中美军民关系比较研究：近30年视距的考察
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摘要
美国和新中国的军民关系在建国前后就已被双方政治领导人划定了原则框架,这两套框架具有明显和实质性的差别。虽然都反对君主专制和军人独裁,美国新兴资产阶级主张文人政府领军,以隐蔽方式垄断了军队的领导权;毛泽东等早期中国共产党人给军队注入新的职能和伦理观,通过党的阶级代表性和以党领军把人民在军队建设与治理中的主体地位统一起来。受不同经济结构和安全观的影响,早期的美国把军队视作一种潜在的危险和经济负担,谨慎预防军队干涉政治,抑制军队规模,注重用法律规范军民关系的边界。中国共产党在革命中领导军队与人民建立了广泛的关系,强调军民阶级情感,军民关系的边界比较模糊,军队被视作积极和有益的力量,建设一支强大的军队是中国共产党和广大民众长期以来的梦想。
近30年两国军民关系主体结构的发展既有一脉相承的历史稳定性,更有与时俱进的革新。美国的南部军事传统和我国高级军官队伍来源的“老区”传统十分突出,这说明地区拥军和尚武传统对军民关系主体的地理分布有明显影响。美军与各种族和阶层的连接基本符合社会结构的形态,中等收入阶层是构成美军的中坚力量,但军官团依旧为中上阶层垄断。在中国,人民解放军以包容和开放的心态处理与各民族的关系,在少数民族地区稳定、团结和繁荣的事业中贡献了重要力量。人民解放军兵员的构成基本体现了“金字塔型”的社会收入结构,面临着社会转型期与新兴中等收入阶层建立紧密连接的挑战。在教育进步和技术革命的背景下,两国军民关系体现了军队信息化建设的共同要求,以科技为核心概念的主体重心悄然成形,学历门槛之外的社会群体被迫游离在主体结构的边缘。中美两国军民关系的内容形态分别代表了“聚合”和“分立”两种模式。美国军民的互动以“分”为主,军民在国会决策、经济建设和价值观发展中保持距离,各司其职。美军自我封闭和对组织利益的维护意识十分强烈。中国军民在政治、经济、军事和价值观念领域的互动十分活跃,军民关系以“合”为主,重在发挥两者团结一致的合力。即使在两国拥有共同目标的军事维度,美军在军民对接中更相信自己的力量,对后备力量的歧视和蔑视始终存在;人民解放军根据战争形态演变不断发展“人民战争”思想,始终重视发挥民兵和预备役在现代战争中的作用。
军民之间的矛盾类型多样,有理性与非理性之分。中美两国在兵员征募中都出现了军队效能目标引发的理性公平压力,同时也有一些非理性因素给军民关系造成了障碍。两国都出现了社会矛盾向军民关系领域的传导,由于中国正处于社会结构深刻变动和利益格局深刻调整的时期,社会矛盾复杂交织并影响军民关系的可能性较大。军民经济权益的纠纷可以通过赔偿、协商和司法途径解决,但是非军队本质功能和行为造成的伤害会引起军民经济权益的冲突,这对中国人民解放军的正规化提出了更高的期望。政府对民生领域的重视改变着财政资源分配的格局,美国民生支出与国防支出已形成竞争关系,未来中国军民对财政资源的竞争关系将日渐明朗。在军民思想观念的冲突中,两个国家面临几乎相反的境遇。美军的军事黩武倾向与国内人民的反战意愿和和平诉求难以调和,军民价值取向的距离越来越大。人民解放军在安全问题上表现了理性和谨慎的态度,但需要防范国内极端民族主义的干扰;同时,必须强化自己的核心价值观,抵御社会不良思想的侵蚀和渗透。
中美两国军民关系的管理机制在许多方面都有进步。中国管理机制中情感因素和行政干预的色彩弱化,法治和沟通等现代管理机制的因素占据了更重要的位置。就组织分工而言,美国政府和各类民间组织在军民互动中基本形成互补格局。中国政党、政府和民间组织的分工在社会发展和政治体制改革的驱动下发生了许多变化。中国共产党仍是统揽全局和协调各方的领导核心,政府的地位更加突出,但是民间组织的活力有待培育和开发。在军民关系的法制建设中,美国仍然坚持“预防第一”的立法取向,同时努力促进军民之间的合作。中国的法制建设始终以加强军民合作和团结为导向,预防矛盾和纠纷处于相对次要的地位。通过专项立法和融入国家法制化全局,中国原有的法律真空正逐步得到填补。军队与媒体的合作对信息化条件下军民关系的管理至关重要。美军改进了面向民众的宣传工作,积累了与地方媒体合作的丰富经验。人民解放军与地方媒体的合作刚刚起步,仍需突破许多制度和观念因素的限制。
中美两国的军民关系分别适应了巩固中国共产党执政地位和维护资产阶级政府统治的政治需要,服务于积极防御和全球扩张的国家军事战略。美军强调自己的功能要求和组织特征,人民解放军注意平衡政治需要与功能要求。总的来看,美国“分立”式军民关系模式的核心是军民二分,互不干涉。美军在军民互动中表现了高度的自主性,主要通过军队内部的调整推动军民关系发展。“分立”模式中军民连接高效,但反映疲弱。中国的“聚合”模式重在军民一致,团结互助。人民解放军通过组织内部的调整和组织外部的活动,促进军民关系不断向前发展。
过去30年里,中国共产党成功地把军民力量凝聚起来,致力于建设中国特色社会主义的伟大事业。中国未来军民关系的发展需要平衡目标导向中的政治需要和军队功能要求;发展军队与各阶层全面而有侧重的关系;维护军队政策的效率取向,抵御民间各种干扰;强化政府在管理军民关系中的作用,拓展军队与地方媒体的合作。
Civil-military relations had been regulated by certain principle frames by the ruling political powers in the People’s Republic of China and the United States respectively at the beginning of national founding. Apparent and substantial differences can be found between the two sets of frames. Although both hated and fought against military dictatorship and monarch troops, America’s emerging bourgeoisie introduced civil control of military and monopolized the leadership of armed forces in a concealed manner. Mao Tse-tung and his communist colleagues made great endeavors to shape new civil-military relations in China. Changes of military missions and ethical indoctrination facilitated unity in civil-military relations. Among party, military and people, the party’s class background and its leadership of troops are the core mechanisms to safeguard people’s fundamental status. Distinct economic structures and security views affect public attitude toward the military. A standing army were considered by early American people as a potential threat and economic burden, and political elites made law to carefully divide the two sides’responsibilities, rights and interest and to prevent military intervention in domestic politics. On the contrary, China’s armed forces developed extensive relations with the grassroots during revolution and became a positive and useful strength in society. Boundary between military and the Chinese people was difficult to identify, and their friendship was based on the same class identity. For centuries, building a strong army has been the common dream of both the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) and the public.
