江南儒学的提出、指义与分段
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摘要
经济与文化重心的南移是中国历史中的重要现象,江南由此成为传统中国的重要区域,并在改革开放后始终引领中国发展。长期以来,江南研究是海内外重要的研究领域,并呈现出由经济研究向社会、文化研究推进的态势。儒学是传统中国文化的核心,为了进一步深入江南研究,提出江南儒学这样的研究领域不仅具有来自当下与未来的学术思想意义,而且具有历史的学理依据。由于江南与儒学都是内涵丰富且流变的概念,因此江南儒学研究一方面应有所聚焦,以呈现儒学的文本分析为重,以期发现与阐明那些型塑儒学的江南性质与特征的内容;另一方面则与江南儒学的历史源流相呼应,以揭示江南儒学的整体面貌与衍化方向及其动力。江南儒学在其流变过程中,虽然区域里的学术思想流派纷呈,且相对清晰,但很难由此界定江南儒学。一方面,江南儒学在整体上仍具模糊性;另一方面,内涵与边界相对清晰的区域内的学术思想流派彼此又有着密切的关联,呈现出共同的江南性。由于地理环境的改变是缓慢的,并主要由于经济活动引起,而传统时代的经济变化也是渐进的,因此对于江南儒学的分析,宜跳出朝代史,将江南儒学区分为三个长时段:第一个时段是先秦至六朝的江南儒学孕生;第二个时段是唐宋变革以后的江南儒学衍化,这个时段又以明代迁都北京,进一步区分为前、后两个时段;第三个时段是近代以降,直至今日追求现代化转型中的江南儒学探索。
The southward shift of the economic and cultural center from North China to Jiangnan area is a noteworthy phenomenon in Chinese history. Jiangnan has since become a significant region and has also been a leading force since the reform and opening up policy was carried out. For a long time, Jiangnan has always been a focus in the field of Chinese Studies at home and abroad, and it has become a trend to study Jiangnan's society and culture on the basis of its economy. Confucianism is the core of traditional Chinese culture. And Jiangnan Confucianism has academic roots in Chinese history. The proposal of the study on Jiangnan Confucianism will be of great help to forwarding both the present and the future academic exploration into Jiangnan area. Since"Jiangnan" and "Confucianism" are two concepts that are rich in content and always in transformation, the study of Jiangnan Confucianism should focus on the analysis of Confucian texts, in order to discover and clarify what has shaped its characteristics. Meanwhile, we should also investigate into the historical origin of Jiangnan Confucianism to reveal its overall structure, evolution path, and its impetus. Throughout its evolutionary process, although the division of the diverse academic schools in Jiangnan is relatively clear, it is still difficult to accurately define the term, Jiangnan Confucianism. On the one hand, the complex of the schools in Jiangnan area is still ambiguous as a whole; on the other hand, those distinctive schools are also closely related to each other, sharing common characteristics that are unique to Jiangnan. Since the geographical delimitation of Jiangnan changes slowly and is mainly caused by economic activities which also change in a gradual way, we should divide Jiangnan Confucianism not into dynasties, but into three longer periods: first, the birth of Jiangnan Confucianism from the Pre-Qin Dynasty to the Six Dynasties; second, the unrolling of it since the revolutions of Tang and Song Dynasties. And the change of the capital city to Beijing in the Ming dynasty further divides this period into two; third, its pursuit of modernization in recent few decades.
The southward shift of the economic and cultural center from North China to Jiangnan area is a noteworthy phenomenon in Chinese history. Jiangnan has since become a significant region and has also been a leading force since the reform and opening up policy was carried out. For a long time, Jiangnan has always been a focus in the field of Chinese Studies at home and abroad, and it has become a trend to study Jiangnan's society and culture on the basis of its economy. Confucianism is the core of traditional Chinese culture. And Jiangnan Confucianism has academic roots in Chinese history. The proposal of the study on Jiangnan Confucianism will be of great help to forwarding both the present and the future academic exploration into Jiangnan area. Since"Jiangnan" and "Confucianism" are two concepts that are rich in content and always in transformation, the study of Jiangnan Confucianism should focus on the analysis of Confucian texts, in order to discover and clarify what has shaped its characteristics. Meanwhile, we should also investigate into the historical origin of Jiangnan Confucianism to reveal its overall structure, evolution path, and its impetus. Throughout its evolutionary process, although the division of the diverse academic schools in Jiangnan is relatively clear, it is still difficult to accurately define the term, Jiangnan Confucianism. On the one hand, the complex of the schools in Jiangnan area is still ambiguous as a whole; on the other hand, those distinctive schools are also closely related to each other, sharing common characteristics that are unique to Jiangnan. Since the geographical delimitation of Jiangnan changes slowly and is mainly caused by economic activities which also change in a gradual way, we should divide Jiangnan Confucianism not into dynasties, but into three longer periods: first, the birth of Jiangnan Confucianism from the Pre-Qin Dynasty to the Six Dynasties; second, the unrolling of it since the revolutions of Tang and Song Dynasties. And the change of the capital city to Beijing in the Ming dynasty further divides this period into two; third, its pursuit of modernization in recent few decades.
