上,第106-107页。
26 Frances Fitzgerald,"Giving the Shah Everything He Wants," Harper's,November 1974,pp.55-82.
27 Tumer,Oil Companies in the International System,p.44.
28 参见桑普森:《石油大鳄》,第109-110页。
29 Daniel Yergin,The Prize:The Epic Quest for Oil,Money,and Power,New York:Simon and Schuster,1992,pp.409-40.
30 杰奎斯·克莱默、德贾瓦德·沙雷西一伊斯法哈里:《石油市场模型》(王芳译),北京:北京大学出版社2004年版,第9页。
31 转引自 Charles F.Doran,Myth,Oil,and Politics:Introduction to the Political Economy of Petroleum,New York:The Free Press,1977,p.181.参见 Richard Cooper,The Economics of Interdependence,New York:McGraw Hill,1968;George Liska,Nations in Alliance:the Limits of Interdependence,Baltimore:Johns Hopkins University Press,1962;Nazli Chouchri,Global Energy Interdependence,Cambridge:MIT,Center for International Studies,1974;Louis Beres and Harry Targ,eds.,Planning Alternative World Futures:Values,Methods and Models,New York:Praeger,1975.
32 Al-Chalabi,OPEC and the International Oil Industry,p.132.
33 Edith Penrose,The Large International Firm in Developing Countries:The International Petroleum Industry,London:Allen and Unwin,1968,p.78.
34 Ibid.,p.146.
35 威廉·内斯特编著:《国际关系:21世纪的政治与经济》(姚远、汪恒译),北京:北京大学出版社2005年版,第472页。
36 罗伯茨:《石油的终结:濒临危险的新世界》,第86页;内斯特:《国际关系:21世纪的政治与经济》,第474页。
37 参见 Lowell S.Feld,"Oil Markets in Crisis:Major Oil Supply Disruptions Since 1973," in Siamack Shojai,ed.,The New Global Oil Market:Understanding Energy lssues In The Worm Economy,Westport,CT:Praeger,1995,p.104.
38 克莱默、沙雷西一伊斯法哈里:《石油市场模型》,第9页。
39 同上,第9-10页。
40 参见石油输出国组织《1982年统计年报》,转引自季国兴、陈和丰等:《第二次世界大战后中东战争史》,北京:中国社会科学出版社1987年版,第392-393页。
41 博·黑恩贝克:《石油与安全》,北京:商务印书馆1976年版,第98-99页。
42 同上,第102、104页。
43 Joel Darmstadter and Hans Landsberg,"The Economic Background," Daedalus,No.104,Fall 1975,pp.15-38.
44 Joan Edelman Spero and Jeffrey A.Hart,The Politics of International Economic Relations,6~(th)edition,Belmont,CA:Wadsworth/Thomson Learning,2003,p.304.
45 James E.Akins,"The Oil Crisis:This Time The Wolf Is Here," Foreign Affairs,Vol.51,No.3,April 1973,pp.462-490.
46 参见 Joe Stork,"Oil and the International Crisis," MERIP Reports,No.32,November 1974,pp.3-20+34.
47 1956年和1967年的石油减产分别造成持续4个月和2个月的供应短缺,日平均短缺量均为200万桶。
48 安维华、钱雪梅主编:《海湾石油新论》,北京:社会科学文献出版社2000年版,第370页。
49 Zuhayr Mikdashi,The Community of Oil Exporting Countries:A Study in Governmental Cooperation,Ithaca,N.Y.:Cornell University Press,1972,pp.196-207.
50 分别是委内瑞拉、伊朗、伊拉克、沙特阿拉伯和科威特。
51 新成员分别是阿尔及利亚、利比亚、卡塔尔、阿联酋、尼日利亚、厄瓜多尔、印度尼西亚和加蓬。
52 Zuhayr Mikdashi,"The OPEC Process," Daedalus,No.104,Fall 1975,p.203.
53 安维华、钱雪梅主编:《海湾石油新论》,第154页。
54 《第三世界石油斗争》编写组:《第三世界石油斗争》,北京:生活.读书.新知三联书店1981年版,第211页。
55 安维华、钱雪梅主编:《海湾石油新论》,第373页。
56 参见Al-Chalabi,OPEC and the International Oil Industry,p.v.
