朝鲜使行录与中国茶
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摘要
朝鲜使行录是指朝鲜使行出明、清,归还之后创意性记录所见所闻所体验的一切的记录物。现存的40种朝鲜使行录中,记有与茶叶有关内容的共达20种,该20种使行录中与茶有关的内容出现了500多次。
朝鲜使行录中记有具体茶名30余种、保健茶10多种和没表示具体茶名的10多种。其中清朝贡茶和历史名茶也不少,包括龙井茶、普洱茶、普洱茶膏、橄榄茶、建溪茗、孔州煎茶、旗枪、兰花笋、腻茶、老君眉、大叶、碧萝、白毫茶、茅茶、湘潭、绍兴茶、武彝、松萝、茶饼、青茶、云母茶、龙团、银枪茶、雀舌茶、春茶、香片茶、香片、黄茶、清茶等,主要是中国期贡茶和历史名茶,但也记韩国茶。
朝鲜使行录内容显示18、19世纪中国皇宫、民间和寺观等地的茶具使用情况。其茶具包括：茶壶、茶罐；椀、碗、锺、杯、盃、盏、茶瓯；茶台；茶瓶；茶炉、炭；茶鎗；茶盘、磁楪、漆楪等。
朝鲜使行团一旦进入中国境地(即入栅门),开始收下程物品,此物品中有茶叶。茶叶数量时有变动,其大概数量是正副使1到4两、书状官1到2两,大通官和押物官5钱到1两。朝鲜使行团到北京之后举行的宫廷仪式有下马宴、上马宴及朝参礼等,这些宴会上都有进茶。
朝鲜使行录中记载了很多文士、民间、寺观等地的饮茶,尤其是中国北方民家、商店、寺观等以茶待客、以茶交友的情形。朝鲜文士们通过出使的机会期望与中国文士交流,中国文士也很珍惜与朝鲜文士的交流。中、韩两国文士交流场合中饮茶是不可缺少的,并就对方国家的各方面自由自在地互相问答交流。文士饮茶是以其本身为诗题,同时起助诗兴的作用。中、韩两国文士之间礼品交换,此物品中有不少的茶叶,如香茶、普洱茶膏、孔州煎茶、清茶和龙井茶等。另外,朝鲜使节将在朝鲜生产的土产茶叶作为礼品。朝鲜使行录记有朝鲜黄海道葱秀山品玉溜泉水,经明使节韩世能品过此泉水之后逐渐出名。
朝鲜使行录中介绍18世纪中国北方民间的饮茶习俗,茶汤一定要热,冷了就再倒入茶壶里,喝一杯茶要花费的时间与抽一根烟差不多。在北方地区民间,平时把茶壶置在火炉上,煮茶叶。饮茶方法多用煮茶法,也用盖碗瀹泡喝茶。在婚礼习俗中,女方接受男方的聘礼称为“小茶”,男方去女方家迎接新娘称为“大茶”。一般每个家庭在重阳节携带茶炉和食物出门游逛。19世纪初,人们穿的衣服时带一个囊子,主要用于存放烟或茶叶,并称之为烟竹囊、烟茶囊。
寺观饮茶方式与民间没有差异,煮茶或盖碗冲泡茶叶。在寺观里烹茶时,使用石炭来烧水,北方水质不好,所以烧水要烧开多次。寺观里的茶具与民间一样,基本上使用画瓷和乌瓷,但寺观里也用铜锡器。在盘山少林寺等寺观使用寺庙专用茶具。1720年在西方宗教设施天主教堂,饮茶已成为每日不可缺少的饮料。
朝鲜使行录中记有不少与茶馆有关的内容,而大部分倾向于描述茶馆的兴盛情况。当时的茶馆又称茶房、茶铺、茶旌、茶肆、茶楼等。在栅门、辽东的凤凰城、通州、避暑山庄、圆明园及琉璃厂附近茶馆都非常兴盛和普及。18、19世纪在北京、辽阳、通州及辽东等北方地区,卖茶的茶肆很盛行,并且在北方平原的马路边上有摆摊卖杨梅茶、菊花茶等代茶饮,价格如在辽阳大路上的摆摊杨梅茶为六文,在北京东嶽门外茶店的一杯茶为康熙通宝二钱,辽东平原摆摊的一杯茶的一叶铜。由于北方地区水质不好,有人用车从其他地方载水前来本地卖,富豪家、市肆和寺观都买这种水煎茶。
18、19世纪朝鲜商人通过边境贸易进口不少中国茶叶,而且中国茶叶是具有高利润的贸易商品。在通州、琉璃厂等的商店,一旦客人进来被奉给茶,有时还请街上的客人进入店里喝茶。在通州的茶居利用鹦鹉招引客人,客人一进来鹦鹉就讲‘客来’、‘茶来’、‘茶水’、‘否也’等以示招呼。
The Chosen Saheng Collection of Records'(also known as Chosun Sahengrok) refers to records made by Korean envoys after their travels to China during the Ming and Qing Dynasties. Presently there are40Chosen Saheng records in existence, among which20have records about tea. The word "tea" appeared more than500times in these records.
In the Chosun Sahengrok Record,30kinds of various tea were mentioned, among which more than10kinds of health-protecting tea and10unspecified kinds of tea. The collection of records also contains extensive information on the Qing Dynasty tribute teas and other historically famous teas as well as Korean teas, for example:Longjing tea, Pu'er Tea, Pu'er tea extract, Olive (Ganlan) tea, Jianxi tea, Kongzhoujian tea, Qiqiang, Orchids shoots (Lanhuasun), La tea, Laojunmei, Daye, Biluo, Pekoe (Baihao)tea, Mao tea, Xiangtan, Shaoxing Tea, Shiyi, Songluo, Tea cake, Green tea, The mica (Yunmu) tea, Longtuan, Yinqiang tea, Queshe tea, Spring (Chun) tea, Jasmine (Xiangpian) tea, Jasmine (Xiangpian), Yellow tea, Qing tea and etc.
The Chosun Saheng Collection of Records provides an illustration of Chinese Imperial Palace, folk culture, Taoist temples, and tea ceremony in the18th and19th century. The Chosun Saheng records the following elements of the tea set:teapot, tea caddy, wooden bowl (Wan), ceramic bowl (Wan), Zhong, Cup (bei), Cup, light (Zhan), tea bowl, tea stand, tea bottle, the tea stove, the tea shallow, tea tray, China small dish, and lacquer small dish.
Upon their arrival to China (through Zhamen), the Korean envoys and scholars paid tax according to the rank of the officers and the tax was paid in varying amounts of tea. The highest ranked officer would pay100-400g (1to4liang), the second ranking officer would pay100-200g (1to2liang), and the lowest ranking officers would pay5-100g (1qian to5liang). After the Korean travellers arrived in Beijing, several welcoming banquets were given (Palace ceremony, Xiama banquet, Shangma banquet, Chaocan gift ceremony etc.), during which they were served tea.