引文
(1)参见Benjamin Schwartz,“The Intellectual History of China:Preliminary Reflections”,收入J.K.Fairbank(ed.) Chinese Thought and Institution,Chicago,1957.关于“思想史”的理解,Benjamin Schwartz在他的 The World of Thought in Ancient China,Harvard University Press,1985中以history of thought,history of ideas,intellectual history作有说明(参见“导言”部分及注1)。
(2)关于南北经济中心的转移及其完成的起点与终点,历史学界的看法不完全一致,关于社会与文化的中心转移也是如此。这里的讨论且取安史之乱为起点,明代为终点,但具体到江南儒学的孕生与演化,后文将结合江南的形成具体而论。
(3)钱穆在《国史大纲》中共用三章,即第三十八、三十九、四十章来梳理论证南移的问题,其中梳理南移现象与过程的部分集中在第三十八章“南北经济文化之转移(上)”,北京:九州出版社,2011年。
(4)森正夫:《陈子龙的江南论》,见氏著:《“地域社会”视野下的明清史研究:以江南和福建为中心》,南京:江苏人民出版社,2017年,第125～149页。
(5)晚清江南因太平天国战乱人口大减,有大批河南移民落户至浙江长兴与安徽广德之间(参见雷震:《我的母亲》,台北:台湾桂冠图书公司,1989年)。据移民至长兴的笔者父系族谱,笔者已是第八代。在改革开放以前,河南移民基本以村为聚居,语言与文化殊于当地。虽然这些移民村落基本分布在县域中相对偏僻落后之处,经济水准明显低于当地社群,但在文化上却有着某种属于集体无意识性质的代表中原文化的优越感,一个最显明的证据就是他们都把当地人称为“蛮子”。这也许不一定构成非常有力的证据,但至少可以提供一个田野性质的佐证。
(6)李学勤:《国学的主流是儒学,儒学的核心是经学》,见“光明网”2012年6月23日。
(7)程俊英:《诗经译注》,上海:上海古籍出版社,2014年,第2页。
(8)周振鹤:《释江南》,《中华文史论丛》第49辑,上海:上海古籍出版社,1992年。
(9)上海设县以及兴学,参见赵孟頫:《大德修学记》,《赵孟頫集》,杭州:浙江古籍出版社,2012年,第438页。
(10)冀朝鼎:《中国历史上的基本经济区与水利事业的发展》,北京:中国社会科学出版社,1981年,第8页。
(11)参见钱穆在《国史大纲》第三十九、四十章的论述。
(12)《欧阳修诗文集校笺》外集卷十《经旨·诗解八篇·王国风解》,上海:上海古籍书版社,2009年,第1602页。
(13)《论语·季氏》。
(14)《朱子语类》卷123:“君举到湘中一收,收尽南轩门人,胡季随亦从之问学。”北京:中华书局,1986年,第2961页。
(15)参见《宋恕集》卷九《哭六烈士》之《哭谭嗣同》中“空见文章嗣同甫”及其注,北京:中华书局,1993年,第815页。
(16)张广达为马小鹤的《霞浦文书研究》写的序,见马小鹤:《霞浦文书研究》,兰州:兰州大学出版社,2014年,第4页。
(17)《隋书》卷75《儒林》,北京:中华书局,1973年,第1706页。
(18)《南齐书》卷39《刘瓛陆澄传》,北京:中华书局,2017年,第763页。
(19)《四库全书总目提要》卷35《经部三十五》第一册,石家庄:河北人民出版社,2000年,第977页。
(20)《李白集校注》卷26《为宋中丞请都金陵表》,上海:上海古籍出版社,2016年,第1784页。
(21)《李白集校注》卷21《登金陵凤凰台》,第1456页。
(22)刘禹锡:《乌衣巷》,《全唐诗》卷365,北京:中华书局,1999年,第4127页。
(23)陈寅恪:《隋唐制度渊源略论稿·唐代政治史述论稿》,北京:三联书店,2001年,第160页。
(24)《权载之文集》卷36《送歙州陆使君员外赴任序》,北京:商务印书馆,1926年,第8页。
