宋代地方治理中“短安长治”模式的生成
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摘要
宋代的统治,对外无军功可标榜,对内治功则颇有成效。宋代地方治理中,呈现了"短安与长治"并存的局面。一方面,宋代无外戚内乱,无藩镇强横,没有全国性的农民斗争,其统治长达三百余年,成为中国封建社会中持续时间较长的王朝。另一方面,宋代自建国时始,就面临盗贼、游民等犯罪频发,兵变与民变交织不断的局面。宋代这一"短安长治"间的矛盾与分权性地方行政体制密切相关。宋代地方行政结构是非完整的统治单元,而地方司法结构不仅是完整的治理单元,还有地域分化和人群分化的功能。这种职能结构间的差异性,使宋代地方统治形成了一朝独具的法治特点。
There are no remarkable achievements in terms of military power during the reign of Song Dynasty,butits governance power is quite effective. In the local governance of Song Dynasty,the situation of coexistence of "shortstability and long governance" appears. There are no exterior relative struggles, no local military forces,no nationwidefarmer's anti-government wars,the governance lasts as long as 317 years,which makes it become the longest dynastyin Chinese imperial society. On the other hand,since the establishment of Song Dynasty,it faces frequent crimesconducted by thieves and homeless,intertwined situation of mutiny and revolt. The contradiction between "short stabilityand long governance" is closely related to the decentralization of local administrative system in Song Dynasty. The localadministrative structure of the Song Dynasty is not a complete unit of governance,but the local judicial structure is notonly a complete unit of governance,but also a function of regional differentiation and population differentiation. Thedifference of the system structure makes the local rule of Song Dynasty form a unique rule of law.
There are no remarkable achievements in terms of military power during the reign of Song Dynasty,butits governance power is quite effective. In the local governance of Song Dynasty,the situation of coexistence of "shortstability and long governance" appears. There are no exterior relative struggles, no local military forces,no nationwidefarmer's anti-government wars,the governance lasts as long as 317 years,which makes it become the longest dynastyin Chinese imperial society. On the other hand,since the establishment of Song Dynasty,it faces frequent crimesconducted by thieves and homeless,intertwined situation of mutiny and revolt. The contradiction between "short stabilityand long governance" is closely related to the decentralization of local administrative system in Song Dynasty. The localadministrative structure of the Song Dynasty is not a complete unit of governance,but the local judicial structure is notonly a complete unit of governance,but also a function of regional differentiation and population differentiation. Thedifference of the system structure makes the local rule of Song Dynasty form a unique rule of law.
引文
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[31]关履权.宋代历史发展的特点与阶级斗争的关系——兼论阶级社会中历史发展的动力问题[J].华南师范学院学报,1980(1):80-89.
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[34]王育济.宋代社会的基本经济矛盾和农民战争的规模[J].东岳论丛,1983(5):77-81.
[35]夏露.宋代农民起义的主因并非土地问题[J].河北学刊,1985(1):93-96.
[36]竺培升,吴建华.探讨两宋始终未能形成全国规模农民起义的主要原因——与王育济同志商榷[J].湖北师范大学学报,1991(4):86-92.
[37]任新民.试论宋代没有爆发大规模农民起义的原因[J].南京社会科学,1995(4):59-62.
[38]邵洪兴.从商品经济看宋代农民起义特点[J].求是学刊,1999(3):100-103.
[39]李华瑞.宋代的社会保障与社会稳定[J].探索与争鸣,2016(3):78-83.
(1)余蔚称为分离制,见《完整制与分离制:宋代地方行政权力的转移》,《历史研究》2005年第4期。
(2)参见金观涛:《在历史的表象背后:对中国封建社会超稳定结构的探索》,四川人民出版社1984年版;金观涛、刘青峰:《兴盛与危机:论中国社会超稳定结构》,法律出版社2011年版。
[2]叶适.叶适集[M].北京:中华书局,1983.
[3]欧阳修,宋祁.新唐书[M].北京:中华书局,1975.