57 耶金:《石油风云》,第703-704页。
58 金宜久、吴云贵:《伊斯兰与国际热点》,第305页。
59 金宜久、吴云贵:《伊斯兰与国际热点》,第308-309页。
60 耶金:《石油风云》,第767页。
61 依赖的脆弱性要通过相对较长时段的政策调整及其结果才能得以体现,本文将在第六章对此加以详细阐释。
62 不过,如果产油国的行为忤逆了市场法则,那么它们将会遭到市场的报复,最终抵消资源性权力的作用。关于产油国滥用石油市场最终遭到市场报复和欧佩克由盛而衰的原因,笔者将在第六章详细分析。
1 罗伯特·基欧汉、约瑟夫·奈:《权力与相互依赖——转变中的世界政治》(第三版)(门洪华译),北京:北京大学出版社2002年版,第18页。
2 关于相互依赖的敏感性和脆弱性及其区别,参见基欧汉、奈:《权力与相互依赖——转变中的世界政治》,第一章。
3 Fadhil J.Al-Chalabi,"OPEC:An Obituary," Foreign Policy,No.109.Winter 1997-1998,pp.126-140.
4 丹尼尔·耶金:《石油风云》(上海市政协翻译组编译),上海:上海译文出版社1997年版,第796页。
5 AI-Chalabi,"OPEC:An Obituary".
6 Ibid.
7 参见杨光:“美国的中东石油外交”,《国际经济评论》2003年3期,第33-35页。
8 参见 Robert Lieber,The Oil Decade:Conflict and Cooperation in the West,New York:Praeger Publishers,1983,p.17.
9 中国现代国际关系研究院经济安全研究中心:《全球能源大棋局》,北京:时事出版社2005年版,第45页。
10 转引自“1973年,中东石油危机(五)”http://news.163.com/40831/1/0V2UVJC000011211.html。(2008年4月10日)
11 中国现代国际关系研究院经济安全研究中心:《全球能源大棋局》,第39页。
12 同上,第45页。
13 杨光主编:《中东非洲发展报告No.8(2004～2005):防范石油危机的国际经验》,北京:社会科学文献出版社2005年版,第66-67页。
14 中国现代国际关系研究院经济安全研究中心:《全球能源大棋局》,第40页。
15 关于对第一次石油危机时经济合作与发展组织石油合作机制的评价,参见Ulf Lantzke,“The OECD and Its International Energy Agency," in Raymond Vernon,ed.,The Oil Crisis,New York: Norton,1976,pp.218-220.
16 Lieber,The Oil Decade:Conflict and Cooperation in the West,p.17.
17 参见 Richard Scott,History of the IF.A:The First 20 Years-Volume Ⅱ:Major Policies and Actions,Paris:International Energy Agency,1995;王才良:“从20世纪的发展看世界石油工业的趋势和动向”(上、下),《世界石油经济》2001年第4期,第35-38页:第5期,第41-42页。
18 参见杨光主编:《中东非洲发展报告No.8(2004～2005):防范石油危机的国际经验》,第71-75页。
19 石油的替代能源主要是指天然气、核能、可再生能源(如风能、水力、太阳能、地热、海洋能等)。
20 陈悠久:“欧佩克三十年的成就及其影响”,《西亚非洲》1990年第4期,第64-69、17页。
21 Joshua S.Goldstein,Xiaoming Huang,and Burcu Akan,"Energy In The World Economy,1950-1992," International Studies Quarterly,Vol.41,No.2,June 1997,pp.241-266.
22 杨光主编:《中东非洲发展报告No.8(2004～2005):防范石油危机的国际经验》,第81页。
23 耶金:《石油风云》,第812-820页。
24 同上,第820页。
25 王才良:“国家石油公司的角色转变”,《国际石油经济》2007年第9期,第1-7页。
26 Louis Turner,Oil Companies in the International System,London and Boston:The Royal Institute of International Affairs and George Allen & Unwin,Third edition,1983,p.237.