(25)《宋代江南经济史研究》,南京:江苏人民出版社,2001年,第80～82页。
(26)《龚自珍己亥杂诗注》之4自注,北京:中华书局,1980年,第3～4页。
(27)《龚自珍己亥杂诗注》之59自注,第81页。
(28)《龚自珍己亥杂诗注》之58自注,第79页。
(2)关于南北经济中心的转移及其完成的起点与终点,历史学界的看法不完全一致,关于社会与文化的中心转移也是如此。这里的讨论且取安史之乱为起点,明代为终点,但具体到江南儒学的孕生与演化,后文将结合江南的形成具体而论。
(3)钱穆在《国史大纲》中共用三章,即第三十八、三十九、四十章来梳理论证南移的问题,其中梳理南移现象与过程的部分集中在第三十八章“南北经济文化之转移(上)”,北京:九州出版社,2011年。
(4)森正夫:《陈子龙的江南论》,见氏著:《“地域社会”视野下的明清史研究:以江南和福建为中心》,南京:江苏人民出版社,2017年,第125～149页。
(5)晚清江南因太平天国战乱人口大减,有大批河南移民落户至浙江长兴与安徽广德之间(参见雷震:《我的母亲》,台北:台湾桂冠图书公司,1989年)。据移民至长兴的笔者父系族谱,笔者已是第八代。在改革开放以前,河南移民基本以村为聚居,语言与文化殊于当地。虽然这些移民村落基本分布在县域中相对偏僻落后之处,经济水准明显低于当地社群,但在文化上却有着某种属于集体无意识性质的代表中原文化的优越感,一个最显明的证据就是他们都把当地人称为“蛮子”。这也许不一定构成非常有力的证据,但至少可以提供一个田野性质的佐证。
(6)李学勤:《国学的主流是儒学,儒学的核心是经学》,见“光明网”2012年6月23日。
(7)程俊英:《诗经译注》,上海:上海古籍出版社,2014年,第2页。
(8)周振鹤:《释江南》,《中华文史论丛》第49辑,上海:上海古籍出版社,1992年。
(9)上海设县以及兴学,参见赵孟頫:《大德修学记》,《赵孟頫集》,杭州:浙江古籍出版社,2012年,第438页。
(10)冀朝鼎:《中国历史上的基本经济区与水利事业的发展》,北京:中国社会科学出版社,1981年,第8页。
(11)参见钱穆在《国史大纲》第三十九、四十章的论述。
(12)《欧阳修诗文集校笺》外集卷十《经旨·诗解八篇·王国风解》,上海:上海古籍书版社,2009年,第1602页。
(13)《论语·季氏》。
(14)《朱子语类》卷123:“君举到湘中一收,收尽南轩门人,胡季随亦从之问学。”北京:中华书局,1986年,第2961页。
(15)参见《宋恕集》卷九《哭六烈士》之《哭谭嗣同》中“空见文章嗣同甫”及其注,北京:中华书局,1993年,第815页。
(16)张广达为马小鹤的《霞浦文书研究》写的序,见马小鹤:《霞浦文书研究》,兰州:兰州大学出版社,2014年,第4页。
(17)《隋书》卷75《儒林》,北京:中华书局,1973年,第1706页。
(18)《南齐书》卷39《刘瓛陆澄传》,北京:中华书局,2017年,第763页。
(19)《四库全书总目提要》卷35《经部三十五》第一册,石家庄:河北人民出版社,2000年,第977页。
(20)《李白集校注》卷26《为宋中丞请都金陵表》,上海:上海古籍出版社,2016年,第1784页。
(21)《李白集校注》卷21《登金陵凤凰台》,第1456页。
(22)刘禹锡:《乌衣巷》,《全唐诗》卷365,北京:中华书局,1999年,第4127页。
(23)陈寅恪:《隋唐制度渊源略论稿·唐代政治史述论稿》,北京:三联书店,2001年,第160页。
(24)《权载之文集》卷36《送歙州陆使君员外赴任序》,北京:商务印书馆,1926年,第8页。
(25)《宋代江南经济史研究》,南京:江苏人民出版社,2001年,第80～82页。
(26)《龚自珍己亥杂诗注》之4自注,北京:中华书局,1980年,第3～4页。
(27)《龚自珍己亥杂诗注》之59自注,第81页。
(28)《龚自珍己亥杂诗注》之58自注,第79页。
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