场域性的“一家人”:民间体育参与中亲属结构的变化逻辑——W村打鼓活动的田野考察
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摘要
以河南W村的打鼓活动为田野个案,调研发现,在民间体育参与过程中,村民交流虽然都会表达"我们是一家人",但不同场域的亲属结构涵盖范围却存在差异:在仪式性场域下往往呈现出对异姓的隔离状态,而在日常生活场域下呈现出融合状态。研究认为,隔离源自于乡土社会信仰与禁忌规范、宗族秩序的强化,而融合则是因为乡土情义秩序的维持、村落关系共同体的重构。基于以上隔离与融合并存的现象进一步提出,民间体育为乡土社会从"差序格局"向"差序场"转型提供了"物理舞台",并促成乡土社会形成"有机团结"的社会结构。
The drumming beating activities in W Village of Henan Province as a field case showed that although the villagers would express the idea of "being a family" in the process of folk sports participation activities, there were differences in the scope of the kinship structure in different fields. It was believed that separation originated from the local social beliefs, taboos, norms and the strengthening of the clan order, while the integration came from the maintenance of the rural sentimental order and the reconstruction of the village relations community. Based on the coexistence of separation and integration, it proposed that folk sports activities provided a "physical stage" for the transformation of local society from "the pattern of difference sequence" to "the field of difference sequence", and contributed to forming the social structure of the "organic solidarity".
The drumming beating activities in W Village of Henan Province as a field case showed that although the villagers would express the idea of "being a family" in the process of folk sports participation activities, there were differences in the scope of the kinship structure in different fields. It was believed that separation originated from the local social beliefs, taboos, norms and the strengthening of the clan order, while the integration came from the maintenance of the rural sentimental order and the reconstruction of the village relations community. Based on the coexistence of separation and integration, it proposed that folk sports activities provided a "physical stage" for the transformation of local society from "the pattern of difference sequence" to "the field of difference sequence", and contributed to forming the social structure of the "organic solidarity".
引文
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[12] 李汉宗.血缘、地缘、业缘:新市民的社会关系转型[J].深圳大学学报(人文社会科学版),2013,30(4):113-119.
[13] 许远旺.中国乡村共同体的历史变迁与现实走向[J].西北农林科技大学学报(社会科学版),2015,15(2):127-134.
[14] 胡必亮.关系共同体[M].北京:人民出版社,2005:11.
[15] Matthew Tonts,Kim Atherley.Competitive sport and the construction of place identity in rural Australia[J].Sport in Society,2010,13(3):381-398.
[16] 小田.乡村共同体关系的传统构建——以近代徽州仁里花朝会为个案[J].民族艺术,2011,(3):67-71.
[17] 萧楼.夏村社会[M].北京:三联书店,2010:290.
[18] 涂尔干.社会分工论[M].北京:三联书店,2000:91-92.
[19] 高丙中.社团合作与中国公民社会的有机团结[J].中国社会科学,2006,(3):110-123.
[2] 布迪厄,华康德.实践与反思——反思社会学导引[M].李猛,李康,译.北京:中央编译出版社,1998:153.
[3] 刘中一.场域、惯习与农民生育行为——以布迪厄实践理论为视角[A].中国家庭研究(第二卷)[C].上海:上海社会科学院出版社,2007:249.
[4] 贺雪峰.论中国农村的区域差异——村庄社会结构的视角[J].开放时代,2012(10):108-129.
[5] 费孝通.美国与美国人[M].北京:三联书店,1985:110.
[6] 麻国庆.从非洲到东亚:亲属研究的普遍性与特殊性[J].社会科学,2005(9):111-121.
[7] 杨华.初论“血缘共同体”与“关系共同体”——南北村落性质比较[J].开发研究,2008(1):95-99.
[8] 贺雪峰.论半熟人社会——理解村委会选举的一个视角[J].政治学研究,2000(3):61-69.
[9] 陈柏峰.熟人社会:村庄秩序机制的理想型探究[J].社会,2011,31(1):223-241.
[10] 宋丽娜.熟人社会的性质[J].中国农业大学学报(社会科学版),2009,26(2):118-124.
[11] 折晓叶.村庄的再造[M].北京:中国社会科学出版社,1997:88-90.
[12] 李汉宗.血缘、地缘、业缘:新市民的社会关系转型[J].深圳大学学报(人文社会科学版),2013,30(4):113-119.
[13] 许远旺.中国乡村共同体的历史变迁与现实走向[J].西北农林科技大学学报(社会科学版),2015,15(2):127-134.
[14] 胡必亮.关系共同体[M].北京:人民出版社,2005:11.
[15] Matthew Tonts,Kim Atherley.Competitive sport and the construction of place identity in rural Australia[J].Sport in Society,2010,13(3):381-398.
[16] 小田.乡村共同体关系的传统构建——以近代徽州仁里花朝会为个案[J].民族艺术,2011,(3):67-71.
[17] 萧楼.夏村社会[M].北京:三联书店,2010:290.
[18] 涂尔干.社会分工论[M].北京:三联书店,2000:91-92.
[19] 高丙中.社团合作与中国公民社会的有机团结[J].中国社会科学,2006,(3):110-123.