The Chosen Saheng Records record many social groups practicing a habit of drinking tea (including scholars, common folk and monks). The Chosen Saheng Records show that in Northern China scholars, common folk, monks, and others had a habit of serving guests with tea to welcome guests and to make friends. The Korean scholars enjoyed the process and Chinese scholars highly appreciated the possibility of knowledge exchange with. During the meetings, tea was a must drink, and during drinking tea they freely discussed issues concerning both countries came along. Moreover, for scholars drinking tea was also a topic of poems and practicing this habit was a fuel for writing poems. Officers from both countries were exchanged gifts, among which tea was often used, eg; Xiang tea (fragrant tea), Pu'er tea paste, Kongzhou fried tea, Green tea (Qingcha) and Dragon Well (Longjing) tea, and etc. Also, Korean travellers gifted Korean tea to their Chinese counterparts. The Chosen Saheng Records had mentions on Chosun, Hwanghedo, Chongsoosan, and Oklyu spring water. After the Ming diplomatic envoy Hanshineng's assessment, these products became well known.
The Chosen Saheng Records describe tea drinking methods in the18th century China. Tea was infused with hot water. After it cooled down it was poured into a tea pot. Drinking one cup of tea lasted almost as long as smoking a cigarette. In Northern China, the tea pot was usually placed on the stove on which the tea was boiled. Also a teacup with a lid was used to cleanse and infuse the tea. During wedding ceremony, the betrothal presents from the bride's side were called "small tea"(Xiao cha) and the gifts from the groom's side were called "big tea"(Da cha). Moreover during the Yang festival (9th day of9th lunar month), families would take with tea stoves and food along as they went sightseeing. At the beginning of19th century, a sack was carried around into which the owner would put cigarettes or tea. This sack was called "Yanzhunang"(for cigarettes) or "Yanchanang"(for tea).
Monks and common folk used the same methods for brewing tea:boiling on the stove or infusing it in a teacup with a lid. In the temples, coal was used to brew tea and as the water quality in Northern China wasn't as good for the tea, the water was boiled for many times. Sometimes monks and common folk used the same tea sets the same, both using painted or black porcelain tea sets. Monks would use utensils made of copper. Panshan Shaolin Temple and some other temples, made their own specialty tea sets were made themselves. In1720, tea was became an indispensable daily element within the Catholic Church.
The Chosen Saheng Records contain a lot of information about tea houses, mostly concerning the flourishing business of them. There were many names, refering to tea houses, in cluding, Tea guan, Tea fang, Tea pu, Tea jing, Tea si, Tea lou, and etc. In Zhamen, Fengchuang city of Liaodong, Tongzhou, Qing Imperial summer residence at Chengde, Old Summer Palace, Liulichang and in their surrounding areas, tea houses were common and their business was flourishing. During the18th and19th centuries in Beijing, Liayang, Tongzhou and Liaodong districts tea markets were very popular. There were also tea stoles selling Yangmei berry'tea, Chrysantemium flower tea, etc. Those fruit and flower infusions were often used as alternatives of for tea coming from a tea plant. In tea stole of Liaoning street, Yangmei tea costed6wen. Outside Beijing Yue Gates, tea house sold a cup of Kangxi tongbao tea at2qian. In Pingyuan of Liaodong district, a cup of tea from a tea stole would cost1tong. As a result of the low quality of the water in the Northern China, water cars were developed to transport water from els where and sold locally. The rich merchants and monks would all buy this water to brew tea.
In18th and19th centuries, Korean merchants imported considerable amounts of Chinese tea, which was a high profit commodity. In Tongzhou and Liulichang, there were shops, where guests were served with tea as they entered the shop. The shop owner would also call on the street for guests to enter this shop to enjoy a cup of tea. In Tongzhou, a parrot was used for greeting customers by singing,"come in","come in to enjoy a cup of tea","tea","come"
朝鲜使行录中记有具体茶名30余种、保健茶10多种和没表示具体茶名的10多种。其中清朝贡茶和历史名茶也不少,包括龙井茶、普洱茶、普洱茶膏、橄榄茶、建溪茗、孔州煎茶、旗枪、兰花笋、腻茶、老君眉、大叶、碧萝、白毫茶、茅茶、湘潭、绍兴茶、武彝、松萝、茶饼、青茶、云母茶、龙团、银枪茶、雀舌茶、春茶、香片茶、香片、黄茶、清茶等,主要是中国期贡茶和历史名茶,但也记韩国茶。
朝鲜使行录内容显示18、19世纪中国皇宫、民间和寺观等地的茶具使用情况。其茶具包括：茶壶、茶罐；椀、碗、锺、杯、盃、盏、茶瓯；茶台；茶瓶；茶炉、炭；茶鎗；茶盘、磁楪、漆楪等。
朝鲜使行团一旦进入中国境地(即入栅门),开始收下程物品,此物品中有茶叶。茶叶数量时有变动,其大概数量是正副使1到4两、书状官1到2两,大通官和押物官5钱到1两。朝鲜使行团到北京之后举行的宫廷仪式有下马宴、上马宴及朝参礼等,这些宴会上都有进茶。
朝鲜使行录中记载了很多文士、民间、寺观等地的饮茶,尤其是中国北方民家、商店、寺观等以茶待客、以茶交友的情形。朝鲜文士们通过出使的机会期望与中国文士交流,中国文士也很珍惜与朝鲜文士的交流。中、韩两国文士交流场合中饮茶是不可缺少的,并就对方国家的各方面自由自在地互相问答交流。文士饮茶是以其本身为诗题,同时起助诗兴的作用。中、韩两国文士之间礼品交换,此物品中有不少的茶叶,如香茶、普洱茶膏、孔州煎茶、清茶和龙井茶等。另外,朝鲜使节将在朝鲜生产的土产茶叶作为礼品。朝鲜使行录记有朝鲜黄海道葱秀山品玉溜泉水,经明使节韩世能品过此泉水之后逐渐出名。
朝鲜使行录中介绍18世纪中国北方民间的饮茶习俗,茶汤一定要热,冷了就再倒入茶壶里,喝一杯茶要花费的时间与抽一根烟差不多。在北方地区民间,平时把茶壶置在火炉上,煮茶叶。饮茶方法多用煮茶法,也用盖碗瀹泡喝茶。在婚礼习俗中,女方接受男方的聘礼称为“小茶”,男方去女方家迎接新娘称为“大茶”。一般每个家庭在重阳节携带茶炉和食物出门游逛。19世纪初,人们穿的衣服时带一个囊子,主要用于存放烟或茶叶,并称之为烟竹囊、烟茶囊。
寺观饮茶方式与民间没有差异,煮茶或盖碗冲泡茶叶。在寺观里烹茶时,使用石炭来烧水,北方水质不好,所以烧水要烧开多次。寺观里的茶具与民间一样,基本上使用画瓷和乌瓷,但寺观里也用铜锡器。在盘山少林寺等寺观使用寺庙专用茶具。1720年在西方宗教设施天主教堂,饮茶已成为每日不可缺少的饮料。
朝鲜使行录中记有不少与茶馆有关的内容,而大部分倾向于描述茶馆的兴盛情况。当时的茶馆又称茶房、茶铺、茶旌、茶肆、茶楼等。在栅门、辽东的凤凰城、通州、避暑山庄、圆明园及琉璃厂附近茶馆都非常兴盛和普及。18、19世纪在北京、辽阳、通州及辽东等北方地区,卖茶的茶肆很盛行,并且在北方平原的马路边上有摆摊卖杨梅茶、菊花茶等代茶饮,价格如在辽阳大路上的摆摊杨梅茶为六文,在北京东嶽门外茶店的一杯茶为康熙通宝二钱,辽东平原摆摊的一杯茶的一叶铜。由于北方地区水质不好,有人用车从其他地方载水前来本地卖,富豪家、市肆和寺观都买这种水煎茶。
18、19世纪朝鲜商人通过边境贸易进口不少中国茶叶,而且中国茶叶是具有高利润的贸易商品。在通州、琉璃厂等的商店,一旦客人进来被奉给茶,有时还请街上的客人进入店里喝茶。在通州的茶居利用鹦鹉招引客人,客人一进来鹦鹉就讲‘客来’、‘茶来’、‘茶水’、‘否也’等以示招呼。
The Chosen Saheng Collection of Records'(also known as Chosun Sahengrok) refers to records made by Korean envoys after their travels to China during the Ming and Qing Dynasties. Presently there are40Chosen Saheng records in existence, among which20have records about tea. The word "tea" appeared more than500times in these records.