27 Mary Ann Tetreault,The Organization of Arab Petroleum Exporting Countries:History,Policies and Prospects,Westport,Conn.:Greenwood Press,1981,pp.105-109.
28 杨光主编:《中东非洲发展报告No.8(2004～2005):防范石油危机的国际经验》,第67页。
29 Brian Levy,"World Oil Marketing in Transition," International Organization,Vol.36,No.1,Winter 1982,pp.113-33.
30 从资源的势力范围来看,那些实行国有化的产油国以及它们的国家石油公司虽然对国际石油公司提出了挑战,但是与国际石油公司相比,它们并不具有压倒性的和全面的竞争优势。在部分产油国实行石油工业国有化之后,国际石油公司的石油资源主要来自在非欧佩克产油区,如北美和欧洲。
31 Chase Manhattan,Capital Investment of the World Petroleum Industry:1980,New York:Chase Manhattan,1982,pp.12-19.
32 Turner,Oil Companies in the International System,p.240.
33 徐小杰:《新世纪的油气地缘政治:中国面临的机遇与挑战》,北京:社会科学文献出版社1998年版,第64-66页。
34 参见 Turner,Oil Companies in the International System,p.241.
35 Ibid.
36 Ibid.
37 Ibid.,p.242.
38 Ibid.
39 Ibid.
40 Ibid.
41 Ibid.,pp.244-245.
42 参见基欧汉、奈:《权力与相互依赖——专变中的世界政治》,第9页。
43 同上,第12页。
44 同上。
45 Behrooz Fattahi and Omid Fattahi,"The Political Economy of Oil:United States and Middle East Post-World War Ⅱ Relations," in Abbas P.Grammy and C.Kaye Bragg,eds.,UnitedStates-Third World Relations in the New World Order,New York:Nova Science Publishers,Inc.1996,pp.23-47.
46 Al-Chalabi,"OPEC:An Obituary".
47 Goldstein,Huang,and Akan,"Energy In The World Economy,1950-1992".
48 威廉·内斯特:《国际关系:21世纪的政治与经济》(姚远、汪恒译),北京:北京大学出版社2005年版,第475页。
49 同上。
50 同上,第476页。
51 所谓“石油美元”是指石油生产国用石油收入进口了必要的商品和劳务以及用于国内投资以后所剩余的那部分外汇资金。由于这部分资金来自于石油销售,而国际石油贸易主要以美元作为结算货币,因此这部分剩余资金通常被称为“石油美元”。
52 安维华、钱雪梅主编:《海湾石油新论》,北京:社会科学文献出版社2000年版,第222页。
53 同上,第156页。
54 基欧汉、奈:《权力与相互依赖——转变中的世界政治》,第18页。
55 参见 Ernest J.Wilson llI and Paul Kemezis,The Decade of Energy Policy:Policy Analysis in Oil Importing Countries,New York:Praeger,1984,chap.2;Levy,"World Oil Marketing in Transition";Ernest J.Wilson Ⅲ,"World Politics and International Energy Markets," International Organization,Vol.41,No.1,Winter 1987,pp.125-149.
56 基欧汉、奈:《权力与相互依赖——转变中的世界政治》,第16页。
57 同上,第19页。
58 约翰·梅森:《冷战》(余家驹译),上海:上海译文出版社2003年版,第81页。
59 同上,第83页。
60 Fattahi and Fattahi,"The Political Economy of Oil:United States and Middle East Post-World War ⅡRelations".
61 Goldstein,Huang,and Akan,"Energy In The World Economy,1950-1992".
62 王才良:“从20世纪的发展看世界石油工业的趋势和动向”。
63 转引自陈悠久:“欧佩克三十年的成就及其影响”。
64 Edward N.Krapels,"The Commanding Heights:International Oil in A Changed World,"InternationalAffairs,Vol.69,No.1,January 1993,pp.71-88.