Stability and changes are both found in the development of civil-military relations in China and the United States during the past 30 years. Traditional affiliation and warrior spirit prove to be important factors influencing the geographical distribution of civil and military actors. Southern military tradition has been strengthed during America’s all-volunteer-force period. Revolutionary base areas are still highly represented in the People’s Liberation Army (PLA)’s senior officers. The link between U.S. military and society represents the changing social race and class structure. Middle class constitutes the main part of enlistees, while most officers come from the middle and upper classes. In China, the PLA implemented a liberal and open policy in ethnic affairs, devoting to minorities’stability, unity and prosperity. The PLA’s social representation is deeply rooted in China’s pyramid social structure, and it must establish close link with the emerging middle class during social transformation. Technological innovation and educational development produced same effects in civil-military relations. Science and technology pushed new generation of intellectual elites to the center of civil-military interaction circle while those with poor educational attainments were expelled to the boundary.
Civil-military relations in China and the United States respectively represent two models, convergent cooperation and dichotomized divide. American civil-military relations focus on dichotomy. U.S. military is not allowed direct access to congress and it refuses economic construction and idelogical indoctrination roles, showing a self-enclosed and self-protecting character. By contrast, the PLA interacts actively and frequently with the Chinese people in politics, economic development, national defense and value communication. Civil-military relations in China are unity-oriented and their powers are directed to accomplish the common cause. Even in the military operational dimension where both countries share similar objectives, U.S. military, confident in its own capability, has contempt for the reserve force and National Guard, while the PLA attaches great importance to reserve force and militia when pushing forward mechanization and informationalization.
Conflicts in civil-military relations are diversified and can be classified as rational and irrational ones. Military pursuit of higher efficiency brings about rational pressure on social equity in both countries, and irrational factors hindering their relations are also found. Social problems have been transferred to civil-military relations. Different from the stable and developed American society, China is undergoing sensitive interest competition and social stratification. Therefore, complicated and interrelated social problems could quite possibly lead to trouble in civil-military relations. Most civil-military disputes over economic rights can be solved through compensation, negotiation and judiciary procedures. Economic problems caused by non-essential military fuctions or behaviors will badly damage civil-military integrity. It actually calls for a more regular PLA. In addition, allocation of financial resources between American defense needs and social wellbeing has witnessed a competitive relationship, which might be inevitable in China’s future civil-military relations. With regard to civil-military ideaistic discordance, China and the United States are facing opposite circumstances. U.S. militaristic behavior collides with domestic peace and anti-war appeals. American public are concerned about the cultural separation between military professional culture and mainstream individualism in society. The PLA holds a rational and cautious attitude in security issues and it would confront with criticism from extreme nationalists, whose voice should be prevented by military and government from spreading. As for value communication, the PLA must consolidate its core values and avoid erosion and infiltration by external harmful thoughts.
