土地调整的政治逻辑:对土地集体所有权的再思考
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摘要
在实地调查的基础上,以土地调整为切入点,试图重新理解"集体"和土地集体所有权。尽管近年来的土地制度改革使土地调整的空间不断被压缩,各地仍有不少自发的土地调整实践,因为农民无论从生存权、农业生产效率,还是从集体供应公共品的能力方面,都对土地调整有诉求。在此基础上,文章进一步考察了土地调整背后的政治逻辑,并发现土地调整的成功,需要村级组织不断处理过去的矛盾和问题,从而形成村庄秩序;也需要村集体不断将村民动员起来,无论是在土地调整方案的形成、钉子户的处理,还是在村民参与公共事务的积极性方面。正是在土地调整中,"集体"的土地权利可以被激活,"集体"的能动性可以得到发挥,因此,土地制度改革需要给村集体留出实践其所有权的空间。
Based on field researches,this paper attempts to re-think the "rural collective"and the collective land ownership by looking into land adjustment. Although the institutional space for land adjustment practice has been narrowed down in recent years,there are spontaneous land adjustment practices in different parts of China. This is because of the peasants' strong demand for equal division of land,land integration,and the "collective"to provide public goods. Furthermore,this paper explores the political dynamics of land adjustment,and has demonstrated that the success of land adjustment not only requires the village cadres to resolve the previous contradictions among villagers,so as to shape the village order,but also requires the mobilization of villagers to participate in the formation of land adjustment plans,in dealing with the nail households,and in playing active roles in public affairs. It has shown that the land ownership rights of "the village collective"could be activated by the adjustment of land. Therefore,the reform of land institutions should preserve the space for land adjustment.
Based on field researches,this paper attempts to re-think the "rural collective"and the collective land ownership by looking into land adjustment. Although the institutional space for land adjustment practice has been narrowed down in recent years,there are spontaneous land adjustment practices in different parts of China. This is because of the peasants' strong demand for equal division of land,land integration,and the "collective"to provide public goods. Furthermore,this paper explores the political dynamics of land adjustment,and has demonstrated that the success of land adjustment not only requires the village cadres to resolve the previous contradictions among villagers,so as to shape the village order,but also requires the mobilization of villagers to participate in the formation of land adjustment plans,in dealing with the nail households,and in playing active roles in public affairs. It has shown that the land ownership rights of "the village collective"could be activated by the adjustment of land. Therefore,the reform of land institutions should preserve the space for land adjustment.
引文
[1]刘承韪.产权与政治:中国农村土地制度变迁研究[M].北京:法律出版社,2012.
[2]桂华.论地权制度安排与土地集体所有制实现————兼评“三权分置”改革与《农村土地承包法》修订[J].马克思主义研究,2017(6):72-81.
[3]习近平:农村改革坚守“四个不能”底线[N].人民日报,2016-05-25.
[4]李尚蒲,罗必良.土地调整的内在机理及其影响因素分析[J].中国农村经济,2015(3):18-33.
[5]周其仁.产权与制度变迁:中国改革的经验研究[M].北京:社会科学文献出版社,2002.
[6]周雪光.“关系产权”:产权制度的一个社会学解释[J].社会学研究,2005(2):1-32.
[7]臧得顺.臧村“关系地权”的实践逻辑[J].社会学研究,2012(1):78-105.
[8]田先红,陈玲.“阶层地权”:农村地权配置的一个分析框架[J].管理世界,2013(9):69-88.
[9]Zhang Y,Wang X,Glauben T,et al. The Impact of Land Reallocation on Technical Efficiency:Evidence from China[J]. Agricultural Economics,2011(4):495-507.
[10]俞海,黄季焜,Scot Rozelle,等.地权稳定性、土地流转与农地资源持续利用[J].经济研究,2003(9):82-91.
[11]许庆,章元.土地调整地权稳定性与农民长期投资激励[J].经济研究,2005(10):59-69.
[12]Kung J K S. Common Property Rights and Land Reallocations in Rural China:Evidence from a Village Survey[J].World Development,2000,28(4):701-719.
[13]朱冬亮.土地调整:农村社会保障与农村社会控制[J].中国农村观察,2002(3):14-28.
[14]姚洋.中国农地制度:一个分析框架[J].中国社会科学,2000(2):54-65.
[15]毛丹,王萍.村级组织的土地调控权[J].社会学研究,2004(6):41-51.
[16]桂华.组织与合作:论中国基层治理二难困境———从农田水利治理谈起[J].社会科学,2010(11):68-77.
[17]袁松.富人治村:城镇化进程中的乡村权力结构转型[M].北京:中国社会科学出版社,2015.
[18]周飞舟.从汲取型政权到“悬浮型”政权[J].社会学研究,2006(3):1-38.
[19]焦长权.政权“悬浮”与市场“困局”:一种农民上访行为的解释框架[J].开放时代,2010(6):39-51.
(1)全村丈量土地时如果是300亩,分地时只能按298亩来分,必须匀出2亩来,防止土地不够分的情况,且丈量时的误差最多不能超过3公分。
[2]桂华.论地权制度安排与土地集体所有制实现————兼评“三权分置”改革与《农村土地承包法》修订[J].马克思主义研究,2017(6):72-81.
[3]习近平:农村改革坚守“四个不能”底线[N].人民日报,2016-05-25.
[4]李尚蒲,罗必良.土地调整的内在机理及其影响因素分析[J].中国农村经济,2015(3):18-33.
[5]周其仁.产权与制度变迁:中国改革的经验研究[M].北京:社会科学文献出版社,2002.
[6]周雪光.“关系产权”:产权制度的一个社会学解释[J].社会学研究,2005(2):1-32.
[7]臧得顺.臧村“关系地权”的实践逻辑[J].社会学研究,2012(1):78-105.
[8]田先红,陈玲.“阶层地权”:农村地权配置的一个分析框架[J].管理世界,2013(9):69-88.
[9]Zhang Y,Wang X,Glauben T,et al. The Impact of Land Reallocation on Technical Efficiency:Evidence from China[J]. Agricultural Economics,2011(4):495-507.
[10]俞海,黄季焜,Scot Rozelle,等.地权稳定性、土地流转与农地资源持续利用[J].经济研究,2003(9):82-91.
[11]许庆,章元.土地调整地权稳定性与农民长期投资激励[J].经济研究,2005(10):59-69.
[12]Kung J K S. Common Property Rights and Land Reallocations in Rural China:Evidence from a Village Survey[J].World Development,2000,28(4):701-719.
[13]朱冬亮.土地调整:农村社会保障与农村社会控制[J].中国农村观察,2002(3):14-28.
[14]姚洋.中国农地制度:一个分析框架[J].中国社会科学,2000(2):54-65.
[15]毛丹,王萍.村级组织的土地调控权[J].社会学研究,2004(6):41-51.
[16]桂华.组织与合作:论中国基层治理二难困境———从农田水利治理谈起[J].社会科学,2010(11):68-77.
[17]袁松.富人治村:城镇化进程中的乡村权力结构转型[M].北京:中国社会科学出版社,2015.
[18]周飞舟.从汲取型政权到“悬浮型”政权[J].社会学研究,2006(3):1-38.
[19]焦长权.政权“悬浮”与市场“困局”:一种农民上访行为的解释框架[J].开放时代,2010(6):39-51.
(1)全村丈量土地时如果是300亩,分地时只能按298亩来分,必须匀出2亩来,防止土地不够分的情况,且丈量时的误差最多不能超过3公分。