In the Chosun Sahengrok Record,30kinds of various tea were mentioned, among which more than10kinds of health-protecting tea and10unspecified kinds of tea. The collection of records also contains extensive information on the Qing Dynasty tribute teas and other historically famous teas as well as Korean teas, for example:Longjing tea, Pu'er Tea, Pu'er tea extract, Olive (Ganlan) tea, Jianxi tea, Kongzhoujian tea, Qiqiang, Orchids shoots (Lanhuasun), La tea, Laojunmei, Daye, Biluo, Pekoe (Baihao)tea, Mao tea, Xiangtan, Shaoxing Tea, Shiyi, Songluo, Tea cake, Green tea, The mica (Yunmu) tea, Longtuan, Yinqiang tea, Queshe tea, Spring (Chun) tea, Jasmine (Xiangpian) tea, Jasmine (Xiangpian), Yellow tea, Qing tea and etc.
The Chosun Saheng Collection of Records provides an illustration of Chinese Imperial Palace, folk culture, Taoist temples, and tea ceremony in the18th and19th century. The Chosun Saheng records the following elements of the tea set:teapot, tea caddy, wooden bowl (Wan), ceramic bowl (Wan), Zhong, Cup (bei), Cup, light (Zhan), tea bowl, tea stand, tea bottle, the tea stove, the tea shallow, tea tray, China small dish, and lacquer small dish.
Upon their arrival to China (through Zhamen), the Korean envoys and scholars paid tax according to the rank of the officers and the tax was paid in varying amounts of tea. The highest ranked officer would pay100-400g (1to4liang), the second ranking officer would pay100-200g (1to2liang), and the lowest ranking officers would pay5-100g (1qian to5liang). After the Korean travellers arrived in Beijing, several welcoming banquets were given (Palace ceremony, Xiama banquet, Shangma banquet, Chaocan gift ceremony etc.), during which they were served tea.
The Chosen Saheng Records record many social groups practicing a habit of drinking tea (including scholars, common folk and monks). The Chosen Saheng Records show that in Northern China scholars, common folk, monks, and others had a habit of serving guests with tea to welcome guests and to make friends. The Korean scholars enjoyed the process and Chinese scholars highly appreciated the possibility of knowledge exchange with. During the meetings, tea was a must drink, and during drinking tea they freely discussed issues concerning both countries came along. Moreover, for scholars drinking tea was also a topic of poems and practicing this habit was a fuel for writing poems. Officers from both countries were exchanged gifts, among which tea was often used, eg; Xiang tea (fragrant tea), Pu'er tea paste, Kongzhou fried tea, Green tea (Qingcha) and Dragon Well (Longjing) tea, and etc. Also, Korean travellers gifted Korean tea to their Chinese counterparts. The Chosen Saheng Records had mentions on Chosun, Hwanghedo, Chongsoosan, and Oklyu spring water. After the Ming diplomatic envoy Hanshineng's assessment, these products became well known.
The Chosen Saheng Records describe tea drinking methods in the18th century China. Tea was infused with hot water. After it cooled down it was poured into a tea pot. Drinking one cup of tea lasted almost as long as smoking a cigarette. In Northern China, the tea pot was usually placed on the stove on which the tea was boiled. Also a teacup with a lid was used to cleanse and infuse the tea. During wedding ceremony, the betrothal presents from the bride's side were called "small tea"(Xiao cha) and the gifts from the groom's side were called "big tea"(Da cha). Moreover during the Yang festival (9th day of9th lunar month), families would take with tea stoves and food along as they went sightseeing. At the beginning of19th century, a sack was carried around into which the owner would put cigarettes or tea. This sack was called "Yanzhunang"(for cigarettes) or "Yanchanang"(for tea).
Monks and common folk used the same methods for brewing tea:boiling on the stove or infusing it in a teacup with a lid. In the temples, coal was used to brew tea and as the water quality in Northern China wasn't as good for the tea, the water was boiled for many times. Sometimes monks and common folk used the same tea sets the same, both using painted or black porcelain tea sets. Monks would use utensils made of copper. Panshan Shaolin Temple and some other temples, made their own specialty tea sets were made themselves. In1720, tea was became an indispensable daily element within the Catholic Church.
The Chosen Saheng Records contain a lot of information about tea houses, mostly concerning the flourishing business of them. There were many names, refering to tea houses, in cluding, Tea guan, Tea fang, Tea pu, Tea jing, Tea si, Tea lou, and etc. In Zhamen, Fengchuang city of Liaodong, Tongzhou, Qing Imperial summer residence at Chengde, Old Summer Palace, Liulichang and in their surrounding areas, tea houses were common and their business was flourishing. During the18th and19th centuries in Beijing, Liayang, Tongzhou and Liaodong districts tea markets were very popular. There were also tea stoles selling Yangmei berry'tea, Chrysantemium flower tea, etc. Those fruit and flower infusions were often used as alternatives of for tea coming from a tea plant. In tea stole of Liaoning street, Yangmei tea costed6wen. Outside Beijing Yue Gates, tea house sold a cup of Kangxi tongbao tea at2qian. In Pingyuan of Liaodong district, a cup of tea from a tea stole would cost1tong. As a result of the low quality of the water in the Northern China, water cars were developed to transport water from els where and sold locally. The rich merchants and monks would all buy this water to brew tea.