Management mechanism of civil-military relations has made much progress in many aspects. Sentimental factors and administrative intervention are losing their significant role in China’s civil-military relations, and rule of law and communication have been adopted into a new modern management model. With respect to division of organizations, American government has extended its roles to meet increasing war demands, and non-profit organizations (NPOs) act as a bond and complementary supporter. Chinese government, the CCP and NPOs are adjusting their roles in social development and politicl reforms. In managing civil-military relations, functions of Chinese government are highlighted, the CCP is the macro controller and coordinator, and NPOs are under-developed. In constructing legal system in civil-military relations, America still follows its prevention-first principle and strives to encourage mutual ties at the same time. China’s legal construction efforts aim at strengthening civil-military cooperation and unity, leaving prevention at a second place. Previous vaccum in Chinese law system has been partly filled by making special laws and integrating law-making into national legal construction. Military-media relations are crucial to civil-military relations in the information era. U.S. military has made new changes in its public affairs, accumulating rich experience in military-media cooperation. The PLA is just beginning to cooperate with local media, and rigid institution and obsolete thoughts must be changed.
Model of civil-military relations serves the CCP’s leadership and the active defense strategy in China and the bourgeoisie government’s rule and the global expanding strategy in the United States. U.S. armed forces emphasized its fuctional demand and organizational characteristics, while the PLA tried its best to balance political requirement and functional demand. Generally speaking, the core of American divide model lies in civil-military dichotomy and mutual noninterference. U.S. military possesses high autonomy in civi-military interaction and seeks social support mainly through internal organizational adjustment. Efficient link and weak reflect are the main characteristics of the divide model. Civil-military cooperation model places emphasis on unity of the two sides and mutual support. The PLA develops civil-military relations through both internal policy changes and external activities.
In the past 30 years, the CCP had successfully united the PLA and the Chinese people to contribute to the construction of socialist nation of Chinese characteristics. To promote healthy and stable development of civil-military relations in future China, political intention and military functional demand must be balanced, all-round and structured relations should be established between the PLA and social stratums, the PLA’s efficiency-oriented policy must be respected in order to avoid disturbance from civil society, government’s role must be strengthened and cooperation between the PLA and local media should be encouraged.