65 参见耶金:《石油风云》,第916页。
66 参见 Lowell S.Feld,"Oil Markets in Crisis:Major Oil Supply Disruptions since 1973," in Siamaek Shojai,ed.,The New Global Oil Market." Understanding Energy Issues In The World Economy,Westport,CT:Praeger,1995,p.109.
67 杰奎斯·克莱默、德贾瓦德·沙雷西—伊斯法哈里:《石油市场模型》(王芳译),北京:北京大学出版社2004年版,第24页。
68 Goldstein,Huang,and Akan,"Energy In The World Economy,1950-1992".
69 Shojai,Siamack,ed.,The New Global Oil Market:Understanding Energy Issues In The World Economy,Westport,CT:Praeger,1995,p.110.
70 Ibid.
71 Ibid.
72 Ibid.
73 关于基欧汉和奈对“联系战略”的论述,参见基欧汉、奈:《权力与相互依赖——转变中的世 界政治》,第31-33页。
74 同上,第32页。
75 此外,在欧元出现后,一些产油国采用欧元作为石油贸易的计价和结算货币,挑战美元的石油交易主导货币的地位。
1 丹尼尔·耶金:《石油风云》(上海市政协翻译组编译),上海:上海译文出版社1997年版,第985页。
2 Edward L.Morse,"A New Political Economy of Oil?" Journal of International Affairs,Vol.53,No.1,Fall 1999,pp.1-29.
3 参见马修·西蒙斯:《沙漠黄昏:即将来临的沙特石油危机与世界经济》(徐小杰主译),上海:华东师范大学出版社2006年版,中文版前言第4页。
4 Robert Kagan,"Strategic Dissonance," Survival,Vol.44,No.4,Winger 2002/3,pp.135-139.
5 王郦久:“俄罗斯东方能源外交与中俄能源合作”,《现代国际关系》2006年第8期,第8-13、20页。
6 王海运:“‘能源超级大国':俄罗斯的能源外交”,《世界石油经济》2006年第10期,第8-16页。
7 日兹宁:《俄罗斯能源外交》(王海运、石泽译),北京:人民出版社2006年版,第16页。
8 Fiona Hill,"Energy Empire:Oil,Gas and Russia's Revival," Foreign Policy Center,London, September 2004,at www.brookings.edu/views/articles/Fhill/20040930.pdf.(2008年4月5日)
9 日兹宁:《俄罗斯能源外交》,第51页。
10 同上,第47页。
11 苏联解体后,原苏联燃料动力系统各部均被撤销,1992年由新成立的俄罗斯燃料和动力部接管,并开始重要经济部门的非国有化、企业股份化和私有化进程。“再国有化”是针对这一波私有化而言的。
12 日兹宁:《俄罗斯能源外交》,第532页。
13 同上,第51页。
14 王海运:“‘能源超级大国':俄罗斯的能源外交”。
15 Carola Hoyos,"The New Seven Sisters:Oil and Gas Giants Dwarf Western Rivals," Financial Times,March 12,2007.
16 Ibid.
17 吕建中、戴家权、陈蕊:“国家石油公司上下游一体化的内因及影响”,《国际石油经济》2007年第11期,第22-28页。
18 Alexandre M.Oliveira,Melissa Stark,and Claire Lawrie,"The Rise of the National Oil Company,"at www.rice.edu/energy/publications/docs/NOCs/Presentations/Accenture-RiseOfNOCs.pdf.(2008年4月10日)
19 参见 Toni Johnson,"The Return of Resource Nationalism," August 13,2007 at http://www.cfr.org/publication/13989/return of resource nationalism.html.(2008年4月10日)
20 奥利诺科石油带是一个面积为55314平方公里的地区,拥有世界上最大的石油储备(重油),储量达1.3万亿桶。
21 "Exxon,Conoco to Exit Orinoco Oil Projects," Oil Daily,Vol.57,No.123,June 27,2007,p.1.