In18th and19th centuries, Korean merchants imported considerable amounts of Chinese tea, which was a high profit commodity. In Tongzhou and Liulichang, there were shops, where guests were served with tea as they entered the shop. The shop owner would also call on the street for guests to enter this shop to enjoy a cup of tea. In Tongzhou, a parrot was used for greeting customers by singing,"come in","come in to enjoy a cup of tea","tea","come"
引文
[1]林基中,燕行录与韩国学研究,韩国文学研究,2001年12月第24集p12.
[2]金指南、金庆门,《通文馆志》(1720),第3卷.
[3]林基中,燕行录研究,iljisa,2002年,p9-86.
[4]金敏镐,朝鲜时代《燕行录》所见中国古典小说初探,上海师范大学学报(哲学社会科学版),2010年3月第39卷第2期。
[5]杨昕,朝鲜使臣笔下的明代通州.延边大学学报(社会科学版),2009年4月第42卷第2期。
[6]祁庆富、金成南,清代朝鲜使臣与圆明园,清史研究,2005年8月第3期。
[7]朴现圭,朝鲜使臣与北京琉璃厂,文献季刊,2003年1月第1期。
[8]刁书仁,朝鲜使臣所见的建州社会兼论后金建国前与朝鲜的关系,满族研究,2001年第2期。
Na-Sung Hwa, A study on Chinese tea drinking manners expressed in Sahe ngrok,成均馆大学硕士论文,2008.
[1]姚国坤、王存礼编著,图说中国茶,上海文化出版社,2007年,p5.
[2]撰人不详,《神农本草》(秦汉或战国时期).
[3]常璩,《华阳国志》(348-354),巴志.
[4]鄂尔泰,《云南通志》,杨慎记.
[5]王建荣、郭丹英,中国茶文化图典,浙江摄影出版社,2006,P14。
[6]《三国志》(285前后),吴志韦曜传.
[7]何法盛,《晋中兴书》(南朝宋)。
[8]房玄龄等21人,《晋书》(646-648),列传第68.
[9]陆羽,《茶经》(758左右),七之事.
[10]刘敬叔,《异苑》(南朝宋).
[11]刘义庆,《世说新语》(南朝宋,440前后).
[12]陆羽,《茶经》(758左右),七之事.
[13]陶弘景,《杂录》
[14]陆羽,《茶经》(758左右),七之事.
[15]陆羽,《茶经》(758左右),七之事.
[16]张揖,《广雅》(227-230).
[17]杜育,《荈赋》(西晋,?-311)
[18]杜育,《荈赋》(西晋,?-311)
[19]封演,《封氏见闻记》(756-800).
[20]白居易,《白氏长庆集》(821),琵琶行
[21]杨华,《膳夫经手录》(856),茶.
[22]陆羽, 《茶经》(758左右),三之造.
[23]巩志著,中国贡茶,浙江摄影出版社,2003,p6-7.
[24]钱易,《南部新书》(1008-1016),戊.
[25]李肇,《唐国史补》(821).
[26]巩志著,中国贡茶,浙江摄影出版社,2003,p27.
[27]顾炎武(1613-1682),《日知录》.
[28]冯贽,《云仙杂记》(唐).
[29]李亢,《独异志》(唐).
[30]李防等,《文苑英华》(986),卷32三月三日谢恩赐曲江宴乐状.
[31]杜牧,《奉昌节谢茶酒状》.
[32]苏鹗,《杜阳杂编》(唐).
[33]李昉等,《文苑英华》(986).
[34]胡仔,《苕溪渔隐丛话》(南宋).
[35]欧阳修,《归田录》(北宋).
[36]高似孙,《剡录》(1214).
[37]蔡襄,《茶录》(1049-1053),下篇汤瓶.
[38]蔡襄,《茶录》(1049-1053),下篇茶盏.
[39]赵佶,《大观茶论》(1107),盏.
[40]王建荣、郭丹英,中国茶文化图典,浙江摄影出版社,2006,p35.
[41]范仲淹,《和章岷从事斗茶歌》(北宋).
[42]唐更,《斗茶记》(1112).
[43]杨万里,《澹庵坐上观显上人分茶》(宋).
[44]陆游,《临安春雨初霁》(南宋).
[45]李清照(1084-1155),《摊破浣溪沙·莫分茶》(宋).
[46]陈宗懋主编,《中国茶叶大辞典》,中国轻工业出版社,2000,p572.
[47]孟元老,《东京梦华录》(1102-1125).
[48]吴自牧,《梦梁录》(南宋末年),卷十六茶肆.
[49]沈德符,《万历野获编》(明).
[50]罗廪,《茶解》(1609).
[51]田艺衡,《煮泉小品》(1554).
[52]高濂,《遵生八笺》(1591).
[53]施岳,《步月·茉莉》(南宋).
[54]朱权,《茶谱》(1440).
[55]屠隆,《茶说》(1590前后).
[56]许次纾,《茶疏》(1597).
[57]陈师,《茶考》(1593).
[58]朱权,《茶谱》(1440).
[59]朱权,《茶谱》(1440),品茶.
[60]田艺衡,《煮泉小品》(1544),宜茶.
[61]陈师,《茶考》(1593).
[62]许次纾,《茶疏》(1597).
[63]张源,《茶录》(1595).
[64]夏涛主编,中华茶史,安徽教育出版社,2008,p208.
[65]王秋墨责任编辑,中国老茶具图鉴,北京画中画印刷有限公司,2007,p163.
[66]文震亨,《长物志》(1621).
[67]文震亨,《长物志》(1621).
[68]周高起,《阳羡明壶系》(1628-1644).
[69]屠隆,《考磐余事》(明).
[70]高濂,《遵生八笺》(1591).
[71]许次纾,《茶疏》(1597).
[72]张源,《茶录》(1595).
[73]许次纾,《茶疏》(1597).
[74]《内务府奏销档》(清).
[75]赵学敏,《本草纲目拾遗》(1765).
[76]阮福,《普洱茶记》(清).
[77]阮福,《普洱茶记》(清).
[78]夏涛主编,中华茶史,安徽教育出版社,2008,p214.
[79]梁月荣主编,茗水盏居话茶艺,福建科学技术出版社,2005,p163.
[80]李斗,《扬州画舫录》(清)
[1]Yoon yang-no,朝鲜时代使行礼节和服饰,燕行录研究丛书10,2006,p274-275.
[2]Na jong-woo,世宗时代对外贸易的实体,世宗文化史大计vo1.3,世宗大王纪念事业会,2001,p907.
[3]Kim goo-jin,世宗时代对外形势,世宗文化史大计vol.3,世宗大王纪念事业会,2001,p827.