近30年两国军民关系主体结构的发展既有一脉相承的历史稳定性,更有与时俱进的革新。美国的南部军事传统和我国高级军官队伍来源的“老区”传统十分突出,这说明地区拥军和尚武传统对军民关系主体的地理分布有明显影响。美军与各种族和阶层的连接基本符合社会结构的形态,中等收入阶层是构成美军的中坚力量,但军官团依旧为中上阶层垄断。在中国,人民解放军以包容和开放的心态处理与各民族的关系,在少数民族地区稳定、团结和繁荣的事业中贡献了重要力量。人民解放军兵员的构成基本体现了“金字塔型”的社会收入结构,面临着社会转型期与新兴中等收入阶层建立紧密连接的挑战。在教育进步和技术革命的背景下,两国军民关系体现了军队信息化建设的共同要求,以科技为核心概念的主体重心悄然成形,学历门槛之外的社会群体被迫游离在主体结构的边缘。中美两国军民关系的内容形态分别代表了“聚合”和“分立”两种模式。美国军民的互动以“分”为主,军民在国会决策、经济建设和价值观发展中保持距离,各司其职。美军自我封闭和对组织利益的维护意识十分强烈。中国军民在政治、经济、军事和价值观念领域的互动十分活跃,军民关系以“合”为主,重在发挥两者团结一致的合力。即使在两国拥有共同目标的军事维度,美军在军民对接中更相信自己的力量,对后备力量的歧视和蔑视始终存在;人民解放军根据战争形态演变不断发展“人民战争”思想,始终重视发挥民兵和预备役在现代战争中的作用。
军民之间的矛盾类型多样,有理性与非理性之分。中美两国在兵员征募中都出现了军队效能目标引发的理性公平压力,同时也有一些非理性因素给军民关系造成了障碍。两国都出现了社会矛盾向军民关系领域的传导,由于中国正处于社会结构深刻变动和利益格局深刻调整的时期,社会矛盾复杂交织并影响军民关系的可能性较大。军民经济权益的纠纷可以通过赔偿、协商和司法途径解决,但是非军队本质功能和行为造成的伤害会引起军民经济权益的冲突,这对中国人民解放军的正规化提出了更高的期望。政府对民生领域的重视改变着财政资源分配的格局,美国民生支出与国防支出已形成竞争关系,未来中国军民对财政资源的竞争关系将日渐明朗。在军民思想观念的冲突中,两个国家面临几乎相反的境遇。美军的军事黩武倾向与国内人民的反战意愿和和平诉求难以调和,军民价值取向的距离越来越大。人民解放军在安全问题上表现了理性和谨慎的态度,但需要防范国内极端民族主义的干扰;同时,必须强化自己的核心价值观,抵御社会不良思想的侵蚀和渗透。
中美两国军民关系的管理机制在许多方面都有进步。中国管理机制中情感因素和行政干预的色彩弱化,法治和沟通等现代管理机制的因素占据了更重要的位置。就组织分工而言,美国政府和各类民间组织在军民互动中基本形成互补格局。中国政党、政府和民间组织的分工在社会发展和政治体制改革的驱动下发生了许多变化。中国共产党仍是统揽全局和协调各方的领导核心,政府的地位更加突出,但是民间组织的活力有待培育和开发。在军民关系的法制建设中,美国仍然坚持“预防第一”的立法取向,同时努力促进军民之间的合作。中国的法制建设始终以加强军民合作和团结为导向,预防矛盾和纠纷处于相对次要的地位。通过专项立法和融入国家法制化全局,中国原有的法律真空正逐步得到填补。军队与媒体的合作对信息化条件下军民关系的管理至关重要。美军改进了面向民众的宣传工作,积累了与地方媒体合作的丰富经验。人民解放军与地方媒体的合作刚刚起步,仍需突破许多制度和观念因素的限制。
中美两国的军民关系分别适应了巩固中国共产党执政地位和维护资产阶级政府统治的政治需要,服务于积极防御和全球扩张的国家军事战略。美军强调自己的功能要求和组织特征,人民解放军注意平衡政治需要与功能要求。总的来看,美国“分立”式军民关系模式的核心是军民二分,互不干涉。美军在军民互动中表现了高度的自主性,主要通过军队内部的调整推动军民关系发展。“分立”模式中军民连接高效,但反映疲弱。中国的“聚合”模式重在军民一致,团结互助。人民解放军通过组织内部的调整和组织外部的活动,促进军民关系不断向前发展。
过去30年里,中国共产党成功地把军民力量凝聚起来,致力于建设中国特色社会主义的伟大事业。中国未来军民关系的发展需要平衡目标导向中的政治需要和军队功能要求;发展军队与各阶层全面而有侧重的关系;维护军队政策的效率取向,抵御民间各种干扰;强化政府在管理军民关系中的作用,拓展军队与地方媒体的合作。
Civil-military relations had been regulated by certain principle frames by the ruling political powers in the People’s Republic of China and the United States respectively at the beginning of national founding. Apparent and substantial differences can be found between the two sets of frames. Although both hated and fought against military dictatorship and monarch troops, America’s emerging bourgeoisie introduced civil control of military and monopolized the leadership of armed forces in a concealed manner. Mao Tse-tung and his communist colleagues made great endeavors to shape new civil-military relations in China. Changes of military missions and ethical indoctrination facilitated unity in civil-military relations. Among party, military and people, the party’s class background and its leadership of troops are the core mechanisms to safeguard people’s fundamental status. Distinct economic structures and security views affect public attitude toward the military. A standing army were considered by early American people as a potential threat and economic burden, and political elites made law to carefully divide the two sides’responsibilities, rights and interest and to prevent military intervention in domestic politics. On the contrary, China’s armed forces developed extensive relations with the grassroots during revolution and became a positive and useful strength in society. Boundary between military and the Chinese people was difficult to identify, and their friendship was based on the same class identity. For centuries, building a strong army has been the common dream of both the Chinese Communist Party (CCP) and the public.