[4]李焘.续资治通鉴长编[M].北京:中华书局,2004.
[5]黎靖德编.朱子语类[M].北京:中华书局,1994.
[6]钱若水.宋太宗皇帝实录校注[M].北京:中华书局,2012.
[7]苏洵.嘉祐集笺注[M].曾枣庄,金成礼,笺注.上海:上海古籍出版社,1993.
[8]范祖禹.太史范公文集[M].宋集珍本丛刊本.北京:线装书局,2004.
[9]李治安.唐宋元明清中央与地方关系研究[M].天津:南开大学出版社,1996.
[10]邵伯温.邵氏闻见录[M].北京:中华书局,1983.
[11]脱脱,等.宋史[M].北京:中华书局,1977.
[12]何竹淇.两宋农民战争史料汇编[M].北京:中华书局,1976.
[13]包拯.包拯集校注[M].杨国宜,校注.合肥:黄山出版社,1999.
[14]欧阳修.欧阳修全集[M].北京:中华书局,2001.
[15]方勺.青溪寇轨[M]//泊宅编.北京:中华书局,1983.
[16]李心传.建炎以来系年要录[M].北京:中华书局,1988.
[17]何忠礼,徐吉军.南宋史稿[M].杭州:杭州大学出版社,1999.
[18]魏了翁.鹤山先生大全文集[M].北京:中华书局,1985.
[19]赵汝愚.宋朝诸臣奏议[M].上海:上海古籍出版社,1989.
[20]徐松.宋会要辑稿[M].北京:中华书局,1957.
[21]康有为.宋官制最善[M]//康有为全集.北京:中国人民大学出版社,2007.
[22]王珪.华阳集[M].文渊阁四库全书影印本.台北:商务印书馆,1983.
[23]佚名.名公书判清明集[M].北京:中华书局,2002.
[24]马端临.文献通考[M].北京:中华书局,1986.
[25]郑獬.郧溪集[M].宋集珍本丛刊本.北京:线装书局,2004.
[26]刘才劭.檆溪居士集[M].文渊阁四库全书影印本.台北:商务印书馆,1983.
[27]陈科达编.义门陈氏大同宗谱[M].上海:上海图书馆藏民国木活字本.
[28]向祥海.范汝为起义简论[J].湘潭大学学报,1980(1):105-112.
[29]孙祚民,赵继颜.中国农民战争史·宋辽金元卷[M].武汉:湖北人民出版社,1991.
[30]郭东旭.论北宋“盗贼”重法[J].河北大学学报,2000(5):6-12.
[31]关履权.宋代历史发展的特点与阶级斗争的关系——兼论阶级社会中历史发展的动力问题[J].华南师范学院学报,1980(1):80-89.
[32]翦伯赞.中国史纲要·下[M].北京:人民出版社,1983.
[33]朱家源.两宋社会经济关系的变化与农民阶级[M]//宋史论集.郑州:中州书画社,1983.
[34]王育济.宋代社会的基本经济矛盾和农民战争的规模[J].东岳论丛,1983(5):77-81.
[35]夏露.宋代农民起义的主因并非土地问题[J].河北学刊,1985(1):93-96.
[36]竺培升,吴建华.探讨两宋始终未能形成全国规模农民起义的主要原因——与王育济同志商榷[J].湖北师范大学学报,1991(4):86-92.
[37]任新民.试论宋代没有爆发大规模农民起义的原因[J].南京社会科学,1995(4):59-62.
[38]邵洪兴.从商品经济看宋代农民起义特点[J].求是学刊,1999(3):100-103.
[39]李华瑞.宋代的社会保障与社会稳定[J].探索与争鸣,2016(3):78-83.
(1)余蔚称为分离制,见《完整制与分离制:宋代地方行政权力的转移》,《历史研究》2005年第4期。
(2)参见金观涛:《在历史的表象背后:对中国封建社会超稳定结构的探索》,四川人民出版社1984年版;金观涛、刘青峰:《兴盛与危机:论中国社会超稳定结构》,法律出版社2011年版。