[4]朴成桂,对朝鲜初期遣明使节的考察,燕行录研究丛书6,hakkojae,200 6, p516.
[5]金敏镐,朝鲜时代《燕行录》所见中国古典小说初探,上海师范大学学报(哲学社会科学版),2010.3.第39卷第2期,p78.
[6](?),乙丙燕行录与戊午燕行录的路程内容比较,燕行录研究丛书10,hakkojae,2006,p106.
[7]林基中,燕行录与韩国学研究,韩国文学研究,2001年12月第24集p12.
[1]郑英善,关于茶礼祭祀的渊源与展开及其特性的研究,成均馆大学博士论文,2005,p12.
[2]《朝鲜王朝实录》太宗2年10月16
[3]《朝鲜王朝实录》,世宗13年6月30日
[4]《韩国文集丛刊》,民族文化推进会,11卷p196<司宪府齐坐厅重新记>；徐居正,《四佳集》文集
[5]南孝温(1454-1492),《秋江集》5卷<游金刚山记>
[6]李宜显(1669-1745),《陶谷集》30卷<杂识>
[7]金昌业,《燕行日记》(1712),第1卷1712.11.3.
[8]崔德中,《燕行录》(1712),日记1712.11.14.
[9]李玾,《燕行纪事》(1777),上卷1777.10.30.
[10]李玾,《燕行纪事》(1777),下卷1778.3.25.
[11]朴思浩,《燕蓟纪程》(1828),第1卷燕蓟纪程1828.11.7.
[12]金景善,《燕辕直指》(1832),第1卷,1832.11.3.
[13]金景善,《燕辕直指》(1832),第1卷1832.11.21.
[14]朴思浩,《燕蓟纪程》(1828),第2卷留馆杂录万寿寺记.
[15]作家未详,《蓟山纪程》(1803),第2卷湾渡1803.12.19.
[16]朴趾源,《热河日记》(1780),铜兰涉笔.
[17]朴趾源,《熱河日记》(1780),关内程史1780.7.27.
[18]许篈,《朝天记》(1582),上卷1574.6.23.
[19]洪翼汉,《朝天航海录》(1624),第1卷1624.9.3.
[20]屠隆,《考槃余事》(明)
[21]高濂,《茶泉论》(明)
[22]陈撰,《玉几山房听雨录》(清乾隆年间)
[23]袁枚,《茶》(清乾隆年间)
[24]翟灏,《湖山便览》(清乾隆年间)
[25]徐浩修,《燕行纪》(1790),第3卷1790.8.24.
[26]李海应,《蓟山纪程》(1803),第5卷附录饮食.
[27]巩志著,中国贡茶,浙江摄影出版社,2003.p44
[28]徐浩修,《燕行纪》(1790),第2卷1790.7.19.
[29]徐浩修,《燕行纪》(1790),第3卷1790.8.1.
[30]徐浩修,《燕行纪》(1790),第3卷1790.8.13.
[31]金昌业,《燕行日记》(1712),第8卷1713.2.24.
[32]崔德中,《燕行录》(1712),寄游录1791.12.24.
[33]金昌业,《燕行日记》(1712),第9卷,1713.3.6.
[34]金景善,《燕辕直指》(1832),第5卷,1833.2.1.
[35]李玾,《燕行纪事》(1777),下卷1778.1.10.
[36]李渲,《燕途纪行》(1656),日录1656.8.24.
[37]金昌业,《燕行日记》(1712),第6卷,1713.2.9
[38]徐浩修,《燕行纪》(1790),第1卷1790.7.7.
[39]金昌业,《燕行日记》(1712),第4卷,1713.1.1.
[40]徐浩修,《燕行纪》(1790),第3卷1790.8.1.
[41]徐浩修,《燕行纪》(1790),第3卷1790.8.5.
[42]金正中,《燕行录》(1793),寄游录1792.2.5.
[43]作家未详,《赴燕日记》(1828),往还日记1828.7.23.
[44]金景善,《燕辕直指》(1832),留馆别录.
[45]徐浩修,《燕行纪》(1790),第3卷1790.8.1.
[46]李海应,《蓟山纪程》(1803),第5卷,附录饮食.
[47]金景善,《燕辕直指》(1832),留馆别录.
[48]洪淳学,韩文版《丙寅燕行歌》(1866)
[49]徐有闻,韩文版《戊午燕行录》(1798),第6卷1799.2.7.)
[50]吴任臣,《十国春秋》(清)
[51]赵学敏,《本草纲目拾遗》(1765)
[52]洪显周(1793-1865,朝鲜人),《腊雪水烹茶》
[53]洪显周(1793-1865,朝鲜人),《轴既成遂迭取各韵互相步和得五五二十五篇》
[54]金景善,《燕辕直指》(1832),第3卷瀛台冰戲宴记,1832.12.23.
[55]金景善,《燕辕直指》(1832),第3卷瀛台冰戲宴记1832.12.23.
[56]徐珂,《清稗类钞》(清末)
[57]顾元庆,《茶谱》(约1530),茶诸法.
[58]李玾,《燕行纪事》(1777),闻见杂记杂记下.
[59]徐浩修,《燕行纪》(1790),第3卷,1790.8.6.
[60]徐浩修,《燕行纪》(1790),第3卷,1790.8.9.
[61]徐浩修,《燕行纪》(1790),第4卷,1790.10.7.
[62]李海应,《薊山纪程》(1803),第5卷附录饮食.
[63]金景善,《燕辕直指》(1832),留馆别录.
[64]洪淳学,韩文版《丙寅燕行歌》(1866)
[65]金正中,《燕行录》(1793),寄游录1792.1.6.
[66]金正中,《燕行录》(1793),寄游录1792.1.6.
[67]金正中,《燕行录》(1793),寄游录1792.1.22.
[68]朴趾源,《熱河日记》(1780),马日汛随笔1780.7.16.
[69]朴趾源,《熱河日记》(1780),关内程史1780.7.27.
[70]朴趾源,《熟河日记》(1780),铜兰涉笔.
[71]金景善,《燕辕直指》(1832),留馆别录.
[72]陈宗懋主编,《中国茶叶大辞典》,中国轻工业出版社,2000,p476.
[73]金昌业,《燕行日记》(1712),第2卷,1712.12.15.
[74]金昌业,《燕行日记》(1712),第1卷山川风俗總录；金景善,《燕辕直指》(1832),留馆别录.
[75]李玾,《燕行纪事》(1777),闻见杂记杂记下.
[76]金堉《朝京日录》(1636),朝京日录1637.4.25.
[77]金堉《朝京日录》(1636),朝京日录1637.4.26.
[78]金昌业,《燕行日记》(1712),第4卷1713.1.14.
[79]徐庆淳,《梦经堂日史》(1855),第5篇玉河旋轸录1856.1.7.
[80]金昌业,《燕行日记》(1712),第4卷,1713.1.22.