22 关于美国在后冷战时代的军事行动与油气资源的关系,参见Vassilis K.Fouskas,Zones of Conflict:US Foreign Policy in the Balkans and the Greater Middle East,London:Pluto,2003.
23 典型的硬权力是指军事权力和经济权力。参见约瑟夫·奈:《硬权力与软权力》(门洪华译),北京:北京大学出版社2005年版,第6页。
24 Edward N.Krapels,"The Commanding Heights:International Oil in A Changed World,"International Affairs,Vol.69,No.1,January 1993,pp.71-88.
25 Kevin Phillips,American Theocracy:The Peril and Politics of Radical Religion,Oil,and Borrowed Money in the 21~(st) Century,New York:Viking Penguin,2006,p.5.
26 Morse,"A New Political Economy of Oil?"
27 Ibid.
28 耶金:《石油风云》,第985页。
29 同上,第985页。
30 转引自罗伯特.吉尔平:《世界政治中的战争与变革》(武军等译),北京:中国人民公安大学出版社1994年版,第141页。
31 Phillips,American Theocracy:The Peril and Politics of Radical Religion,Oil,and Borrowed Money in the 21~(st) Century,p.76.
32 莫尼卡·卡罗利:《冬天里的尼克松》(杨仁敬等译),南京:江苏人民出版社2000年版,第346页。
33 Fouskas,The Zone of Conflict." US Foreign Policy in the Balkans and the Greater Middle East,p.5.
34 参见 Vsssilis K.Fouskas and Bulent Gokay,The New American Imperialism:Bush's War on Terror and Blood for Oil,Westport,Connecticut:Praeger Security International,2004.
35 George Monbiot,"A Discreet Deal in the Pipeline," The Guardian,February 15,2001.
36 Paul Michael Wihbey,"Looking at Balkans Route for Caspian Crude," United Press International,June 23,1999.
37 B.Schwarz and C.Layne,"The Case against Intervention in Kosovo," The Nation,April 19,1999;Peter Gowan,"The Euro-Atlantic Origins of NATO's Attack on Yugoslavia," in Tadq Ali,ed.,Masters of the Universe? NATO's Balkan Crusade,London:Verso,2000,pp.3-45.
38 Fouskas and Gokay,The New American Imperialism." Bush's War on Terror and Blood for Oil,p.153.
39 日兹宁:《俄罗斯能源外交》,第460页。
40 同上。
41 由三位学者共同开发的估算石油公司行为效率的模型。该模型把收入作为公司的产出,把油气储量和雇员数量作为生产投入。估计的效率值在1和0之间。参见Peter Hartley,Kenneth B.Medlock,Ⅲ,and Stacy L.Eller,"Empirical Evidence on the Operational Efficiency of National Oil Companies,"in Amy Myers Jail'e,The Changing Role of National Oil Companies in International Energy Markets,Policy Report,No.35,Houston,TX.:The James A.Baker Ⅲ Institute for Public Policy,April 2007.
42 同上,另见张一弛:“处于商业和非商业目标之间——一部分国外专家对国家石油公司的研究和认识”,《国际石油经济》2007年第9期,第8-14、18页。
43 Oliveira,Stark,and Lawrie,"The Rise of the National Oil Company".
44 参见王才良:“国家石油公司的角色转变”,《国际石油经济》2007年第9期,第1-7页。
45 日兹宁:《俄罗斯能源外交》,第460页。
46 杨雪雁等:《论中国石油国际经营环境与策略》,北京:石油工业出版社2004年版,第41页。
47 同上,第464-465页。
48 参见 Fouskas and Gokay,The New American Imperialism:Bush's War on Terror and Blood for Oil,p.149.
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2 Peter Hartley,Kenneth B.Medlock,Ⅲ,and Stacy L.Eller,"Empirical Evidence on the Operational Efficiency of National Oil Companies," in Amy Myers Jaffe,The Changing Role of National Oil Companies in International Energy Markets,Policy Report,No.35,Houston,TX.:The James A.Baker Ⅲ Institute for Public Policy,April 2007.
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