Stability and changes are both found in the development of civil-military relations in China and the United States during the past 30 years. Traditional affiliation and warrior spirit prove to be important factors influencing the geographical distribution of civil and military actors. Southern military tradition has been strengthed during America’s all-volunteer-force period. Revolutionary base areas are still highly represented in the People’s Liberation Army (PLA)’s senior officers. The link between U.S. military and society represents the changing social race and class structure. Middle class constitutes the main part of enlistees, while most officers come from the middle and upper classes. In China, the PLA implemented a liberal and open policy in ethnic affairs, devoting to minorities’stability, unity and prosperity. The PLA’s social representation is deeply rooted in China’s pyramid social structure, and it must establish close link with the emerging middle class during social transformation. Technological innovation and educational development produced same effects in civil-military relations. Science and technology pushed new generation of intellectual elites to the center of civil-military interaction circle while those with poor educational attainments were expelled to the boundary.
Civil-military relations in China and the United States respectively represent two models, convergent cooperation and dichotomized divide. American civil-military relations focus on dichotomy. U.S. military is not allowed direct access to congress and it refuses economic construction and idelogical indoctrination roles, showing a self-enclosed and self-protecting character. By contrast, the PLA interacts actively and frequently with the Chinese people in politics, economic development, national defense and value communication. Civil-military relations in China are unity-oriented and their powers are directed to accomplish the common cause. Even in the military operational dimension where both countries share similar objectives, U.S. military, confident in its own capability, has contempt for the reserve force and National Guard, while the PLA attaches great importance to reserve force and militia when pushing forward mechanization and informationalization.
Conflicts in civil-military relations are diversified and can be classified as rational and irrational ones. Military pursuit of higher efficiency brings about rational pressure on social equity in both countries, and irrational factors hindering their relations are also found. Social problems have been transferred to civil-military relations. Different from the stable and developed American society, China is undergoing sensitive interest competition and social stratification. Therefore, complicated and interrelated social problems could quite possibly lead to trouble in civil-military relations. Most civil-military disputes over economic rights can be solved through compensation, negotiation and judiciary procedures. Economic problems caused by non-essential military fuctions or behaviors will badly damage civil-military integrity. It actually calls for a more regular PLA. In addition, allocation of financial resources between American defense needs and social wellbeing has witnessed a competitive relationship, which might be inevitable in China’s future civil-military relations. With regard to civil-military ideaistic discordance, China and the United States are facing opposite circumstances. U.S. militaristic behavior collides with domestic peace and anti-war appeals. American public are concerned about the cultural separation between military professional culture and mainstream individualism in society. The PLA holds a rational and cautious attitude in security issues and it would confront with criticism from extreme nationalists, whose voice should be prevented by military and government from spreading. As for value communication, the PLA must consolidate its core values and avoid erosion and infiltration by external harmful thoughts.
Management mechanism of civil-military relations has made much progress in many aspects. Sentimental factors and administrative intervention are losing their significant role in China’s civil-military relations, and rule of law and communication have been adopted into a new modern management model. With respect to division of organizations, American government has extended its roles to meet increasing war demands, and non-profit organizations (NPOs) act as a bond and complementary supporter. Chinese government, the CCP and NPOs are adjusting their roles in social development and politicl reforms. In managing civil-military relations, functions of Chinese government are highlighted, the CCP is the macro controller and coordinator, and NPOs are under-developed. In constructing legal system in civil-military relations, America still follows its prevention-first principle and strives to encourage mutual ties at the same time. China’s legal construction efforts aim at strengthening civil-military cooperation and unity, leaving prevention at a second place. Previous vaccum in Chinese law system has been partly filled by making special laws and integrating law-making into national legal construction. Military-media relations are crucial to civil-military relations in the information era. U.S. military has made new changes in its public affairs, accumulating rich experience in military-media cooperation. The PLA is just beginning to cooperate with local media, and rigid institution and obsolete thoughts must be changed.
Model of civil-military relations serves the CCP’s leadership and the active defense strategy in China and the bourgeoisie government’s rule and the global expanding strategy in the United States. U.S. armed forces emphasized its fuctional demand and organizational characteristics, while the PLA tried its best to balance political requirement and functional demand. Generally speaking, the core of American divide model lies in civil-military dichotomy and mutual noninterference. U.S. military possesses high autonomy in civi-military interaction and seeks social support mainly through internal organizational adjustment. Efficient link and weak reflect are the main characteristics of the divide model. Civil-military cooperation model places emphasis on unity of the two sides and mutual support. The PLA develops civil-military relations through both internal policy changes and external activities.
In the past 30 years, the CCP had successfully united the PLA and the Chinese people to contribute to the construction of socialist nation of Chinese characteristics. To promote healthy and stable development of civil-military relations in future China, political intention and military functional demand must be balanced, all-round and structured relations should be established between the PLA and social stratums, the PLA’s efficiency-oriented policy must be respected in order to avoid disturbance from civil society, government’s role must be strengthened and cooperation between the PLA and local media should be encouraged.
引文
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