[81]李海应,《薊山纪程》(1803),第5卷附录饮食.
[82]赵吉士,《寄园寄所寄》(清)
[83]陆廷灿,《续茶经》(1734),《随见录》
[84]曹雪芹等,《红楼梦》(1784),第四十一回.
[85]《红楼梦》,人民文学出版社,1985年版,注释.
[86]赵学敏,《茶》(清).
[87]赵学敏,《茶》(清).
[88]谈迁,《贡茶》(明末清楚).
[89]金昌业,《燕行日记》(1712),第1卷山川风俗总录.
[90]金昌业,《燕行日记》(1712),第4卷1713.1.25.
[91]金昌业,《燕行日记》(1712),第5卷1713.2.3.
[92]金昌业,《燕行日记》(1712),第1卷山川风俗總录.
[93]金昌业,《燕行日记》(1712),第7卷1713.2.21.
[94]朴趾源,《熱河日记》(1780),太学留馆录1780.8.13.
[95]朴趾源,《熱河日记》(1780),太学留馆录1780.8.13.
[96]李玾,《燕行纪事》(1777),闻见杂记杂记.
[97]李海应,《薊山纪程》(1803),第5卷附录饮食.
[98]朴思浩,《燕蓟纪程》(1828),第3卷留馆杂录應求漫录春树清谭.
[99]徐浩修,《燕行纪》(1790),第3卷1790.8.9.
[100]徐有闻,韩文版《戊午燕行录》(1798),第2卷1798.12.22.
[101]金景善,《燕辕直指》(1832),留馆别录.
[102]洪淳学,韩文版《丙寅燕行歌》(1866).
[103]苗春梅,韩国汉字语惯用表现的类型研究,江源大学博士论文,2006, p13.
[104]汤华峰,韩中汉字语中的异形同意语比较研究,全南大学硕士论文,2009,p17.
[105]崔薄,《漂海录》(1482),第1卷1488.1.26.
[106]朴趾源,《熱河日记》(1780),盛京杂识1780.7.13.
[107]金正中,《燕行录》(1793),1792.1.24.
[108]柳得恭,《燕台再游录》(1801).
[109]金昌业,《燕行日记》(1712),1713.2.15.
[110]金正中,《燕行录》(1793),寄游录1791.12.16.
[111]徐浩修,《燕行纪》(1790),第2卷1790.7.19.
[112]徐浩修,《燕行纪》(1790),第3卷1790.8.10.
[113]金景善,《燕辕直指》(1832),留馆别录.
[114]金昌业,《燕行日记》(1712),第5卷1713.2.1.
[115]李宜显,《庚子燕行杂识》(1720),杂识庚子燕行杂识,1720.7.8.
[116]李海应,《蓟山纪程》(1803),第5卷附录饮食.
[117]许篈,《朝天记》(1574),上卷1574.6.23.
[118]金景善,《燕辕直指》(1832),第3卷1832.12.28.
[119]金景善,《燕辕直指》(1832),第4卷1833.1.5.
[120]作家未详,《赴燕日记》(1828),主见诸事饮食.
[121]金景善,《燕辕直指》(1832),1832.12.1.
[122]徐浩修,《燕行纪》(1790),第3卷1790.8.6.
[123]徐浩修,《燕行纪》(1790),第3卷1790.8.10.
[124]李海应,《蓟山纪程》(1803),第3卷留馆1804.2.4.
[125]朴思浩,《燕蓟纪程》(1828),第1卷燕前纪程1829.2.6.
[126]金正中,《燕行录》(1793),寄游录1792.1.9.
[127]朴思浩,《燕蓟纪程》(1828),第3卷留馆杂录应求漫录春树清谭。
[128]金昌业,《燕行日记》(1712),第2卷1712.12.9.
[129]金正中,《燕行录》(1793),寄游录1791.11.29.
[130]金正中,《燕行录》(1793),寄游录1791.11.28.
[131]金正中,《燕行录》(1793),寄游录1792.1.1.
[132]金正中,《燕行录》(1793),寄游录1792.1.3.
[133]金正中,《燕行录》(1793),寄游录1792.1.20.
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[70]金昌业,《燕行日记》(1712),第4卷1713.1.8.
[71]金昌业,《燕行日记》(1712),第4卷1713.1.24.
[72]金昌业,《燕行日记》(1712),第5卷1713.2.1.
[73]金昌业,《燕行日记》(1712),第7卷1713.2.15.
[74]金昌业,《燕行日记》(1712),第8卷1713.2.28.
[75]金昌业,《燕行日记》(1712),第9卷1713.3.1.
[76]金昌业,《燕行日记》(1712),第9卷1713.3.7.
[77]金昌业,《燕行日记》(1712),第9卷1713.3.8.
[78]金昌业,《燕行日记》(1712),第9卷1713.3.8.
[79]李宜显,《庚子燕行杂识》(1720),杂识庚子燕行杂识上,1720.7.8.
[80]李宜显,《庚子燕行杂识》(1720),杂识庚子燕行杂识上,1720.7.8.
[81]李玾,《燕行纪事》(1777),上卷1777.12.26.
[82]朴趾源,《熟河日记》(1780),盛京杂识1780.7.10.
[83]徐浩修,《燕行纪》(1790),第1卷,1790.7.15.
[84]徐浩修,《燕行纪》(1790),第2卷,1790.7.23.
[85]徐有闻,韩文版《戊午燕行录》(1798),第1卷1798.11.30.
[86]徐有闻,韩文版《戊午燕行录》(1798),第6卷1799.2.10.
[87]李海应,《蓟山纪程》(1803),第3卷留馆1804.1.29.
[88]朴思浩,《燕蓟纪程》(1828),第2卷留馆杂录万寿寺记.
[89]朴思浩,《燕蓟纪程》(1828),第2卷留馆杂录万寿寺记.
[90]金昌业,《燕行日记》(1712),第5卷大锺寺记1833.1.14.
[91]金昌业,《燕行日记》(1712),第7卷1713.2.15.
[92]李宜显,《庚子燕行杂识》(1720),杂识庚子燕行杂识下.
[93]金正中,《燕行录》(1793),寄游录1792.1.16.
[1]朴趾源,《熱河日记》(1780),太学留馆录1780.8.11.
[2]徐浩修,《燕行纪》(1790),第1卷1790.7.15.
[3]徐浩修,《燕行纪》(1790),第3卷1790.8.1.
[4]徐浩修,《燕行纪》(1790),第3卷1790.8.9.
[5]徐浩修,《燕行纪》(1790),第3卷1790.8.9.
[6]徐浩修,《燕行纪》(1790),第3卷1790.8.9.
[7]徐浩修,《燕行纪》(1790),寄游录1791.11.28.
[8]徐有闻,《戊午燕行录》(1798),第2卷1798.12.22.
[9]李海应,《蓟山纪程》(1803),第3卷留馆1804.1.2.
[10]李海应,《蓟山纪程》(1803),第3卷留馆1804.1.7.
[11]作家未详,《赴燕日记》(1828),往還日记1828.5.10.
[12]作家未详,《赴燕日记》(1828),主见诸事市廛.
[13]金景善,《燕辕直指》(1832),第5卷1833.2.7.
[14]金正中,《燕行录》(1793),寄游录1791.11.26.
[15]李海应,《蓟山纪程》(1803),第1卷湾渡1803.11.27.
[16]金景善,《燕辕直指》(1832),第3卷1832.12.25.
[17]许篈,《朝天记》(许篈),上卷1574.6.23.
[18]许篈,《朝天记》(许篈),下卷1574.9.7.
[19]李宜显,《庚子燕行杂识》(1720),杂识庚子燕行杂识下.
[20]朴趾源,《熱河日记》(1780),盛京杂识1780.7.10.
[21]朴趾源,《熱河日记》(1780),驲汛随笔1780.7.16.
[22]金正中,《燕行录》(1793),寄游录1792.1.1.
[23]金正中,《燕行录》(1793),寄游录1792.1.9.
[24]金正中,《燕行录》(1793),寄游录1792.1.28.
[25]徐有闻,韩文版《戊午燕行录》(1798),第5卷1799.2.3.
[26]李海应,《蓟山纪程》(1803),第5卷附录饮食.
[27]金景善,《燕辕直指》(1832),留馆别录.
[28]金景善,《燕辕直指》(1832),留馆别录器用.
[29]金景善,《燕辕直指》(1832),留馆别录.
[30]金昌业,《燕行日记》(1712),第2卷1712.12.8.
[31]金景善,《燕辕直指》(1832),第1卷1832.11.30.
[32]金景善,《燕辕直指》(1832),第1卷1832.11.30.
[33]李玾,《燕行纪事》(1777),闻见杂记杂记下.
[34]金景善,《燕辕直指》(1832),第2卷1832.12.19.
[35]朴趾源,《熱河日记》(1780),盛京杂识1 780.7.11.
[36]徐浩修,《燕行纪》(1790),第4卷1790.10.7.
[37]金昌业,《燕行日记》(1712),第4卷1713.1.19.
[38]金昌业,《燕行日记》(1712),第4卷1713.1.24.
[39]金昌业,《燕行日记》(1712),第5卷1713.2.1)
[40]徐有闻,韩文版《戊午燕行录》(1798),第6卷1799.2.8.
[41]徐庆淳,《梦经堂日史》(1855),第5篇玉河旋轸录1855.12.23.
[42]金景善,《燕辕直指》(1832),第3卷1832.12.22.
[43]金景善,《燕辕直指》(1832),第3卷1832.12.22.
[44]金景善,《燕辕直指》(1832),第4卷1833.1.8.
[45]朴趾源,《熱河日记》(1780),盛京杂识,1780.7.14.
[46]朴趾源,《熱河日记》(1780),关内程史1780.7.28.
[47]金正中,《燕行录》(1793),寄游录1791.11.28.
[48]金正中,《燕行录》(1793),寄游录1792.3.4.
[2]金指南、金庆门,《通文馆志》(1720),第3卷.
[3]林基中,燕行录研究,iljisa,2002年,p9-86.
[4]金敏镐,朝鲜时代《燕行录》所见中国古典小说初探,上海师范大学学报(哲学社会科学版),2010年3月第39卷第2期。
[5]杨昕,朝鲜使臣笔下的明代通州.延边大学学报(社会科学版),2009年4月第42卷第2期。
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[7]朴现圭,朝鲜使臣与北京琉璃厂,文献季刊,2003年1月第1期。
[8]刁书仁,朝鲜使臣所见的建州社会兼论后金建国前与朝鲜的关系,满族研究,2001年第2期。
Na-Sung Hwa, A study on Chinese tea drinking manners expressed in Sahe ngrok,成均馆大学硕士论文,2008.
[1]姚国坤、王存礼编著,图说中国茶,上海文化出版社,2007年,p5.
[2]撰人不详,《神农本草》(秦汉或战国时期).
[3]常璩,《华阳国志》(348-354),巴志.
[4]鄂尔泰,《云南通志》,杨慎记.
[5]王建荣、郭丹英,中国茶文化图典,浙江摄影出版社,2006,P14。
[6]《三国志》(285前后),吴志韦曜传.
[7]何法盛,《晋中兴书》(南朝宋)。
[8]房玄龄等21人,《晋书》(646-648),列传第68.
[9]陆羽,《茶经》(758左右),七之事.
[10]刘敬叔,《异苑》(南朝宋).
[11]刘义庆,《世说新语》(南朝宋,440前后).
[12]陆羽,《茶经》(758左右),七之事.
[13]陶弘景,《杂录》
[14]陆羽,《茶经》(758左右),七之事.
[15]陆羽,《茶经》(758左右),七之事.
[16]张揖,《广雅》(227-230).
[17]杜育,《荈赋》(西晋,?-311)
[18]杜育,《荈赋》(西晋,?-311)
[19]封演,《封氏见闻记》(756-800).
[20]白居易,《白氏长庆集》(821),琵琶行
[21]杨华,《膳夫经手录》(856),茶.
[22]陆羽, 《茶经》(758左右),三之造.
[23]巩志著,中国贡茶,浙江摄影出版社,2003,p6-7.
[24]钱易,《南部新书》(1008-1016),戊.
[25]李肇,《唐国史补》(821).
[26]巩志著,中国贡茶,浙江摄影出版社,2003,p27.
[27]顾炎武(1613-1682),《日知录》.
[28]冯贽,《云仙杂记》(唐).
[29]李亢,《独异志》(唐).
[30]李防等,《文苑英华》(986),卷32三月三日谢恩赐曲江宴乐状.
[31]杜牧,《奉昌节谢茶酒状》.
[32]苏鹗,《杜阳杂编》(唐).
[33]李昉等,《文苑英华》(986).
[34]胡仔,《苕溪渔隐丛话》(南宋).
[35]欧阳修,《归田录》(北宋).
[36]高似孙,《剡录》(1214).
[37]蔡襄,《茶录》(1049-1053),下篇汤瓶.
[38]蔡襄,《茶录》(1049-1053),下篇茶盏.
[39]赵佶,《大观茶论》(1107),盏.
[40]王建荣、郭丹英,中国茶文化图典,浙江摄影出版社,2006,p35.
[41]范仲淹,《和章岷从事斗茶歌》(北宋).
[42]唐更,《斗茶记》(1112).
[43]杨万里,《澹庵坐上观显上人分茶》(宋).
[44]陆游,《临安春雨初霁》(南宋).
[45]李清照(1084-1155),《摊破浣溪沙·莫分茶》(宋).
[46]陈宗懋主编,《中国茶叶大辞典》,中国轻工业出版社,2000,p572.
[47]孟元老,《东京梦华录》(1102-1125).
[48]吴自牧,《梦梁录》(南宋末年),卷十六茶肆.
[49]沈德符,《万历野获编》(明).
[50]罗廪,《茶解》(1609).
[51]田艺衡,《煮泉小品》(1554).
[52]高濂,《遵生八笺》(1591).
[53]施岳,《步月·茉莉》(南宋).
[54]朱权,《茶谱》(1440).
[55]屠隆,《茶说》(1590前后).
[56]许次纾,《茶疏》(1597).
[57]陈师,《茶考》(1593).
[58]朱权,《茶谱》(1440).
[59]朱权,《茶谱》(1440),品茶.
[60]田艺衡,《煮泉小品》(1544),宜茶.
[61]陈师,《茶考》(1593).
[62]许次纾,《茶疏》(1597).
[63]张源,《茶录》(1595).
[64]夏涛主编,中华茶史,安徽教育出版社,2008,p208.
[65]王秋墨责任编辑,中国老茶具图鉴,北京画中画印刷有限公司,2007,p163.
[66]文震亨,《长物志》(1621).
[67]文震亨,《长物志》(1621).
[68]周高起,《阳羡明壶系》(1628-1644).
[69]屠隆,《考磐余事》(明).
[70]高濂,《遵生八笺》(1591).
[71]许次纾,《茶疏》(1597).
[72]张源,《茶录》(1595).
[73]许次纾,《茶疏》(1597).
[74]《内务府奏销档》(清).
[75]赵学敏,《本草纲目拾遗》(1765).
[76]阮福,《普洱茶记》(清).
[77]阮福,《普洱茶记》(清).
[78]夏涛主编,中华茶史,安徽教育出版社,2008,p214.
[79]梁月荣主编,茗水盏居话茶艺,福建科学技术出版社,2005,p163.
[80]李斗,《扬州画舫录》(清)
[1]Yoon yang-no,朝鲜时代使行礼节和服饰,燕行录研究丛书10,2006,p274-275.
[2]Na jong-woo,世宗时代对外贸易的实体,世宗文化史大计vo1.3,世宗大王纪念事业会,2001,p907.
[3]Kim goo-jin,世宗时代对外形势,世宗文化史大计vol.3,世宗大王纪念事业会,2001,p827.
[4]朴成桂,对朝鲜初期遣明使节的考察,燕行录研究丛书6,hakkojae,200 6, p516.
[5]金敏镐,朝鲜时代《燕行录》所见中国古典小说初探,上海师范大学学报(哲学社会科学版),2010.3.第39卷第2期,p78.
[6](?),乙丙燕行录与戊午燕行录的路程内容比较,燕行录研究丛书10,hakkojae,2006,p106.
[7]林基中,燕行录与韩国学研究,韩国文学研究,2001年12月第24集p12.
[1]郑英善,关于茶礼祭祀的渊源与展开及其特性的研究,成均馆大学博士论文,2005,p12.
[2]《朝鲜王朝实录》太宗2年10月16
[3]《朝鲜王朝实录》,世宗13年6月30日
[4]《韩国文集丛刊》,民族文化推进会,11卷p196<司宪府齐坐厅重新记>；徐居正,《四佳集》文集
[5]南孝温(1454-1492),《秋江集》5卷<游金刚山记>
[6]李宜显(1669-1745),《陶谷集》30卷<杂识>
[7]金昌业,《燕行日记》(1712),第1卷1712.11.3.
[8]崔德中,《燕行录》(1712),日记1712.11.14.
[9]李玾,《燕行纪事》(1777),上卷1777.10.30.
[10]李玾,《燕行纪事》(1777),下卷1778.3.25.
[11]朴思浩,《燕蓟纪程》(1828),第1卷燕蓟纪程1828.11.7.
[12]金景善,《燕辕直指》(1832),第1卷,1832.11.3.
[13]金景善,《燕辕直指》(1832),第1卷1832.11.21.
[14]朴思浩,《燕蓟纪程》(1828),第2卷留馆杂录万寿寺记.
[15]作家未详,《蓟山纪程》(1803),第2卷湾渡1803.12.19.
[16]朴趾源,《热河日记》(1780),铜兰涉笔.
[17]朴趾源,《熱河日记》(1780),关内程史1780.7.27.
[18]许篈,《朝天记》(1582),上卷1574.6.23.
[19]洪翼汉,《朝天航海录》(1624),第1卷1624.9.3.
[20]屠隆,《考槃余事》(明)
[21]高濂,《茶泉论》(明)
[22]陈撰,《玉几山房听雨录》(清乾隆年间)
[23]袁枚,《茶》(清乾隆年间)
[24]翟灏,《湖山便览》(清乾隆年间)
[25]徐浩修,《燕行纪》(1790),第3卷1790.8.24.
[26]李海应,《蓟山纪程》(1803),第5卷附录饮食.
[27]巩志著,中国贡茶,浙江摄影出版社,2003.p44
[28]徐浩修,《燕行纪》(1790),第2卷1790.7.19.
[29]徐浩修,《燕行纪》(1790),第3卷1790.8.1.
[30]徐浩修,《燕行纪》(1790),第3卷1790.8.13.
[31]金昌业,《燕行日记》(1712),第8卷1713.2.24.
[32]崔德中,《燕行录》(1712),寄游录1791.12.24.
[33]金昌业,《燕行日记》(1712),第9卷,1713.3.6.
[34]金景善,《燕辕直指》(1832),第5卷,1833.2.1.
[35]李玾,《燕行纪事》(1777),下卷1778.1.10.
[36]李渲,《燕途纪行》(1656),日录1656.8.24.
[37]金昌业,《燕行日记》(1712),第6卷,1713.2.9
[38]徐浩修,《燕行纪》(1790),第1卷1790.7.7.
[39]金昌业,《燕行日记》(1712),第4卷,1713.1.1.
[40]徐浩修,《燕行纪》(1790),第3卷1790.8.1.
[41]徐浩修,《燕行纪》(1790),第3卷1790.8.5.
[42]金正中,《燕行录》(1793),寄游录1792.2.5.
[43]作家未详,《赴燕日记》(1828),往还日记1828.7.23.
[44]金景善,《燕辕直指》(1832),留馆别录.
[45]徐浩修,《燕行纪》(1790),第3卷1790.8.1.
[46]李海应,《蓟山纪程》(1803),第5卷,附录饮食.
[47]金景善,《燕辕直指》(1832),留馆别录.
[48]洪淳学,韩文版《丙寅燕行歌》(1866)
[49]徐有闻,韩文版《戊午燕行录》(1798),第6卷1799.2.7.)
[50]吴任臣,《十国春秋》(清)
[51]赵学敏,《本草纲目拾遗》(1765)
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[82]赵吉士,《寄园寄所寄》(清)
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[86]赵学敏,《茶》(清).
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